To be honest I kinda thought people stopped following this TL. In any case, now it's at a point where history is so changed I'm going to have a very hard time plotting my way forward without messing up since I'm not much of an expert on the period. I will say that I had planned for the next chapter to heavily involve Antipater and Alexander of Molossia, along with Olympias and the returning Macedonian army. In the immediate aftermath after Alexander's death the Persians will be far too busy reconsolidating their empire to get heavily involved with Greek affairs, though prior plans and contingencies will be getting put into action.
Heirs of the Achaemenids
- Thread starter 9 Fanged Hummingbird
- Start date
I think it isn't that we aren't following, it's just that we're waiting for more.
I look forward to butterflies. I would also like a view at the larger area of Europe and its various factions. Will Rome still be able to rise to power? Will Carthage still be the power house that once rivalled Rome? What about the various 'barbarian' tribes? If I'm not mistaken Carthage is already quite established at this time. Rome however...
I look forward to butterflies. I would also like a view at the larger area of Europe and its various factions. Will Rome still be able to rise to power? Will Carthage still be the power house that once rivalled Rome? What about the various 'barbarian' tribes? If I'm not mistaken Carthage is already quite established at this time. Rome however...
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Don't stop, I love this and Count of Years. I know how you feel, because I did the same thing in Moiciba Guazabara, and I don't know where to take it after about a century right now. You might just have to hit the books like I am.
If there's anything we can help with, ask away!
Fear not 9-fang; I am currently working on an ancient 4th century BCE recap of the world for world-building perspective purposes/stewardship for future writers looking for resources. I should be done working on Greece/Macedon by Sunday or so, then I'll move on to Rome, Italia, Carthage, India, Gaul, Hispania, Zhou China, etc. It should be very, very useful for your work when it's done.
Not at all, the only person on this board I can think of who might have a lot of knowledge of that language would be Leo Caesius.
Same Faces, New Enemies, pt.1: On the Crown
332 BC, Athens
In the archonship of Aristophon, on the last day of the month of Gamelion, Aeschines, son of Atrometus, of the Cothocidian tribe, impeached Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes, of the Anaphlystian tribe, before the archon, of a violation of the laws. The accusations were made over what Aeschines had called an illegal decree that violated three different laws made by the politician Ctesiphon. Ctesiphon's controversial decree was that a golden wreath should be gifted to the famed orator Demosthenes, who was the head of the anti-Makedonian faction in Athens and responsible for much of their policy. Aeschines picked a delicate time to level these charges, being a prominent politician of the pro-Makedonian faction. But nevertheless he felt his hand forces as news of Alexander's catastrophic defeat at faraway Arbela was just starting to reach Hellas and Aeschines had to discredit his chiefest rival before he could take advantage of the situation and try to provoke a war with Makedon.
-Aeschines-
His speech was well-reasoned and it was in fact based thoroughly on what was just by the laws of Athens, and Ctesiphon appeared to be in the wrong. But Demosthenes himself convened an extraordinary Assembly with one of the archons present as well as a crowd of all the most important statesmen and citizens of Athens who could make it. Before this crowd the great orator delivered a speech later titled On the Crown [1] after the item that raised all the controversy. Laying forth in great detail the recent history between Athens and Makedon, the situation Hellas as a whole was in, and the reasons behind Ctesiphon's proposal among other things, the speech given by Demosthenes was so astounding and so passionately well-delivered that the entire Assembly was left stunned in awe. Even Aeschines, who soon left Athens for Rhodes, remarked on how thunderous and amazing the speech was, saying that one had to hear it to understand just how much of an impact it left on the Assembly.
-Demosthenes-
On The Crown was more than just Demosthenes' defense of a friendly politican however, it was in effect a proschema [2] for war against Makedon, who had so forcefully made themselves the hegemon of Athens and all Hellas. It worked, and soon the Athenian state was making preparations for war. Even the famously cautious statesman Phokion allied himself with Demosthenes, seeing that the time was ripe for an offensive against the nation he had previously advocated friendship and unity with. As usual, Phokion was popularly elected as a strategos and sent to lead Athens' armies. They also had friends outside of Attica as well. The Eurypontid king of Sparta, Agis III, had been making preparations to fight Makedon as well and had even bought armaments and borrowed money from the Persian satrap Pharnabazus. Additionally, some of the Hellenes who had fought as mercenaries under Memnon against Alexander sailed across the Aegean to join Agis and Athens. Soon the Lakedaemonians and Atticans would reclaim their lost land and glory from Makedon.
Makedon however was in no condition to hold on to even its hegemony over Hellas. The battered remnants of Alexander's army, now led by the senior general Parmenion, had crossed Abarnahara all the way to Sidon, losing additional men on the long march, and once there the admiral Nearchus took them aboard his ships and sailed to Amphipolis. The Makedonian army disembarked at the same place from where they had started their glorious campaign under Alexander, but these haggard survivors were a far cry from the proud young men and boys marching in bright armor, smiling and hoisting shining pikes as they went to war. Now they were dirty, ill-dressed, and few were without cuts or scrapes or more serious injuries. Most strikingly it was very apparent to the gathered crowds that there were definitely much fewer arriving than had departed.
Nevertheless, Parmenion and the other commanders made their way to Pella, where the regent Antipater received them and listened to their tales of woe. The most important thing they had to do was to deliver the remains of their king Alexander III, the man who would be King of Asia, to the royal mausoleum. It was then that Antipater could formally declare the coronation of Makedon's new king, Philip III, also known as Philip Arrhidaeus after his birth name. Philip was the half-brother of the late Alexander, and almost the same age, but as could be expected his ascension to the throne was not without controversy or contestation. The most important and pertinent criticism of Antipater's decision was that Philip III was mentally challenged and unstable, and therefore unfit to be king.
Many called Antipater out on what they saw as a clear attempt to make himself the true leader of Makedon while hiding behind the title of regent for poor Philip. Other claimed that as Philip was the closest relative to both Alexander and Philip the Great, Philip Arrhidaeus was the best choice. But there were other claimants to the throne, and the most notable was sent word of these developments by a woman who was Antipater's greatest rival as the most powerful force in Makedon; Olympias, who was mother to the late king Alexander III, queen of Philip the Great, and sister to Alexander I of Molossia, King of Epirus. While Antipater raised young Philip to the throne and declared himself regent, the Epirote queen sent letters to her brother who was overseas in Italia. In the meantime, she raised the issue among the court in Pella by making note of the fact that her brother's wife was Cleopatra, who was Alexander III's only full sibling being a daughter of Philip and Olympias. Therefore, through her Alexander I, Alexander III's uncle, had at least as much a claim to the throne as Philip if not greater, and the fact that we wasn't mentally feeble made him to be clearly the best choice for Makedon's king. Antipater and his allies countered that obviously Olympias just wanted more power for herself through her brother, and the politicians and soldiers of Makedonia were now having to take sides.
A traditionalist faction formed around Antipater, being composed of the big players in Philip II's old regime. They were the old guard of Makedon, and joining Antipater was Parmenion who still had a very strong sway over some of the army. Many of those closest to Alexander III however sided with Olympias, including Perdiccas and Ptolemy. It was a repeat of the same division that happened under Alexander's reign, which often pitted the infantry against the cavalry. The only cavalry commanders who were not obviously in Olympias' camp was Philotas, son of Parmenion, and Cleitus the Black, a friend of Philip II's and on good terms with some of the old guard. Even still, some of the infantry commanders joined with Olympias including Seleukos and Crateros. In the months that followed the army's arrival, fights were starting to break out that sometimes ended in violent bloodbaths. All the while they ignored the signs of discontent in Athens and Sparta that were growing into overt rebellion.
And as armies in Hellas gathered, messengers from Epirus finally arrived over the sea in Italia. Here the cities on the southern end of the peninsula that formed the region of Megale Hellas were being attacked by the native tribes of barbarians from the mountains, namely the Bruttians, the Lucanians, and chiefest of all, the Samnites. Two years prior the powerful city-state of Taras [3] had sent an invitation to Epirus, asking Alexander the Molossian to intervene on their half against the barbarian horde as it were. He responded quite eagerly, championing Hellenic culture in Italia, and at the same time stamping down on the pirate threat against Epirus. And Alexander had done a fine job of smashing the Samnite armies, sending the Bruttians and Lucanians into hiding. But now the job of rooting them out was tedious. Wherever he was not they would attack. The war in Italia had become a standstill, and it was then that he received word from his sister in Makedon, an offer to be king of a realm much greater than southern Italia, Molossia, or even Epirus. Alexander was not a man to ignore a gift being handed to him on a silver platter. Leaving a small force to back up Taras, he sailed on home to Epirus, and from there, to Makedon.
_______________________________
[1] Yes, this is roughly the same speech Demosthenes gave IOTL in 330 BC, hurried up two years because the political situation is forcing certain changes in Greece and because it's just too cool to leave out entirely.
[2] Ancient Greek version of the Latin casus belli, apparently popularized by Thucydides.
[3] Tarentum, modern Taranto.
332 BC, Athens
In the archonship of Aristophon, on the last day of the month of Gamelion, Aeschines, son of Atrometus, of the Cothocidian tribe, impeached Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes, of the Anaphlystian tribe, before the archon, of a violation of the laws. The accusations were made over what Aeschines had called an illegal decree that violated three different laws made by the politician Ctesiphon. Ctesiphon's controversial decree was that a golden wreath should be gifted to the famed orator Demosthenes, who was the head of the anti-Makedonian faction in Athens and responsible for much of their policy. Aeschines picked a delicate time to level these charges, being a prominent politician of the pro-Makedonian faction. But nevertheless he felt his hand forces as news of Alexander's catastrophic defeat at faraway Arbela was just starting to reach Hellas and Aeschines had to discredit his chiefest rival before he could take advantage of the situation and try to provoke a war with Makedon.
-Aeschines-
His speech was well-reasoned and it was in fact based thoroughly on what was just by the laws of Athens, and Ctesiphon appeared to be in the wrong. But Demosthenes himself convened an extraordinary Assembly with one of the archons present as well as a crowd of all the most important statesmen and citizens of Athens who could make it. Before this crowd the great orator delivered a speech later titled On the Crown [1] after the item that raised all the controversy. Laying forth in great detail the recent history between Athens and Makedon, the situation Hellas as a whole was in, and the reasons behind Ctesiphon's proposal among other things, the speech given by Demosthenes was so astounding and so passionately well-delivered that the entire Assembly was left stunned in awe. Even Aeschines, who soon left Athens for Rhodes, remarked on how thunderous and amazing the speech was, saying that one had to hear it to understand just how much of an impact it left on the Assembly.
-Demosthenes-
On The Crown was more than just Demosthenes' defense of a friendly politican however, it was in effect a proschema [2] for war against Makedon, who had so forcefully made themselves the hegemon of Athens and all Hellas. It worked, and soon the Athenian state was making preparations for war. Even the famously cautious statesman Phokion allied himself with Demosthenes, seeing that the time was ripe for an offensive against the nation he had previously advocated friendship and unity with. As usual, Phokion was popularly elected as a strategos and sent to lead Athens' armies. They also had friends outside of Attica as well. The Eurypontid king of Sparta, Agis III, had been making preparations to fight Makedon as well and had even bought armaments and borrowed money from the Persian satrap Pharnabazus. Additionally, some of the Hellenes who had fought as mercenaries under Memnon against Alexander sailed across the Aegean to join Agis and Athens. Soon the Lakedaemonians and Atticans would reclaim their lost land and glory from Makedon.
Makedon however was in no condition to hold on to even its hegemony over Hellas. The battered remnants of Alexander's army, now led by the senior general Parmenion, had crossed Abarnahara all the way to Sidon, losing additional men on the long march, and once there the admiral Nearchus took them aboard his ships and sailed to Amphipolis. The Makedonian army disembarked at the same place from where they had started their glorious campaign under Alexander, but these haggard survivors were a far cry from the proud young men and boys marching in bright armor, smiling and hoisting shining pikes as they went to war. Now they were dirty, ill-dressed, and few were without cuts or scrapes or more serious injuries. Most strikingly it was very apparent to the gathered crowds that there were definitely much fewer arriving than had departed.
Nevertheless, Parmenion and the other commanders made their way to Pella, where the regent Antipater received them and listened to their tales of woe. The most important thing they had to do was to deliver the remains of their king Alexander III, the man who would be King of Asia, to the royal mausoleum. It was then that Antipater could formally declare the coronation of Makedon's new king, Philip III, also known as Philip Arrhidaeus after his birth name. Philip was the half-brother of the late Alexander, and almost the same age, but as could be expected his ascension to the throne was not without controversy or contestation. The most important and pertinent criticism of Antipater's decision was that Philip III was mentally challenged and unstable, and therefore unfit to be king.
Many called Antipater out on what they saw as a clear attempt to make himself the true leader of Makedon while hiding behind the title of regent for poor Philip. Other claimed that as Philip was the closest relative to both Alexander and Philip the Great, Philip Arrhidaeus was the best choice. But there were other claimants to the throne, and the most notable was sent word of these developments by a woman who was Antipater's greatest rival as the most powerful force in Makedon; Olympias, who was mother to the late king Alexander III, queen of Philip the Great, and sister to Alexander I of Molossia, King of Epirus. While Antipater raised young Philip to the throne and declared himself regent, the Epirote queen sent letters to her brother who was overseas in Italia. In the meantime, she raised the issue among the court in Pella by making note of the fact that her brother's wife was Cleopatra, who was Alexander III's only full sibling being a daughter of Philip and Olympias. Therefore, through her Alexander I, Alexander III's uncle, had at least as much a claim to the throne as Philip if not greater, and the fact that we wasn't mentally feeble made him to be clearly the best choice for Makedon's king. Antipater and his allies countered that obviously Olympias just wanted more power for herself through her brother, and the politicians and soldiers of Makedonia were now having to take sides.
A traditionalist faction formed around Antipater, being composed of the big players in Philip II's old regime. They were the old guard of Makedon, and joining Antipater was Parmenion who still had a very strong sway over some of the army. Many of those closest to Alexander III however sided with Olympias, including Perdiccas and Ptolemy. It was a repeat of the same division that happened under Alexander's reign, which often pitted the infantry against the cavalry. The only cavalry commanders who were not obviously in Olympias' camp was Philotas, son of Parmenion, and Cleitus the Black, a friend of Philip II's and on good terms with some of the old guard. Even still, some of the infantry commanders joined with Olympias including Seleukos and Crateros. In the months that followed the army's arrival, fights were starting to break out that sometimes ended in violent bloodbaths. All the while they ignored the signs of discontent in Athens and Sparta that were growing into overt rebellion.
And as armies in Hellas gathered, messengers from Epirus finally arrived over the sea in Italia. Here the cities on the southern end of the peninsula that formed the region of Megale Hellas were being attacked by the native tribes of barbarians from the mountains, namely the Bruttians, the Lucanians, and chiefest of all, the Samnites. Two years prior the powerful city-state of Taras [3] had sent an invitation to Epirus, asking Alexander the Molossian to intervene on their half against the barbarian horde as it were. He responded quite eagerly, championing Hellenic culture in Italia, and at the same time stamping down on the pirate threat against Epirus. And Alexander had done a fine job of smashing the Samnite armies, sending the Bruttians and Lucanians into hiding. But now the job of rooting them out was tedious. Wherever he was not they would attack. The war in Italia had become a standstill, and it was then that he received word from his sister in Makedon, an offer to be king of a realm much greater than southern Italia, Molossia, or even Epirus. Alexander was not a man to ignore a gift being handed to him on a silver platter. Leaving a small force to back up Taras, he sailed on home to Epirus, and from there, to Makedon.
_______________________________
[1] Yes, this is roughly the same speech Demosthenes gave IOTL in 330 BC, hurried up two years because the political situation is forcing certain changes in Greece and because it's just too cool to leave out entirely.
[2] Ancient Greek version of the Latin casus belli, apparently popularized by Thucydides.
[3] Tarentum, modern Taranto.
9-Fang, I have finished my recap of the Persian Empire! Trust me when I say that this will be extremely helpful in deciding the future of the Persian Empire from here on out. Some issues I would think should be dealt with in the future would include the stabilizing of the Satrapies and of general order, as well as dealing with greviances/reconciliation with the Phoenicians and Egyptians, seeing how Artaxerxes had brutally reconquered them 10 years prior...
Interesting progress and even more interesting turn of events;Epirot royal line was more stable than that of Macedon anyway....
The speach "On the Crown" was the crowning achievement of Demosthenes as Orator and his place as the greatest one of his time assured;he was nevertheless and a very astute politician with a grasp of geopolitical war aims second to none.Demosthenes was the only one to thwart Phillips aims of conquest so completely that historians wondered what would the results have been if the Athenians had followed his advice offered in Demosthenes "First Olynthian Speech".
Something I wonder is why the Macedonian army returned to Macedon and didn't stop in Cilicia so that it could protect and secure western Asia Minor:
not that the Persians could undertake an expedition against Ionia so soon(It was not the Persian Empire of Darius I in strength...)...
The speach "On the Crown" was the crowning achievement of Demosthenes as Orator and his place as the greatest one of his time assured;he was nevertheless and a very astute politician with a grasp of geopolitical war aims second to none.Demosthenes was the only one to thwart Phillips aims of conquest so completely that historians wondered what would the results have been if the Athenians had followed his advice offered in Demosthenes "First Olynthian Speech".
Something I wonder is why the Macedonian army returned to Macedon and didn't stop in Cilicia so that it could protect and secure western Asia Minor:
not that the Persians could undertake an expedition against Ionia so soon(It was not the Persian Empire of Darius I in strength...)...
Well while the Persian army has suffered a lot of casualties in Assyria, the Macedonians are in no shape to hold out against them and without their king their best choice is to take the Persians' offer of a safe exit home. The surviving soldiers in the army would likely be particularly anxious when such an offer is made. Alexander also did a good job at alienating his new subjects in Asia Minor and the damage from the war would make occupation that much more difficult as well. So the commanders all thought it best to make haste to Macedon and figure out who's going to be king now.
Of course, the real answer is that I simply didn't think of your idea.
I did. It's wonderful. Way better and easier than a history book or even Wikipedia. Look forward to future sections.
Well while the Persian army has suffered a lot of casualties in Assyria, the Macedonians are in no shape to hold out against them and without their king their best choice is to take the Persians' offer of a safe exit home. The surviving soldiers in the army would likely be particularly anxious when such an offer is made. Alexander also did a good job at alienating his new subjects in Asia Minor and the damage from the war would make occupation that much more difficult as well. So the commanders all thought it best to make haste to Macedon and figure out who's going to be king now.
Of course, the real answer is that I simply didn't think of your idea.
Didn't think?of what exactly?
I did and it was good, but to be honest I already knew a lot of that stuff about Persia since I'm pretty sure we're using the same sources mostly.
The Macedonians holding Cilicia instead of going home.