14. On the banks of the Indus
Crossing the Hindu Kush
As we travelled east from Media, we came across increasingly alien lands, where no Hellenes had dwelt before. Here in the far reaches of Asia, the very landscape itself seemed to veer towards the heroic, the plains seemed wider, the rivers larger and the mountains reaching up towards the heavens.
- Excerpt from Ptolemaios’
The Wars of Megas Alexandros
Having successfully pacified Bactria and Sogdia, Alexander now was poised to march into India, to reclaim those distant lands for his Empire. Settled in the new city of Alexandria-in-the-Caucasus he awaited the arrival of Krateros, who had mopped up the last resistance in eastern Iran and had planned a rendezvous with the Great King at the new city he founded. There had been regular contact between the two Macedonian armies, so Alexander was aware of what had happened on Krateros’ campaign.
While Alexander marched towards the Oxus in January 326 Krateros had marched south, to suppress the revolt in the regions of Areia, Drangiana and Arachosia. Areia was the region he reached first and was easily subjugated, its satrap Satibarzanes was dead and alongside him a large part of the region’s military levy. The region’s capital, the city Artacoana, fell to a quick and ferocious Macedonian assault, after which the city was plundered and the population deported. Most were send away to Babylon, but some were allowed to stay, the city of was renamed to Alexandria-in-Ariana and would function as the new capital of the region. With this almost Assyrian display of force Krateros hoped to imprint upon the locals that resistance was futile, and that any future revolts would be dealt with in the same manner. The founding of the new city and the razing of Artacoana were probably already approved by Alexander, who would not allow a general to do those things on his own initiative.
Having dealt with Areia then Krateros proceeded onwards to Drangiana and Arachosia, who were ruled by the same satrap, Barsaentes. He had supported Satibarzanes during his revolt, and thus could not hope for any leniency. The fighting here was fierce, enemy forces had taken to the hills from where they harassed the Macedonians and their supply convoys. Krateros had little patience for this, and divided up his army into several columns who were to subjugate the enemy centres of resistance. During those months the villages of Drangiana burned, at the slightest hint of resistance Krateros ordered the destruction of a settlement and its population. He himself commanded one column, 10000 strong, and two others of the same strength were led by Lysimachos and Nikanor, a son of Parmenion. Brutal though his tactics may be, it was successful and little by little, village by village he wore down Barsaentes’ resistance, until only the satrap’s capital at Zranka remained loyal to him. Zranka fell in February 325, with Barsaentes dying sword in hand, defending his city against the Macedonians.
Krateros’ campaign in Drangiana was one of the more bloody ones of this period, and unlike Alexander Krateros rarely gave his enemy any respite. The war had left the country decimated but docile. After the fall of Zranka Krateros remained there for a while, awaiting reinforcements, which he received in April 325. His army now 34000 strong he marched into the last rebellious satrapy, Arachosia. Perhaps they had heard of the approaching armies’ brutality, because Krateros’ march through Arachosia was entirely unremarkable, losing more men to the sometimes inhospitable terrain than to its inhabitants. Krateros installed some garrisons during his passage through the area but neglected to impose a proper government on the region. Formally at least Arachosia, Drangiana and Areia were merged into a single satrapy, that of Ariana. Erigyius, a friend and companion of Alexander, was made satrap of Ariana. Krateros, ever mindful of the well-being of his soldiers, (or at least the Macedonians among them) waited till he had confirmation that Alexander was also on the march again, and used that time to gather food and supplies for his army, to ensure it would be well-supplied during their crossing of the mountains. Another city was also founded, probably on orders of the King himself, suitably named Alexandria-in-Arachosia. It seems that for now Alexander did not mind naming cities after himself in the more distant parts of Asia, while in the core of the empire he sticked to his father’s name or more traditional ones.
In November of 325 the two armies joined up at Alexandria-in-the-Caucasus. It was a momentous occasion, one suited for conspicuous displays of propaganda. Alexander held Hellenic-style games and parades, and ordered the construction of 13 shrines, one to each of the major Olympian Gods and one to his father. The Macedonian elite off course celebrated with the long drinking sessions for which they were famous. Krateros was praised by the King himself for his capability and diligence, and from now onwards was more or less the second-in-command of the Macedonian army. Despite Alexander’s eagerness to march further the advance into India would have to wait several months, crossing the mountains and passes in the heart of winter would a foolish undertaking. It was thus after several months of rest that the Macedonian army gathered itself in March 324, 65000 strong, and marched off again. They would now march east, following the river they named the Cophen, which would bring them to the region known as Gandhara, the north-western frontier of India.
The march to India however would not be as easy as Alexander might have hoped. The Aspasians and the Assacenes, tribes who lived in the valleys near that of the Cophen, had no intention of just surrendering to the Great King of Asia. While Alexander himself and the main force under his command continued their march downriver Krateros was tasked with teaching the local tribes the meaning of obedience. They had to be subdued, otherwise they could threaten the supply line through the valley, something Alexander could not risk. Once again Krateros employed the brutal tactics he had used in Drangiana, storming and burning any village that dared to resist in a campaign that verged on the genocidal. Despite the brutality it seems his tactics were relatively successful against the Aspasians, especially after the capture and burning of their capital, a settlement the Greeks called Arigaion.
Storming of a stronghold in Gandhara
Perhaps forewarned by news about Krateros’ campaign the Assacenes decided not to await an assault on their settlements and decided to confront the invaders head-on. Alexander and the main part of the army, 40000 strong, had crossed the Khyber Pass and was now near the territory of the Assacenes. At a city called Peucelaoitis (Pushkalavati in Sanskrit) near the confluence of the Cophen and the Swat River they had gathered their troops, hoping to prevent either Alexander or Krateros from invading their lands. Alexander, who probably interpreted the situation as the Assacenes challenging him, had his army cross over to the north bank of the Cophen and then marched on Peucelaoitis. It was early May 324, and the Macedonian army, after successfully crossing the river encountered the gathered Assacenes on a plain near Peucelaoitis. Their army, supposedly consisting of 30000 infantrymen, 5000 cavalrymen and 30 elephants, was under the command of a king the Greek sources name Assacenus (probably not his real name). It was brave of Assacenus to try and make a stand against the Macedonians despite being outnumbered, but it was also very unwise. Alexander himself started the battle by attempting to outflank the Assacenes, who responded by sending their cavalry after him. The Assacenes were famed as horsemen but Alexander and his guard managed, after a fierce fight, to best them. Alexander himself was in particular danger during this battle when an Assacenan horseman managed to knock the king’s sword out of his hands with his axe. However, before he could start bludgeoning him Alexander was saved by one of his bodyguards, Hektor [1], who managed to gore the enemy with his spear before he could strike the king. The defeat of the Assacenes’ cavalry was more or less the end of the battle, their infantry could not stand up to the phalanx and when they were flanked by Alexander’s horsemen they were routed decisively. The city of Peucelaoitis surrendered after the battle, opening its gates to Alexander and his army, and was treated mildly by the victorious king.
After the battle at Peucelaoitis Alexander once again split his army. One part, 20000 men under command of Ptolemaios, were to proceed to the Indus and start the construction of a bridge across that river. Alexander himself and 20000 men would continue onward to Massaga, capital of the Assacenes and would try to rendezvous with Krateros and his army. Alexander proceeded to capture Massaga after a siege lasting a month, after which the city was mercilessly sacked, and king Assacenus himself died during the battle. Contact had been made with Krateros, who had broken the resistance of the Aspasians, and who now joined up with his king at Massaga. Afterwards Alexander subdued the strongholds at Bazira and Ora, both of whom also refused to open their gates, and then crossed the Shangla Pass to reach the Indus River in August 324. Upon reaching the river Alexander granted his men some respite, once again Hellenic Games were held and offerings were made to the gods on the banks of the Indus. After several days of rest the army gathered again and marched south on the banks of the Indus, towards a place called Hund were Ptolemaios and the army’s engineer corps had constructed a bridge across the great river.
The subjugation of the Indus Valley
The Great King Alexander, King of the Macedonians, Persians, Babylonians and all the peoples of Asia, Hegemon of the Hellenic League, ordered the construction of this monument to the memory of his father, Philip, who raised up the Macedonians from goat-herders to rulers of the world, and who was the first of his dynasty to rule over Asia.
- Inscription on a statue of Philippos Nikator found at Taxila
When Alexander and his army crossed the Indus they were not hindered by an enemy army trying to stop them. Indeed, the contrary was the case. Ptolemaios had already come into contact with Omphis (Ambhi in Sanskrit), the ruler of the wealthy city of Taxila (Taksashila), which was the preeminent power in the region. Omphis had been in conflict with another Indian ruler, Poros, who ruled a kingdom called Puru to the east of Taxila. Omphis had supplied Ptolemaios and his army with food and other supplies but had refused to meet with the Macedonian general. Now that the Great King himself had shown up he acquiesced and agreed to meet Alexander somewhere on the road between the Indus and Taxila itself. Omphis probably would have heard news that the Achaemenid dynasty had fallen to invaders from the far west, but it is unlikely he expected them to show up in his homeland. He must have known their reputation, and if not that he must have noticed the sheer size of Alexander’s army, and thus thought it better to submit and gain an ally than to fight and risk being destroyed altogether.
Having left his city with a large group of warriors and many members of his court in tow Omphis met Alexander on the road towards the city. Omphis publicly submitted himself to Alexander, throwing himself in the dust at the feet of the Great King. Gifts were exchanged: gold and silver, purple and saffron cloth were exchanged for ivory, spices and other Indian goods. Omphis would remain in charge of Taxila, and even had his domains enlarged. The city of Peucelaoitis, to the northwest of Taxila, where Alexander and Krateros had recently campaigned, was added to the domains of Omphis which meant he now controlled the entirety of Gandhara. Alexander also pledged to support him in his struggle with Poros. He would however need to accommodate and supply a Macedonian garrison at Taxila, a demand to which Omphis agreed. Afterwards Alexander and his army made an triumphant entrance into Taxila itself, where the Great King and his retinue were treated as honoured guests at the court of Omphis.
India, to the Hellenes, was a distant and almost mythical land, and no less so to Alexander and his troops. It was famed for its wealth and its wisdom, both of which were abundantly present in Taxila, for it controlled important trading routes and possessed a famous university. Alexander, while in Taxila, was apparently hesitant to continue his campaign and he remained in the city for several months. Some sources mention that he heard of the powerful kingdoms further into India, who could supposedly field millions of men and thousands of elephants. Others say that the reason for his hesitance was that he by now had reunified what was once the empire of Cyrus and Darius (at least in the east), and thus had no real justification for continuing to campaign in India. Another reason could be that he justliked the city and its surroundings. Whatever the case, it was while in Taxila that Alexander send envoys to Poros and Abisares [2], who ruled the hill country to the northeast of the city and had only recently succeeded his father, offering them to mediate their conflict with Omphis. Off course this offer of mediation also implied a subjugation to Alexander himself, just like Omphis had done, because they would allow him to dictate the peace. Instead of outright rejecting or accepting Alexander’s offer the Indian monarchs decided to stall, asking for more time to decide. Alexander then asked for a meeting, but the offer was rebuffed by Abisares, who claimed to be too ill to come and visit Alexander. Poros, too, claimed to be unable to meet Alexander.
Seeing that his attempts at diplomacy were failing Alexander must have decided that a show of force was necessary to convince Poros and Abisares to submit. It was then however that Alexander fell ill. As so often, the precise nature of the illness is unknown, and some argue that it wasn’t illness but in fact a poisoning that almost cost the king his life. Ptolemaios in his work about the campaigns of Alexander says that the reason for Alexander’s illness was a lingering exhaustion of the recent campaigns in combination with his excessive drinking. For several days in November 324 the king was unable to leave his bed and had trouble breathing and speaking. Some of his close companions might have exchanged nervous glances, who would know what would become of them if their king died here? Perhaps thankfully for them, Alexander would not die in India, and even if he had done, the succession was by now secure. Alexander had by now not seen his wife Artakama for more than three years, but their last meeting had been fruitful to say the least. Alexander was visited by his wife while he was in Arbela in June 327, while preparing for the campaign against Satibarzanes. A couple of weeks afterwards it became apparent that the queen was pregnant, and in March 326 Artakama gave birth to a pair of twins, a boy and a girl. The boy was named, unsurprisingly, Philip. The girl was given the name Cleopatra. At the time of their birth Alexander was in Bactria, but at receiving the news of their birth he gave his army a day of rest and personally made lavish offerings to the gods.
It is not known what Alexander’s original target was when he ordered his armies gathered before his illness, but when he recovered, late in October 324, it had become more than clear what Alexander’s next campaign would be. Perhaps because of rumours of his illness, or perhaps they perceived the Macedonians to be weaker than they actually were, Abisares had renounced any negotiations with Alexander and now decided to take the fight to Taxila itself. Abisares gathered his forces and was marching down the Indus while rumours reached Alexander that Poros was preparing his own army beyond the Hydaspes (Jhelum). Immediately Alexander sprung to action, gathering 20000 of his best troops, personally leading them north to confront Abisares. Krateros and Omphis he left behind in Taxila, with 40000 men of Alexander’s army and an unknown amount of Taxilans they would need to repel Poros in case he would try anything. Alexander marched north and came across Abisares and his army early in November 324.
It is unknown how large Abisares’ force was, but probably larger than Alexander’s. Alexander had the elite regiments of the phalanx, the hypasistai and the hetairoi with him. Also present were troops supplied by various allies and subject peoples, most notably horse-archers send by the Dahae and Saka. Abisares’ army consisted of infantry, many of whom were armed with longbows, chariots, some cavalry and elephants. Alexander had marched his army north in all haste, and thus managed to catch Abisares , who probably thought he was still ill or possibly even dead, off guard. Alexander had managed to position his army on a hill, while Abisares and his army were positioned on the riverbank. First Alexander send his horse-archers forward, to harass Abisares’ flanks. Abisares had in the meantime gathered his chariots and had them form up between his main force and the Macedonians on the hill, hoping to prevent the enemy from charging. From his vantage point on the hill Alexander sensed an opportunity for a great victory, he ordered the phalanx (under command of Ptolemaios) forward, supported by the Agrianians and other light infantry. In the meantime Alexander had gathered the hetairoi and charged forward, followed close behind by the hypaspistai. The Indian chariots, large vehicles accommodating up to 6 men, could be a fearsome sight in battle, but here on a muddy riverbank their utility was greatly reduced, many of them got stuck in the mud. Alexander thus smashed through the line of chariots with the hetairoi, after which the hypaspistai dealt with the rest. Abisares, seeing the elite of his army destroyed before his eyes, ordered his infantry forward, supported by 50 elephants, in the hope of breaking through the phalanx.
The phalanx now clashed with the Indian infantry, which generally lacked heavy armour and had no practical answer to the long sarissa of the Macedonians, and thus was gradually pushed back towards the river. The phalanx did suffer though, the arrows shot with Indian longbows inflicted grievous wounds upon the phalangites, as did some of the elephants who managed to barge into the flank of the phalanx. Most of the elephants however had been successfully countered by Alexander’s light infantry, who pelted them with missiles and tried to take out their riders. Alexander now led the hetairoi into the flank of the Indian infantry and broke them utterly, with their backs against the river many could only try to swim to safety. Abisares had not survived the battle, he died fighting from atop his elephant when he was struck by several arrows. The battle of the Indus was a great victory for Alexander, but its greatest effect would only become apparent when Alexander returned to Taxila in December 324.
After the battle Alexander did not chase after the remains of Abisares’ army, instead he returned to Taxila to plan a campaign against Poros. Shortly after his return however Alexander received welcome news; Poros was now willing to meet and negotiate with him. Despite possessing a larger domain and army than Abisares it seems that Alexander’s crushing victory convinced Poros that attempting to resist Alexander could only lead to defeat. A meeting was arranged, Poros would come to Taxila and would submit himself to Alexander, who would mediate his conflict with Omphis. The exact nature of the peace treaty between the two Indian princes is unknown, but both appeared to be content with it. Omphis had already seen his domains expanded by submitting to Alexander, and now Alexander promised Poros the same, and also gave him gifts of gold and silver. Poros could thus return home with cartloads of gold and other precious wares and had the promise of aid for expanding his realm in the future. On the other hand he would need to accommodate Macedonian garrisons and would need to deliver men and supplies for Alexander’s further endeavours in India.
Already preparations were underway for the next part of the campaign. Around this time Alexander received reinforcements from the west, 8000 Macedonian phalangites, 10000 light troops, mostly Persian and Thracian in origin, and 2000 cavalrymen predominantly from Media and Babylonia. Alexander’s army was now, including local troops and garrisons, around 100000 strong, an enormous force for his day and age. The next target of Alexander were the areas downstream from the Indus and Hydaspes. Among the Hellenes there was some confusion about the exact nature of the river, some even believed that the Indus was in fact the same river as the Nile, because both rivers had crocodiles. It must have been in Taxila that Alexander and his men learned that sailing down the Indus did not mean that you would end up in Egypt but instead the river flowed down into the sea that would lead directly to the Persian Gulf and Babylonia. This was promising to the Great King, for it meant that he could link the valleys of Mesopotamia and the Indus together via the sea. Determined to reach the sea he ordered the construction of a fleet on the banks of the Indus. Ptolemaios would command the forces aboard this fleet, 15000 men in total, and had orders to subjugate the lands beside the Indus till the point where it, as far as the Greeks were aware, would join the Acesines. Alexander himself would take a larger army, 40000 in total, and would sail down the Hydaspes and subjugate the lands near that river. Poros had informed him of the presence of powerful tribes further downstream, which was the reason for his larger army. When Alexander reached the Hydaspes he founded a city, not named after himself or his father but after his horse, Bucephalus, who had died the month before. The city would be known as Bucephala [3], and would become an important Macedonian stronghold in the coming years and the site of an important garrison.
After the founding of Bucephala Alexander and his army, now also reinforced by Poros, sailed down the Hydaspes. At first they encountered almost no resistance, and if they did it was brutally put down. Alexander’s army was well-rested and supplied, consisting mostly of soldiers who did not serve during the short campaign against Abisares. During this part of the campaign Alexander lost more men to the swift currents than to enemy attacks. However upon approaching the confluence of the Hydaspes and the Hydraotis, around March 323, he learned that the two most powerful tribes of the area, the Mallians (Malava) and the Oxydrakes (Kshudraka) had joined forces to oppose his passage through the region. Never one to back down from a challenge, Alexander encamped his army on the north bank of the Hydraotis, opposite the alliance opposing him. He kept most of his forces in place, which meant that the Mallians and their allies did the same, but in the depths of the night Alexander send 5000 men further upstream under the command of Koinos, where they were to cross the river and outflank their enemies. The ruse seemed to work, the Mallians did not suspect anything. The next day Alexander formed up his army and had his soldiers board ships and rafts, to cross the Hydraotis and assault the enemy positions. Siege engines bombarded the Indians, but despite that they formed up on the riverbank to oppose the Macedonians. It was at that moment however that suddenly their rear came under attack from Koinos’ forces. It must have been a shock to the Mallians and Oxydrakes, who expected to fight half-drowned Macedonians on the riverbank. Panic must have gripped their ranks, and in the confusion they probably didn’t notice that their attackers were relatively few in numbers. Alexander in the meantime managed to cross the river with a vanguard and launched his assault, as always he fought in the frontlines. After several hours it was over, the Mallians and Oxydrakes fled the field but soon afterwards send envoys to Alexander, to offer him their surrender. Alexander accepted and subsequently marched his army to the citadel of the Mallians, where he received tribute and installed a garrison. Alexander renamed the city Artakameia, after his wife, and then left the area. For now its government was not yet arranged, but in due time it would become part of the satrapy of the Lower Indus.
Alexander proceeded onwards, determined as he was to reach the ocean, and reached the confluence of the Acesines and the Indus, where he was awaited by Ptolemaios, who had subjugated the lands beside the Indus without much trouble. At this location he founded the city of Alexandria-on-the-Indus. After making offerings to the gods and overseeing the founding of the city Alexander already left again, not granting his army much respite. He invaded the territory of a certain king Musicanus (Mûshika) who quickly submitted, and not long afterwards other local rulers such as Oxicanus and Sambus also offered their submission. Alexander then marched further south, where he besieged and captured the city of Patala, and not long afterwards he reached the shores of the ocean itself. Once again offerings were made to the gods in thanksgiving for what was achieved. At Patala Alexander had another fleet constructed under supervision of Nearchus, his most trusted admiral, who was to lead a flotilla back to Babylonia and thus establish a naval route between the two river valleys. The lower Indus was organised in a single satrapy, to be governed from Alexandria-on-the-Indus, with Lysimachos named its first satrap. Alexander himself however would not yet return to the west. Instead he returned to Taxila, where he arrived in June 323, just before the onset of the monsoon. Alexander had heard during his campaigns of a mighty kingdom further to the east, on the banks of the river Ganges. He had also heard that while it possessed a large army and was very rich its current ruler was hated by his own people and inept. For Alexander, now seeing a chance to outdo his Achaemenid predecessors, it must have seemed like a perfect opportunity.
Footnotes
- Youngest son of Parmenion, OTL he drowned in the Nile during Alexander’s conquest of Egypt. That obviously didn’t happen in this timeline, so he’s still alive.
- Not OTL Abisares, who was dead by this point, but his son, whose name is unknown but since the names of Indian rulers as recorded by the Greeks was often a reference to their territory I assume he too would be called Abisares.
- Same place as OTL, rather convenient, isn’t it?
