Horus Triumphant - an Alternate Antiquity timeline

[phoenix101]

Well. I guess that in this timeline, Egypt as depicted in eventual video games will still have a wonder-building bonus.

Monument building is certainly a well-established Egyptian tradition by now.

I am guessing no great lighthouse this time around though?

No, not at Alexandria at least.

"Very finely woven cloth" Silk perhaps?

Quite possibly!

Oh dear. So, Ptolemaios is not long for this world and despite his heir being the son of a formidable and popular woman, the succession is going poorly, again.

Succession can be a contentious issue, as the OTL Diadochi show, but don't worry, Ptolemaios still has a long reign left.

though the rise of Aristion will be a concern for him as it will threaten his authority in Sogdia, Bactria, and the rest of Central Asia.

Aristion is just an explorer, not much more than that.

Great stuff , a map would be really good

The last map is pretty much still how the world looks, the only big difference being Italy.

The Demetrian kingdom must be incredibly militarized for Perdiccas to believe he can win. The size disparity as of the end of the first war of Argead Succession is massive and Ptolemaios controls a lot of huge metropoles like Damascus and Babylon itself.

That's true, but the most important part to the militaries of both sides of the conflict is still the Macedonian phalanx, mostly recruited from the local Graeco-Macedonian population, which should make it somewhat more equal (although probably the amount of Greeks in Syria and Mesopotamia slightly outnumbers those in Anatolia). Persians and Medes provide some infantry but mostly cavalry and the eastern Iranian satrapies are practically only supplying cavalry. Both sides also recruit lots of mercenaries. But you are right in pointing out the disparity between the two, for Perdiccas it will be a strike-fast-and-hard campaign.

Two notes about last update:
1. I've noticed that in the last map the area that the Demetrians have gained (basically the southern shore of the Sea of Marmara) is already theirs, its an oversight on my part, so for the sake of the story I'll state that it was part of the Thraco-Bithynian Kingdom, so the map is wrong in that part.
2. The epithet that I've given Perdiccas 'Tryphon' actually means luxurious instead of magnificent, which doesn't really seem fitting. So I'll probably change it to something else.

 

[phoenix101]

I've changed the last update; Perdiccas' epithet is now Eusebes (pious). Also, there won't be an update this week, work is rather busy, so the next update will probably be sometime next week.

 

[phoenix101]

66. The Second War of the Argead Succession, part 1

Perdiccas thus assembled his troops and prepared for war against Ptolemaios; thus setting off another great contest of arms, a fate from which the descendants of Philip and Alexander were seemingly unable to escape.

- Excerpt from Antikles of Massalia’s History of the Hellenes vol. 3: from Philippos Nikator to the Polemarcheia

To someone not very interested in history the series of wars that dominated the later parts of the third century BCE might seem complex and obtuse; for seemingly little gain the great Hellenistic powers fought each other in several conflicts. The primary reason for those wars was mostly just control over land, trade and resources, but it was often underpinned by ideology: both sides claimed to be the rightful heir to Philip and Alexander, to the entire Argead Empire and the throne of Asia. During the periods of peace between the conflicts diplomacy was often awkward: Demetrian sources refer to the Great King in Eupatoria as ‘the king of Babylonia’, and the Argead sources refer to the Demetrian ruler as ‘the tyrant of Ionia’, but they nevertheless were capable of living in relative peace, and during the following century the families even intermarried. Of course in the end neither side gained much, and arguably both sides were only weakened by the fighting.

The catalyst of the Second War of the Argead Succession was the treachery of Thrason; the satrap of Cilicia who decided to switch sides when he heard that Ptolemaios had sentenced him to death for his incompetence and brutality. Seeking refuge at the Demetrian court in Ephesos Perdiccas could easily have rebuked him and sent him packing back to Eupatoria; that this didn’t happen, that he immediately seized this opportunity to wage war indicates that the Demetrian king had confidence in his ability to defeat Ptolemaios. He was probably also encouraged by his recent victories over Hephaistion of Macedonia and Herakleides of Thrace [1], and thus, after some initial correspondence urging Ptolemaios to reinstate Thrason, Perdiccas declared war: he claimed that Ptolemaios was an usurper and that he was the rightful Great King of Asia.

The war started late in 236, and one of its first actions was not a military assault but a diplomatic coup: the Kingdom of Cappadocia had been an Argead vassal since the early 240’s, when its king Ariobarzanes was in name a vassal of Eupatoria but in practice independent [2]. Ariobarzanes died in 238, his eponymous son, an ambitious warlord eager to assert his own independence, succeeded him; if Perdiccas had not started a war then perhaps Ptolemaios would have needed to deal with Ariobarzanes II. As Cappadocia covered much of eastern Anatolia and, crucially, controlled a stretch of the routes that connected Cilicia with the Aegean coast, its support was crucial for Perdiccas. At the same time that messengers went back and forth between Ephesos and Eupatoria others visited Mazaka, the Cappadocian capital, and quickly a deal was struck. When the war did break out Ariobarzanes II declared that he no longer recognised Ptolemaios as the rightful Great King; an alliance was signed with Perdiccas and the Argead garrison at Mazaka was slaughtered. A detachment of Cappadocian cavalry joined up with Perdiccas on his march east, Ariobarzanes II however remained in his kingdom: his rule was still somewhat precarious, one of his brothers had attempted a coup the previous year, and he feared what might happen if he left his kingdom unattended.

And thus Perdiccas marched into Cilicia in the Spring of 235, forcing his way through the Cilician Gates after some minor skirmishes with the local defenders, and at first his advance was like a triumphal march: Nikon of Zeugma, a Syrian chronicler who personally witnessed the war, claimed that Perdiccas spent more time dining and making offerings than actually fighting; for a while it must have seemed as if the wealth and splendour of Perdiccas would carry him to victory. Tarsus, after some initial hesitation, opened its gates to the conqueror, as did Adana. His fleet proceeded from its bases on Cyprus and Phoenicia to blockade the ports of Syria, the most important being Alexandria-in-Syria and Ptolemaïs-by-the-Sea [3]. It was at Philippi-on-the-Pyramus [4] that the Demetrian army first met staunch resistance: it was there that Magas, strategos of Syria and Cilicia, had decided to make his stand against the invaders. Loyal to Ptolemaios and his dynasty Magas was unwilling to yield Cilicia without a fight, but while he was a capable military administrator he turned out to be a somewhat hapless commander: his army, consisting mostly of local levies and hastily hired mercenaries, was outmanoeuvred and, after some skirmishes, forced to retreat by the more experienced Demetrian force. Magas relented and returned to Syria, where he set up his defences around the Syrian Gate, while at the same time awaiting Ptolemaios, who was raising his forces in the east.

Around the same time Thrasyboulos, Perdiccas’ second-in-command, had landed in Phoenicia with a force 10000 strong, and after raising additional forces among the local cities and communities he also marched into Syria, besieging Ptolemaïs-by-the-Sea and launching raids into the Syrian countryside, forcing Magas to divide his army. Perdiccas, in the meantime, had decided not to march south and confront Magas, after which he could have pushed onwards towards the Orontes and cities like Nikatoris, instead from Cilicia he proceeded eastwards. At the Amanian Gate he forced his way through; the garrison which guarded the pass was routed by a daring midnight assault in which Perdiccas’ Saunitai mercenaries played a key role. After securing the Amanian Gate he marched towards the Euphrates, where he hoped to secure Zeugma and the crossing of that river. Somewhere along the way he must have heard that Ptolemaios and his army were already on the west bank of the river; a decisive clash seemed imminent. Some sources mention that Perdiccas hesitated, but that his generals urged to push onwards; they made a comparison with the situation almost a century before, when Philip Nikator after chasing the Achaemenids out of Cilicia defeated them decisively in Syria [5]. Offerings were made, portents observed, and they were judged to be positive: Perdiccas thus decided to march forth and confront Ptolemaios.

The Argead cavalry charges at Cyrrhus​

Ptolemaios too was confident of victory: he commanded a sizeable army, 40000 strong, centred around a core of veterans who had served underneath him and his father for several decades now. The phalanx was raised among the Greek and Macedonian population of Babylonia, as were the battalions of the hetairoi, the Medes and Persians supplied cavalry and light infantry, from Bactria came heavy cavalry and Saka horse-archers. Also present in his army were 200 Indian elephants, a special squadron of the hetairoi known as the Agema, i.e. the royal guard. The Athanatoi (Immortals) were also there; recruited among the Iranian nobility they consisted of both cavalry and infantry. When the threat of Perdiccas became clear Ptolemaios ordered his army to be assembled; it is testament to the excellent logistics of the Argead Empire that it managed to do so before the Demetrians even reached the Euphrates. After the news reached him that Perdiccas had crossed the Amanus Mountains Ptolemaios decided to march out; the two armies near the town of Cyrrhus [6], named after a Macedonian city by its settlers and namesake of Cyrrhestica, the region between Nikatoris and the Euphrates.

Fought in May 235 the battle of Cyrrhus was the largest since the battle of the Halys, 20 years before [7]. Perdiccas’, whose army also depended upon a core of veterans complimented by regional levies and mercenaries, had the slightly larger army and seized the initiative early on in the battle: his light cavalry chased away Ptolemaios’ screen of skirmishers and afterwards harassed the flanks of the Argead army. Ptolemaios decided to oblige him; the phalanx, under command of the chiliarch Attalos, formed up and marched forth, protected on its flanks by the elephants. Perdiccas too ordered his phalanx forwards: the battle however would not be decided by them. On Ptolemaios’ right flank a mass charge of his cavalry, both hetairoi and Bactrian cataphracts, managed to rout the Demetrian forces opposing them; a mix of Thracian and Greek cavalry, greatly aided by the presence of Ptolemaios’ elephants. Vabarzes, commander of the hetairoi and general of the cavalry, was however unable to rein in his troops; instead of reforming and striking the Demetrian rear they instead started plundering the enemy camp, believing that they had already won the battle.

Trouble soon started for Ptolemaios on his left flank: several of his elephants stationed there, under constant harassment by Perdiccas’ light troops, ran amok; sensing an opportunity Perdiccas committed his own elite cavalry to force a breakthrough. As panic spread throughout the Argead ranks Ptolemaios saw himself forced to act; together with the Agema he rode in; he threw away his helmet so that his men could see him and he himself held aloft the royal banner, encouraging his men to stand fast. This brave action thus secured his flank, and perhaps prevented the complete rout of his forces, but his phalanx was slowly but surely pushed back: the Demetrian left flank had reformed itself and once again advanced while Vabarzes was still attempting to rally his cavalry, to no avail. Several assaults by Perdiccas’ Celtic and Saunitai mercenaries on the flanks of the phalanx were repelled by Ptolemaios’ troops, most notably the infantry of the Athanatoi, but it became increasingly clear that Perdiccas had the upper hand. Slowly but surely the Argead troops started falling back to their camp: Ptolemaios ordered his Saka and Parthian light cavalry forward to cover their retreat, which was aided by the sudden onset of a thunderstorm late in the afternoon.

The battle of Cyrrhus was a victory for Perdiccas, but not the decisive one that he sought: Ptolemaios retreated beyond the Euphrates but could still raise large armies in the east. For Ptolemaios it was a bitter defeat, but certainly not fatal: while some might have questioned the Great King’s military decisions none questioned his right to rule, at least for now. Despite Cyrrhus fortuitous news did soon thereafter reach Ptolemaios: Magas had forced Thrasyboulos into battle just south of Nikatoris and had crushed him decisively, the general himself did not survive the battle and his forces retreated back to Phoenicia. The eventual outcome of the war thus remained in the balance.

Footnotes

1. See update 65
2. See update 55
3. OTL Seleucia Pieria and Laodicea respectively
4. OTL Seleucia on the Pyramus, also known as Mopsuestia
5. See update 7
6. Same location as OTL
7. See update 51

 

[phoenix101]

Some slight changes in my schedule gave me some time write, so at least there's still an update this week.

 

[Denliner]

Ptolemaios might've been defeated but he's not out for the count just yet. I wonder whether Perdiccas is going to invade Mesopotamia or if he's going to stay put in Cilicia. Considering his ambitions, he might opt for the former, but he'll have to contend with the cavalry at their home turf with the war not entirely in his favor.

Can't wait to see where this conflict goes next.

 

[Icedaemon]

I am guessing that this war is going to involve more than one slim and indecisive victory for both sides, with neither claimant ending up with the whole Argead empire?

 

[Lalli]

I am guessing that this war is going to involve more than one slim and indecisive victory for both sides, with neither claimant ending up with the whole Argead empire?

You are probably right. Considering latest map it seems that they can't really defeat each others and at end there would be just uneasy peace if then some claimant is not killed at battle. Worse would be if they both are killed which would make things really messy.

 

[phoenix101]

No update this week, I'm rather busy and there was a heatwave which meant that I didn't feel like sitting behind a laptop writing. With some luck the next update, dealing with the rest of the Second War of the Argead Succession, will be next week.

 

[imperiusdamian]

No update this week, I'm rather busy and there was a heatwave which meant that I didn't feel like sitting behind a laptop writing. With some luck the next update, dealing with the rest of the Second War of the Argead Succession, will be next week.

Looking forward to it! You've inspired me to work on my own TL, no Sea Peoples invasion so the 20th Dynasty retains its strength....

 

[phoenix101]

You've inspired me to work on my own TL, no Sea Peoples invasion so the 20th Dynasty retains its strength....

Always great to see another Egypt TL! Will the Sea Peoples just not appear or are they defeated before reaching Egypt? I guess another thing to avoid for a succesful 20th Dynasty is the cavalcade of bad kings that followed Ramesses III.

 

[imperiusdamian]

Always great to see another Egypt TL! Will the Sea Peoples just not appear or are they defeated before reaching Egypt? I guess another thing to avoid for a succesful 20th Dynasty is the cavalcade of bad kings that followed Ramesses III.

They'll appear but unlike OTL the Hittite vassal states will remain loyal to their suzerain so the Sea Peoples will be defeated in Asia Minor. This will mean the Egyptian economy will be less strained so Ramesses III and his successors will have less trouble governing.

 

[phoenix101]

67. The Second War of the Argead Succession, part 2

After his victory at Cyrrhus Perdiccas marched his army to the Euphrates, his soldiers adorned with garlands and displaying the spoils they captured from Ptolemaios, and there they celebrated a great festival: amidst parades, athletics and feasts he made offerings to the gods; and in this way he hoped to signal his triumph to all of Asia.

- Excerpt from The Syrian Chronicle by Nikon of Zeugma

Thus the Great King returned to his capital, and at every place where he sojourned he erected a monument to victory, regardless of the outcome of the war.

- Excerpt from Ptolemaios Eupator from The Lives of Kings and Commanders by Yatonreshef of Hisbaal

The battle of Cyrrhus, while not the decisive clash that both parties had sought, was certainly consequential: the Great King of Asia had been sent packing beyond the Euphrates and Perdiccas had gained control over much of northern Syria. Many of his commanders urged to press onward, to repeat that which his ancestor Philip Nikator once achieved: overthrowing the eastern despot who ruled in Babylon. When Perdiccas reached the Euphrates near Zeugma he indeed vowed to march east, to claim the Throne of Asia, but he was in no hurry to embark upon his Anabasis: much of Syria remained in Argead hands, including all of its great cities: the threat those would pose to his supply lines and rear was simply too great to ignore. Undoubtedly he also must have considered the difficulties that his father and uncle had faced in Mesopotamia: both, after all, failed to dislodge their enemies from Babylon. Perdiccas, despite the bluster about marching east, was thus perhaps less eager to do so than he publicly claimed; certainly his later actions imply this.

For Ptolemaios the battle must have been a bitter defeat, but not a fatal one: he managed to retreat in good order and regrouped beyond the Euphrates. His losses were greatest among his elite cavalry, those who charged early on in the battle, broke the Demetrian flank and ransacked their camp, before realizing that the battle had turned and Ptolemaios was forced to retreat: many of them were killed or captured in the confusion that followed. For a realm as large and prosperous as the Argead Empire their loss, while stinging, was not irreplaceable: already among the scions of the Helleno-Babylonian aristocracy, the Iranian nobility and the lords of Bactria new cavalry squadrons were raised. Mercenaries were hired from among the Arabs and the Caucasian states, the satraps of Media, Rhagiana and Atropatene were ordered to gather additional troops, the strategos of Armenia was ordered to launch raids into Cappadocia; certainly Ptolemaios was not about to give up the fight. In this he was aided by his reforms: with the notable exception of Thrason, whose defection started the war, the satraps and generals of the invaded satrapies remained loyal to Ptolemaios: a far cry from what happened during the First War of the Argead Succession when local rulers often changed sides. Despite his loss at Cyrrhus Ptolemaios’ position was thus still formidable: in the months that followed he remained in northern Mesopotamia, rebuilding his army while carefully monitoring the situation in Syria. Aside from some Demetrian raids into Assyria there was practically no action east of the Euphrates.

Ptolemaios thus held firm; had he retreated further to Eupatoria and Babylon perhaps Perdiccas would have given chase, but now he would not risk it. Instead Perdiccas, after leaving behind some garrisons on the Euphrates, decided to focus on the cities of Syria. Sadly for him however the cities of Syria had impressive fortifications and were well-supplied: Alexandria-in-Syria [1], located at the mouth of the Orontes, he managed to capture with the aid of his fleet, but at the other great cities of the satrapy he was not so lucky. At Nikatoris, the metropolis of Syria and one of Asia’s largest cities, he failed to breach the walls: despite extensive siegeworks throughout the latter months of 235 several attempts at storming the city failed, while at the same time the Demetrian army was continuously harassed by Magas and his forces, who remained in the field and evaded a direct confrontation with Perdiccas. Unable to force a decision in Syria the Demetrian ruler then decided to focus his efforts on the south: towards Philistia and Judea.

In Syria he left behind a sizeable force under command of one of his close companions [2], a dashing commander named Alkmaion who had proved himself several times during the campaign: it was he who commanded the troops that captured the Amanian Gate and it was he who reorganised the Demetrian flank at Cyrrhus after it was shattered by the charge of the Argead cavalry. Perdiccas went south early in 234: he bypassed Ptolemais-by-the-Sea [3], which was well-fortified and home to a large garrison, and marched into Phoenicia; there he resupplied and gathered reinforcements. His ensuing campaign was in practice a march down the Levantine coast: making the most of his naval supremacy first he crushed an Argead fleet near Akko; afterwards he used his ships both to resupply his army and to intimidate the cities of the area: the largest of his ships allowed for the placement of catapults and ballistae on their deck which he used to great effect. The general in charge of the Philistia and Judea, a mercenary commander named Agnodoros, did attempt to stop Perdiccas’ advance. After having secured most of the coastline, except the southern part, Perdiccas marched inland: near Shechem he came across Agnodoros’ force. The army Agnodoros commanded consisted mostly of mercenaries and levies commanded by their local rulers: many of whom saw the current conflict as rather hopeless: Ptolemaios had already retreated beyond the Euphrates and Babylon was far away. And thus, despite their seemingly superior position (they must have been much more familiar with the hilly terrain than the Demetrian army) upon first contact with the enemy Agnodoros’ army fell apart: a charge of Perdiccas’ cavalry scattered them with ease.

Demetrian cavalry​

Agnodoros, who was aware of his precarious situation, gathered what forces he could and retreated north, to Damascus. Perdiccas in the meantime secured Jerusalem, where he entered in triumph, although he, at the insistence of the Judean priesthood, did not visit the city’s famous temple. In the meantime a second Demetrian army had secured the coast all the way up to Gaza, most towns had surrendered without resistance: he had thus secured the area between Phoenicia and Egypt. The local rulers were, in this instance, quick to recognise their new master: to Ptolemaios the region had always been somewhat peripheral and thus neglected in favour of other border zones such as Syria and Bactria. Perdiccas played well the part of magnanimous conqueror: local Hellenic aristocrats, Judean high priests or Arab chieftains, all were treated generously by the Demetrian Great King. Throughout the year 234 he made sure that his rule over the region was secure: he garrisoned strategic places, commandeered supplies and levied auxiliaries from the local population, he even had the time to found a new city: at a coastal village known as Straton’s Tower he ordered the construction of a large harbour, a temple to Poseidon; he left behind a sizeable force of his veterans to guard and settle the place, which became known as Demetrias-in-Phoenicia [4]. In the autumn of 234 Perdiccas felt secure enough to return north to Syria, where he hoped to complete his conquest of the Eastern Mediterranean.

During Perdiccas’ absence Alkmaion had continued his attempts at seizing the Argead strongholds in Syria, but to no avail: continuously harassed in the field he was unable to sustain a long siege of any of the Syrian cities, and a vast swathe of territory remained under control of Magas, Argead strategos of Syria. At the end of 234 the news arrived which everyone must have expected by then: Ptolemaios had once again crossed the Euphrates with a large army: near Beroea (Aleppo) Alkmaion attempted to halt the Argead advance, and while he did fight bravely in the end he could not withstand the onslaught. Alkmaion had gambled everything on a charge of his own cavalry, only to be parried by Ptolemaios’ elite Agema: still he managed to regroup in good order and rallied his troops, as the phalanxes clashed it was Argead numerical superiority which in the end forced Alkmaion to concede the field. Under the cover of night he did manage to retreat with a sizeable force which he managed to lead back to Cilicia, where he fortified the Syrian Gates. Ptolemaios in the meantime evicted the remaining Demetrian garrisons and recaptured Alexandria-in-Syria, where he also captured a part of the Demetrian fleet docked there. Syria thus was back in the Argead fold.

It was probably when Perdiccas heard of these reversals that he hastened his march northwards: through the valley of the Jordan and past the Sea of Galilee, he marched onwards to Damascus, which he hoped to seize. Ptolemaios had sent south a secondary force under the command of the chiliarch Attalos, who was already quite old but also had been a stalwart supporter of Ptolemaios and his father; he could certainly be counted upon to hold the line against Perdiccas. Early in 233 Ptolemaios himself would lead his forces against Alkmaion in Cilicia, and initially his campaign went quite well: he captured the Syrian Gates and surged onwards into Cilicia itself. But while crossing the Pyramos near Anazarbus disaster struck for the Argead army: Ptolemaios’ scouts had not done their work well, and while the riverbanks were covered in a heavy fog the Argead army crossed, only to be confronted by a sudden Demetrian assault after reaching the opposite bank. Alkmaion had in the meantime crossed the river further upstream with a cavalry force, including Cappadocians sent by Ariobarzanes, and assaulted the Argead flank at the same time as the Argead vanguard came under attack on the riverbank. Unable to judge the situation due to the heavy fog panic gripped the Argead army; Ptolemaios however did manage to rally his elite troops and fought off Alkmaion’s assault. But his army was in shambles: much of his supply convoy had been torched in the confusion and to make matters worse a part of the army’s treasury had also been carted off by Alkmaion; Ptolemaios thus had no other option than to retreat to Syria.

Perdiccas, in the meantime, must have been happy to hear the news about Anazarbus, but he himself was still stuck outside Damascus. As it guarded the inland routes towards the Orontes and the Euphrates Damascus was well-fortified, and recently reinforced by Attalos: it had already repelled several assaults by Perdiccas. Perhaps Perdiccas would have continued his siege, were it not for the news that reached him from the west. He was eager to establish an empire in the east, but he could not afford the ignore the Aegean, and the ongoing struggle in Greece could upset the balance of power. It was thus that envoys were sent to Ptolemaios, who was recovering from some minor wounds he received at Anazarbus in Nikatoris. After some deliberations with his ministers the Great King agreed to a peace treaty: Cilicia, Judea and Philistia were ceded to Perdiccas. Some were puzzled by how quickly Ptolemaios agreed to cede those lands, but it seems he never saw the peace treaty as something more than just a truce, as the Third War of the Argead Succession broke out only several years later. It is also important to consider that Ptolemaios was raised in Bactria, claimed the kingship in Persia and ruled from a new capital on the Tigris: his worldview was not oriented around the Mediterranean but around what had become the heartlands of the Argead Empire, Babylonia, Persia and Bactria. Perdiccas thus returned to Ephesos, and Ptolemaios to Eupatoria, and both would celebrate a magnificent triumph.

Footnotes

1. OTL Seleucia-in-Pieria
2. In this aspect the Demetrian Kingdom resembled the old Macedonian model quite well, for the king ruled mostly with support of his close friends and associates, in contrast to the more bureaucratic regime of the Argead Empire.
3. OTL Laodicea
4. OTL Caesarea Maritima

 

[Lalli]

And now we just can wait round three on this war. And probably that will be final one.

 

[Denliner]

Hopefully, Ptolemaios will be ready for the next war considering how humiliating it was for him to lose to a state like the Demetrian Kingdom. It is quite fortuitous that Aristion is not eyeing the throne or for an independent kingdom, as otherwise, things could've ended quite badly for Ptolemaios and his dynasty.

 

[Codae]

Did Ptolemaios give up his entire Mediterranean coastline, or is Perdiccas's Judaean and Palestinian territory disconnected from the rest of his kingdom?

 

[Icedaemon]

Strange to see Ptolemaios give in so easily. Even if he considers the former Persian empire the heartland of his empire, he must surely value possessions which were at one time critical in building the Argead empire. I suppose that Judea and Philistia are small potatoes in that regard, but I would have expected him to at least make sure he would have possession of Cilicia.

 

[phoenix101]

Interlude



Babylon​

A loud cheer sounded throughout Babylon, when Ptolemaios II Eupator, Great King of Asia, King of Kings, and most of all, on this occasion, King of Babylon, passed underneath the blue-glazed arch of the Ishtar Gate. The reason for the Great King’s visit was the Akitu festival, celebrated throughout Mesopotamia: it commemorated the New Year and the sowing of the barley. It was the second day of the festival; the previous day the high priest of the Esagila had opened the festival with a prayer and the king had received a sceptre at the Temple of Nabu. Afterwards the king had travelled to the nearby city of Borsippa, where another important temple of Nabu was located which housed the statue of the god, and now, with Nabu in tow the Great King returned to Babylon.

To Artavazdes, son of Pherendates, the minute details of Mesopotamian mythology were mute; he was already more than happy that the streets of the city were cleared, beggars driven out and that the air was heavy with the smell of incense and perfume instead of waste and sewage. He was a nobleman of mixed Median and Macedonian descent; his family had gained the favour of the Argeads early on and was treated generously: they managed several of the royal stud farms on the Nisaean plain, which supplied the army with its famous horses. Seeing those magnificent animals as part of the royal procession made Artavazdes somewhat homesick: for three years already he resided in Babylon, appointed by the king as epistates, governor of the city. That might sound impressive, but he certainly wasn’t the sole man in charge of the city, the administration of the population being divided among its various parts: the high priest of the Esagila, and his temple administration, was in charge of the native Babylonians. The Greek and Macedonian citizens of the polis Babylon were administered by their own Assembly, which elected a representative to the crown amongst its members. The inhabitants of the rural area surrounding the city, as well as the various temple estates, also had their own administrations. Artavazdes himself was thus in charge of governing the non-Babylonian, non-Greek inhabitants of the city: various communities of Persians, Medes, Judeans, Syrians, Armenians and Bactrians. Dealing with them, and with the other administrations, not just the local but also with the royal government in Eupatoria and with the chiliarch (who was satrap of Babylonia) was enough to cause a permanent headache at best, and to make one doubt his own sanity at worst.

Yet the Great King had appointed him for a reason: Artavazdes was a capable administrator, honest and upright: necessary qualities for someone who, if only partially, ruled the empire’s greatest city. They were of similar age, and during the struggle for the succession and the revolts that followed, when Media was a hotbed of rebellion, Artavazdes’ family had not wavered in its support for Ptolemaios: they had joined him during his initial march through the region and Artavazdes ended up in the Agema, the royal squadron itself. He ingratiated himself with the Great King, and after several minor administrative posts he was granted the honour of ruling Babylon. Now however Artavazdes wished he had never accepted it: as he watched the royal entourage make its way up the Processional Road he hoped that he could somehow gather the courage to ask the Great King for a dismissal. The whinnying of the Nisean horses once again made him long for home: the fresh air of the Zagros foothills, the distant peaks capped with snow, even the great herds of cattle and horses; he missed it all. All of course in contrast to his new homeland, the overcrowded, cramped city was offensive to all his senses: the stench was horrifying, the air always filled with smoke and dust, streets clogged up with market stalls and beggars. Nor did the landscape offer him much comfort: monotonous as far as the eye could see its sole features were the river and endless mudflats; such were the surroundings of the Argead Empire’s most populous city.

Not, however, as populous as it had once been: Artavazdes had been astonished to learn that before the anarchy that preceded Ptolemaios’ rule Babylon had been even larger. When kings like Alexander the Great and Philip Euergetes rode over the Processional Way it was the unquestioned capital of the world. But war had taken its toll: at various times blockaded and besieged many fled the city, although by virtue of its fortifications it did not fall. Flooding just after the Great King’s ascent made it even worse, and while much had been repaired and restored many parts remained mired in squalor. No wonder then that the Great King had moved the royal capital to his new foundation on the Tigris: a new, spacious, monumental capital fit for a ruler determined to re-establish the empire on firm foundations. Still he did not forget the old city: a major canal connected both metropolises, and while many of the bureaucrats and other officials went to Eupatoria, robbing Babylon of its administrative position as head of the empire, it remained important commercially and culturally.

Chiefly in affairs of religion and culture it did thus remain the capital of Mesopotamia, and it was thus not regarded as extraordinary that Ptolemaios visited the city on the occasion of Akitu, indeed the opposite was the case, it was regarded as his duty as king. As he proceeded along the ‘May-the-arrogant-not-flourish’, the official name of the Processional Way, he saw the vast crowds, the towering edifices of the Babylonian temples, most notably the 90-meter-high Etemenanki, as he made his journey towards the Esagila. Philip II Nikator had, a century before, seen the same sights, and to his descendant it must still have seemed impressive: to both men it must have been a confirmation that they were heirs to ancient traditions, dating back to the very birth of civilization. In the Esagila Ptolemaios underwent a ritual humiliation: before the statue of Marduk, humbly without the attributes of kingship, he was slapped in the face, and as tears appeared in his eyes the Great King promised that he had not sinned against Marduk.

Artavazdes was not present for the ceremony, as he detested most crowded gatherings in the city, and the festival was no exception. He returned to his quarters at the Palace of Nebuchadnezzar, which by now functioned as his residence and the city’s administrative centre. Later that day he did host the Great King in a reception for foreign emissaries: for much of the previous year Ptolemaios had been in Bactra, and thus emissaries from the west were unable to visit him easily. The halls filled with dignitaries: envoys from the various Greek cities, an ambassador from Egypt, a Carthaginian delegation and even an envoy from the Celts of Italy; all presented the Great King with gifts, honours and requests. Artavazdes himself however remained in doubt: he was unable to face his sovereign with his request, and in the end decided not to ask him. Several days after the Akitu Artavazdes and some friends and companions travelled on the roads outside Babylon, towards one of the hunting parks nearby, the trees, flowers and wildlife of which reminded Artavazdes of home. As they rode through the Babylonian countryside they saw the peasants tending to their fields: clearing irrigation canals, planting crops, repairing sluices. Artavazdes probably thought nothing of it; however, had he been more interested in Babylonian mythology he might have been more sympathetic to the poor peasants: Lord Marduk, so it was told, had created humanity from dust and blood, and for a particular purpose: ‘I will make man, who shall inhabit the earth, that the service of the gods might be established, and their shrines built’. Humanity thus was born to toil, and while better off than most, it seems to have been Artavazdes’ fate as well.

 

[phoenix101]

And now we just can wait round three on this war. And probably that will be final one.

Maybe! But it probably won't end in a decisive victory for either side.

Did Ptolemaios give up his entire Mediterranean coastline, or is Perdiccas's Judaean and Palestinian territory disconnected from the rest of his kingdom?

The latter, Ptolemaios retains the coastline between the mouth of the Orontes and Latakia (TTL Ptolemais-by-the-Sea).

 

[Icedaemon]

A lovely slice of life chapter. An noble who finds crowds unbearable given the position of managing the most populous city in the empire, if not the world. I can definitely emphatize to a degree.

 

[phoenix101]

Next couple weeks there probably won't be an update, I'm on holiday till the 22nd. If there is an update in August it will probably be near the end of the month.