Heavyweights: The Men of Montreal

Part 1: The 2006 Liberal leadership election
  • Paul Martin’s loss wasn’t great for the Liberals. After 13 years in government, and just three years after they were supposed to win a 200+ seat majority government, they now found themselves in the opposition benches. If his loss as Prime Minister and subsequent resignation as Liberal leader had had any benefit, however, it was that the Liberals would now have a chance to inject fresh blood into their party and elect a leader who’d be able to move them beyond the petty Chrétien/Martin feud, and if one thing was clear it was that this time, unlike 2003, the leadership was anyone’s to win.

    Immediately following Martin’s resignation the field would being to take shape, the fact that the convention wasn’t until the end of the year evidently not mattering much to anyone. That being said, the first batch of candidates weren’t a particularly inspiring bunch, with Martha Hall Findlay, Hedy Fry, Joe Volpe, Judy Sgro, Carolyn Bennett, Paul Zed, John Godfrey, and Clifford Blais among those entering early and evidently hoping their head starts in the race would allow them to overcome low name recognition/popularity and possibly mount a dark horse bid at the convention. Nevertheless, the attention early on was all focused on the big names of the last ten years – the Allan Rocks, the Frank McKennas, the John Manleys, the Brian Tobins, and so forth – and who among them, if any, would mount a campaign. Those hoping for a battle between heavyweights would not be disappointed; Rock, McKenna, Manley, and Tobin would all enter the race to lead the quote-unquote natural governing party of Canada, along with fellow heavyweights Martin Cauchon, Stéphane Dion, Sheila Copps, and Bob Rae, and with a surplus of candidates and no shortage of frontrunners other rumoured contenders, among them Belinda Stronach, Michael Ignatieff, and Ken Dryden, would all opt to stay on the sidelines.

    As the race entered the summer and fall of 2006, much of the lesser-ran candidates would see the writing on the wall and withdraw from the race, while the media had generally agreed that five candidates had solid paths to the leadership: Martin Cauchon, Frank McKenna, Bob Rae, Allan Rock, and Brian Tobin. Cauchon, Rock, and Tobin had all proven themselves during the Chrétien government, had high recognition within the party, and had been seen as competent managers in historically tricky positions. Beyond that, Cauchon was seen as one of the better candidates to appeal to Quebec (a particular advantage given the party was still struggling to move on from the sponsorship scandal), Rock was beloved by the left of the party (though had a bit of a reputation for being a little gaffe-prone), and Tobin had impressed as the former Premier of Newfoundland and endeared himself to federalists through his role as “Captain Canada” during the 1995 Quebec sovereignty referendum (a bit of a double edge sword as polls didn’t exactly show him expanding the Liberal base in la belle province). All, however, had the flaw of being distinct “Chrétien men,” all having exited politics by Martin’s leadership, and with the leadership tensions still fresh and people desperate to move past the feud that had crippled the party this was seen as a distinct disadvantage. Meanwhile, much like Tobin, McKenna and Rae had both made their mark as Premiers during the 90s, though with admittedly different legacies, McKenna being known for his solid decade of leadership and subsequent international service as Canada’s Ambassador to the United States and Rae being known for having the misfortune of governing during the early 90s recession and for his subsequent abandonment of the New Democratic Party in favour of a move to the Liberals. Perhaps understandably, Rae would attract the most attention during the race, if only due to his reputation and the media’s continued interest in his party shift, and though the memory of opposing him in the early 90s had left Liberals still somewhat uneasy about embracing him entirely he nevertheless was able to endear himself to the party during the campaign and, if nothing else, would allow him to secure a place in the party moving forward.

    Throughout the fall, as the process of selecting delegates was underway, it became clear that while it was still anyone’s race McKenna was nevertheless the candidate to beat as all eyes now shifted to the convention. As Liberals across the country met in Montreal, the first ballot would provide little drama, other than confirming everyone’s suspicions that McKenna was the arguable frontrunner, as the former Premier of New Brunswick would come out on top with a little over 30% of the delegates backing him. Behind him, Rock had emerged as his strongest challenger with 20% support, followed by Rae, Tobin, Cauchon, Manley, Copps, Dion, Findlay, and Volpe, who in last place would be dropped from subsequent ballots while both Dion and Findlay opted to withdraw seeing little path to victory.

    With both Volpe and Findlay throwing their support behind McKenna, small though it may have been, New Brunswick's favourite son would see his support grow by six points on the second ballot as every other candidate struggled to make gains or, in the case of Copps, Manley, and Cauchon, experienced losses instead. Copps would be dropped from subsequent ballots, throwing her support behind fellow left-winger Bob Rae, while Manley would withdraw. Cauchon would opt to fight another ballot, possibly hoping to take advantage of Copps’ withdrawal to gain her left-wing and Quebec supporters, though would instead experience additional losses (his supporters having evidently accepted that he no longer had a path to victory) and be dropped following the third ballot, with McKenna and Rock both making minor gains and Rae experiencing a bit of a surge following Copps’ endorsement to come within 5 delegates of overtaking Rock. Tobin, meanwhile, would see his support drop as his supporters, too, realized his path to victory was getting slimmer and slimmer, and opt to withdraw in the interest of speeding the convention along and ultimately throw his support behind McKenna, leading to a fourth ballot where few had any illusions about the result. With Tobin throwing his support behind McKenna, and McKenna already having a near-20 point lead over Rock and Rae, most people saw the writing on the wall and few were shocked when McKenna was elected leader with a little over 50% of the vote. Both Rae and Rock would quickly throw their support behind McKenna, hoping to end the party’s internal squabbles and pledge their support for his leadership; both would subsequently go a step further and announce their return to politics as star candidates in the next election, in the constituencies of Toronto Centre and Brampton West, respectively. With McKenna now Liberal leader, his focus now turns to facing Stephen Harper head on and trying to return the Liberals to government.

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    Part 2: 2007 federal election
  • With Frank McKenna having been elected the new Liberal leader, he would now find himself faced with the tough responsibility of both rebuilding the Liberals’ somewhat-tarnished image and providing an effective opposition to Canada’s first Conservative government in over a decade. Fortunately for him, on both counts the Liberals seemed to have the wind in their sails, the most obvious reason being McKenna himself. Experience at leading an opposition? Check. Known quantity? Check. Federal outsider? Check. Everyone knew who McKenna was, or if nothing else knew him by reputation (ten years as a Premier will do that to someone) and generally speaking, despite a few vocal Tories in his home province saying otherwise, his record was pretty good. Beyond that, though, one of his big advantages as he found himself at the helm of the Liberal ship was his prior distance from the federal party. He hadn’t gotten tied down with the baggage of the Chrétien/Martin governments, had no association with the sponsorship scandal (the few remaining Liberals in Quebec loudly breathing a sigh of relief), and hadn’t been involved in the Chrétien/Martin infighting; sure, he was probably a Martin man – he was a Blue Liberal, after all – but he could rightly claim to have been above all the madness that preceded him in the federal party. While the party wouldn’t heal itself overnight, things certainly looked promising.

    With general good feelings seemingly surrounding McKenna, he next set about getting into the House of Commons – sure, he could oppose them from outside the House, but that could only last so long. With former cabinet minister Andy Scott stepping aside in his riding, McKenna would win the subsequent Fredericton by-election somewhat handily and find himself face to face with Stephen Harper in the House of Commons.

    While McKenna seemed to have the wind in his sails (indeed, polls showed McKenna putting the Liberals ahead of the Conservatives, albeit narrowly), things weren’t all bad for Harper. Sure, he’d had some hiccups during his first year in office – Environment Minister Rona Ambrose had proven to be a bit of a headache for the government, prompting her demotion in January 2007, his appointments of David Emerson and Michel Gauthier had immediately added a bit of a sour note to his government, and he’d divided his party a bit over his decision to recognize Quebec as a nation – but he’d had his fair share of successes as well. His recognition of Quebec as a distinct nation had divided his cabinet a bit, sure, but, hey, if anything it divided the Liberals’ more and, either way, had caused Conservative numbers in Quebec to go up, while his first budget had been relatively well-received and made it through the House of Commons with fewer than expected amendments forced upon it by the opposition. If anything would be to blame for the Harper government’s occasional problems it was rookie mistakes (not being in government for 13 years will do that) and, to their credit, they were doing everything they could try and avoid this.

    Of course the reality is that Harper was always going to find himself faced with problems during the 29th Parliament, because though Canada had elected a Conservative government they had also elected a very centre-left Parliament. Sure, the Conservatives could find occasional allies in the Bloc Québécois, if only because they both generally supported devolution and had a shared hatred of the Liberals (though this partnership was quickly wearing thin as Conservatives ate into Bloc support in Quebec), and they were remarkably successful at using the threat of an election to force the Liberals or the NDP to abstain from matters of confidence and ensure the government’s survival, but it was always going to be a bit of a headache and things were only going to get worse for them now that the Liberals had a permanent leader and saw returning to government as a very realistic possibility.

    All that being said it shouldn’t really be surprising that the Harper government fell following the introduction of its 2007 budget in the spring. The budget itself didn’t even matter – it wasn’t particularly popular or unpopular with the average public, if it elicited a response at all (though of course partisans of all stripes would vehemently claim otherwise) – all that mattered was that it presented a chance to head to the polls. While there was brief speculation that the Bloc might abstain from the budget vote and as a result allow the government to survive (the thinking being that they’d want to avoid an election until their polling had picked up), this would not be the case; the government had been defeated, and Canadians would be sent to the polls on July 7, 2007.

    The campaign itself was a bit of an inconsequential affair, as campaigns go, as the polls generally remained steady and consistently showed a neck-and-neck race between Harper and McKenna. Sure, there would be outliers now and then, and the lead would continue to flip back and forth between the two, but beyond that there seemed to be little drama for politicos to obsess over. Sure, there were notable moments – a brief Green surge following Elizabeth May’s well-received appearance in the debates being one of them, though it quickly seemed to recede – but, look, Harper and McKenna were both boring, by the books guys. If Canadians wanted an interesting election they’d have elected someone like Belinda Stronach or Joe Volpe, but they’d had their occasional fun with Chrétien and were in the mood for stable, uninteresting guys. So be it.

    That being said, as the campaign went on it seemed that, while Frank McKenna might not necessarily have had the momentum, one thing for sure was that Stephen Harper did not. While as the incumbent Prime Minister he always would’ve had a target on his back, it seemed like everyone was focusing on him and ignoring everyone else: for McKenna he was his primary target of course, but for Gilles Duceppe he was the most pressing threat to the Bloc in Quebec, for Jack Layton he was the guy standing in the way of the NDP’s dozen of target seats out west, and for Elizabeth May he was worst of the bunch when it came to the environment. While the Conservatives had some good news on the campaign trail, and were bolstered by popular star candidates including Lisa Raitt, Peter Kent, André Bachand, and Denis Lebel, among others, they seemed to be taking on water as the campaign went on. Their long-hoped-for gains in Quebec quickly seemed to be thrown in jeopardy, particularly after a controversial statement from Finance minister Jim Flaherty questioning the need for arts funding in Quebec was seized upon by the opposition, and the normally festive Canada Day celebrations on July 1 added another headache for the Harper campaign on the homestretch of the campaign as they were accused of using their position as the government to hijack the Parliament Hill celebrations and turn it into a political event.

    As the results trickled in on July 7, it was clear that Harper’s stumbles in government and on the campaign trail were all that was needed to turn his narrow Conservative government into a narrow Liberal government; the Liberals had come on top, 133 seats to 105, and Harper would soon announce his resignation as Conservative leader shortly afterward and speculation would soon shift to who the Conservatives would elect as his successor.

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    Part 4: The 2008 Conservative leadership election
  • It was safe to say the Conservative Party's first stint in government hadn't been one for the history books. Although it was still the longest-serving Conservative Minority in history, from Stephen Harper taking the oath of office to him being replaced by Frank McKenna, only 18 months passed. Because of this brevity of Harper's stint in government, few of his cabinet ministers had time to mature into serious national names (perhaps the only one who had was former Minister of Industry Maxime Bernier). Thus, the contenders to replace Harper were not fresh faces (again, Bernier exempted) and instead heavyweights who had been on the political scene a long time. The two candidates thought to have the best chance at winning the race were Jim Prentice, runner-up in the last Progressive Conservative leadership race and former Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, and Jim Flaherty, a Minister of Finance at both the provincial level under Mike Harris and the Federal Level under Stephen Harper. The two came from opposite wings of the party, Prentice being a self-described "Red Tory" and moderate (even voting for same-sex marriage) while Flaherty was very much from the right of the party, being staunchly fiscally (and in some respects even socially) conservative.

    Just below Prentice and Flaherty, there was the group of candidates who were thought to have an outside shot at the leadership (who were sometimes mockingly dubbed "contenders for contention"). This group consisted of Stockwell Day, former leader of the Canadian Alliance who had (for the most part) redeemed himself for his past mistakes as Alliance leader in the eyes of the Tory base, Peter MacKay, Minister of Foreign Affairs during the Harper Ministry and the last leader of the Progressive Conservative Party, Rob Nicholson, longtime MP for Niagara Falls and Minister during the Mulroney, Campbell, and Harper governments, and of course Maxime Bernier, MP for Beauce and former Minister of Industry.

    Rounding out the field were the longshot candidacies of Josee Verner, Larry Smith, Tony Clement, and Rona Ambrose.

    When the Conservative Party membership assembled in Toronto on June 7, 2008 to elect their new leader, conventional wisdom held that Prentice would be able to unite the left of the party better than Flaherty would be able to unite the right of the party due to the higher number of candidates competing for the right-wing vote. Therefore, Prentice was expected to lead on the first few ballots, but there was little consensus on what the size of that lead would be.

    As it happened, Prentice's first ballot lead was just over 5%. It was a solid lead to be sure, but it was far from the point where the Prentice camp could be confident that they were favoured; everyone knew the contest was still wide open (although Prentice was perhaps a very slight favourite). The 2nd ballot was more or less a repeat of the 1st, with Prentice again leading by 5% and no major jumps in support for any candidate. The 3rd ballot too much resembled the ballot prior, however, Flaherty was able to pick up votes and cut Prentice's lead to 3% due to support from former Clement voters. On the 4th ballot, things got very interesting. Due to favourable preference flows from former supporters of Larry Smith, Flaherty was able to cut Prentice's lead from 3% to under 0.3%, and on the 5th ballot, due to the flows of former Ambrose supporters, Flaherty was able to take the lead outright, leading Prentice 27%-23%. While Prentice cut into Flaherty's lead on ballots 6 and 7, he was never able to retake the lead, and Flaherty would ultimately take the leadership 55-45 on the 9th ballot.

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    Part 5: 2009 federal election
  • It would’ve been easy for Conservatives to come away from the 2007 election feeling disappointed – they’d lost, obviously, so who could blame them? Nevertheless, there were still reasons for the party to be optimistic. Sure, Stephen Harper’s loss wasn’t anything to be happy about, but compared to where they were a decade earlier they were still doing great. As if anybody could’ve seen a Reform-dominated Conservative Party doing as well as Harper did in Quebec a decade earlier, heck even Ontario for that matter given it had spent a solid decade as a seemingly insurmountable bastion of Liberal support. Harper's government had not been re-elected, but it was still hard to deny that he’d left the national conservative movement in a better place than it was when he’d taken over. Besides all that, Frank McKenna’s Liberals only had a minority, and if Harper was defeated so quickly who’s to say McKenna wouldn’t be as well? For all that, it wasn’t exactly hard for Conservatives to feel optimistic after electing Jim Flaherty as their new leader in the summer of 2008.

    Part of that optimism came from the party’s faith in Flaherty himself, of course. While he hadn’t necessarily been the frontrunner heading into the leadership race and had trailed Jim Prentice on all but the final round of voting, the party had quickly united behind him and seemed confident he’d be the man to take Frank McKenna down. Certainly, Flaherty had his advantages: aside from having been in the public eye since serving in Mike Harris’ provincial government during the 1990s, including mounting two provincial leadership campaigns, he’d made his mark on the national level as Harper’s Minister of Finance, and had earned a reputation as a strong fiscal manager. While critics would argue that the Liberals had left Flaherty a solid economy and that he personally deserved little credit for its continued strength, his reputation nevertheless was bolstered by his time in government and Canadians felt, whether they planned on voting Conservative or not, that Flaherty could at least be trusted with Canada’s finances if elected.

    However, it wasn’t completely rosy for the Conservatives, as it increasingly became clear that, for all his strengths, Flaherty would nevertheless be stuck defending himself from controversies dating back to his time in provincial politics, chief among them his association with the still-unpopular Harris government and two controversial statements from his unsuccessful 2002 bid to succeed Harris at the helm of the Ontario Progressive Conservatives. The statements, the first affirming his opposition to abortion and embrace of the pro-life movement and the second promising to crack down on homelessness by criminalizing homelessness, were quickly seized upon by the Liberals, launching a series of attack ads accusing Flaherty of hiding an extreme socially conservative agenda and for lacking compassion with Canada’s hardest-hit communities. Despite Flaherty’s otherwise positive reputation, the attack ads would make their mark and slowly begin to drag Flaherty’s personal poll numbers down, and as Canada entered the autumn of 2008 polls would begin to show Flaherty’s honeymoon fading as the Liberals routinely found themselves hovering around majority territory.

    One thing that threatened to complicate this round of good news for the McKenna Liberals was the global economic recession that struck in late 2008. Almost overnight it seemed, economies across the world were in free fall as the housing market collapsed and more and more people suddenly found themselves unemployed. While Canada made its way through the crisis relatively uninjured, certainly in comparison to its neighbour to the south, Canadians were still worried the worst was yet to come and feared for their livelihoods.

    On the face of it, this crisis presented a solid opportunity for the Conservatives politically: Flaherty’s biggest strength was his reputation on the economy, and it was no secret that the Conservatives, Flaherty in particular, would be better off fighting an election on fiscal issues rather than social policy. Beyond that, in a time of fiscal crisis it was just natural to assume that Canadians would prefer a conservative economic policy and general fiscal restraint. Unfortunately for the Conservatives, though, for all his faults as Prime Minister Paul Martin had nevertheless gifted the Liberals with a glowing economic record, and not only had his steering of Canada’s economic ship during the 1990s allowed Canada to be relatively uninjured in the face of the current crisis but it had allowed the Liberals to seize upon an issue that had previously been a liability for them; as such, Conservative hopes that Canadians would rally behind the party in the face of the current financial crisis would not be realized, and, to the contrary, as the country entered 2009 the Liberal lead had only expanded.

    With that in mind, it wasn’t exactly shocking when, in January 2009, McKenna announced that he had asked Governor General Michaëlle Jean to dissolve parliament and call an election for March 4. While McKenna would cite the lack of cooperation from the other parties for this decision, arguing that their inability to work with the government was hampering the country and that Canada needed a “strong, stable majority government,” it was no secret that the Liberals were polling well and few could blame him for trying to seize this opportunity to make his job governing a little bit easier. McKenna would make this message the leading part of the Liberal campaign, and Finance Minister Scott Brison would emerge as the government’s top surrogate, touting the Liberal’s economic record and warning the country against switching horses midstream.

    Beyond Flaherty’s problems, it wasn’t just the Conservatives experiencing difficulties either. The Bloc Québécois’s very existence had been questioned ever since the 1995 Quebec referendum, and while the sponsorship scandal had breathed new life into the party and allow them to reposition themselves as the best party to defend Quebec’s interests (and conveniently ignore the sovereignty debate, given support for the movement was at its lowest in decades), McKenna’s ascension as Liberal leader and subsequent election as Prime Minister had taken this advantage away from them, leaving more and more Quebecers questioning the need to support the party; beyond that, the fact that both the Conservatives and in particular the New Democrats (under de-facto Quebecer Jack Layton) were mounting aggressive pushes in the province had left the Bloc bleeding support. The Greens, meanwhile, which had polled a record 7.4 percent in 2007, aside from the fact that they no longer had Harper as a convenient boogeyman of sorts to target, were dealt a further blow after the consortium of Canada’s main broadcasting networks announced that party leader Elizabeth May would not be invited to participate in the debates. While the Greens (and in fact the Conservatives, hoping May’s presence would split the centre-left vote) denounced the decision as undemocratic, the broadcasters stayed firm and indeed the Greens would repeatedly find themselves overshadowed during the campaign and unlikely to match their 2007 results.

    In the May-less debates, McKenna, Flaherty, Layton, and Gilles Duceppe would go toe to toe, with McKenna hammering Flaherty over his supposed lack of compassion and ties to the Harris government, Flaherty repeatedly emphasizing his economic credentials, Layton targeting both McKenna and Flaherty on their past cuts to social services (and, as polls would subsequently indicate, endearing himself to Canadians in the process), and Duceppe finding himself drowned out and generally ignored by everyone else on stage. The subsequent French language debates would provide a similar story, though Flaherty’s lack of skill in the language would provide some major moments for Duceppe and allow Duceppe to stop the bleeding of support from the Bloc to the Conservatives. In both debates polls generally showed McKenna and Layton emerging as the victors, though for Layton this evidently would not be good enough as McKenna’s continued popularity had left the NDP stagnant in the polls. Indeed, the party was polling worse than 2007 in every province outside of Quebec, where the Bloc’s troubles and a series of prominent star candidates had left the NDP looking at its best result since 1988, and Layton himself looked to be in a tight race in his own riding with Liberal candidate Andrew Lang. Flaherty, similarly, would find himself facing the pressure on his home turf, with the Liberals recruiting former Ambassador to Afghanistan Chris Alexander to run against Flaherty as a star candidate in the riding the Liberals had held as recently as 2006. With Flaherty in part distracted by the contest in his own constituency, the Conservatives would continue to struggle in the polls, and as the ballots closed on March 4, 2009 the question was not who would win but rather if the Liberals would win a minority or a majority.

    Ultimately, Canadians would give them the latter, with the Liberals winning 178 seats and 41.5 percent of the vote, its highest share of the vote since Pierre Trudeau’s 1980 re-election. The Conservatives, meanwhile, would win 81 seats and 29 percent of the vote, and while Flaherty was nevertheless able to hang on to his own riding (defeating Alexander by a 2-point margin) it became increasingly clear that his future as party leader was now in doubt. This was certainly the case for the NDP’s Layton: while the party had won roughly the same amount of support as they had in 2007, the Liberal gains had cost the party 8 seats, Layton’s being one of them, his own personal popularity being unable to combat the Liberal wave; Layton would resign as NDP leader shortly after the election. Similarly, the Bloc Québécois would find itself forced into a leadership contest as the party found itself with the worst result in its admittedly short history, winning just 28 seats and 8.5 percent of the vote nationally and falling behind the Liberals in Quebec. While Duceppe himself would be re-elected in his riding, he would soon announce his resignation as the party’s leader after over a decade at a helm.

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    Part 6: The 2011 Conservative leadership election
  • In contrast to 2008, in 2011 the Conservative leadership race was very much Jim Prentice's to lose. Prentice was the great "what-if" of the last leadership convention and with how poorly the party had performed in 2009, the membership had perhaps the world's worst case of buyer's remorse. So dominant was Prentice that several of his potential challengers sat out, not seeing the point in spending time and money on mounting a futile effort for the leadership. In the end, Prentice faced only 3 challengers. Backbench British Columbia MP John Cummins, Mayor of Toronto Rob Ford, and Maxime Bernier (again).

    Rob Ford was running mostly out of loyalty to his old friend Jim Flaherty. He argued that he could expand the party's support in the Toronto-region, where his loyal bloc of supporters in Etobicoke and Scarborough were often called "Ford Nation". He came out forcefully against Prentice, calling him a "Liberal in Blue Clothing" who wouldn't crackdown on the Liberal "Gravy train" in Ottawa the way Ford had in Toronto City Hall. Forceful though the attacks were, they failed to move the needle much, and Ford was himself was hit hard by the other candidates for his past scandals and controversies.

    Cummins was running as the social conservative candidate in the race. Much like Ford, he attacked Prentice as too moderate, but his lack of profile and the fact that the Conservatives had just lost an election in no small part due to their leader being seen as too socially conservative made it hard for Cummins to gain traction. He would ultimately come in last.

    Bernier, on the other hand, attacked everyone else in the field (not just Prentice) on the economic front. He argued that he was the only candidate standing for the leadership who would crackdown on "corporate welfare" and he fiercely attacked the system of supply management, calling it a "cartel". On top of this, as the only Québécois standing for the leadership, he argued he could expand the party's support base in his native province, where the Tories had won only 8 seats to the Liberal's 38 last election. By the end of the campaign, Bernier had impressed many, and most agreed he was a future leader; however most also agreed that it would be very difficult for him to beat Jim Prentice.

    Ultimately, the contest was a drama-free affair. Despite attempts by some to build the race up as competitive, the outcome was never in doubt, and Prentice took the leadership handily on the first ballot.

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