Fresh off of winning a majority government in the 2009 election, Frank McKenna and the Liberals would get back to work to steer Canada through the global economic crisis and continue Canada down its grand liberal tradition; certainly, they were aided by the hardships the opposition had been placed in as a result of the 2009 election, as the Conservatives, NDP, and Bloc all found themselves thrust into sudden leadership elections and giving McKenna a comfortable grace period where he would face a weak opposition at best. Not that the opposition wasn’t trying their best, but it’s not like Canadians were ever really going to rally behind the interim Conservative and NDP leaderships of Chuck Strahl and David Christopherson, so through much of 2009 McKenna was able to enjoy a relatively strong honeymoon despite concerns over the economy.
The pressures on McKenna would increase somewhat beginning in late 2009, as the Bloc Québécois kicked off what would be the first of several leadership changes Canada’s major parties would undergo through the next few years. The party, which had recorded its worst result in its history during the 2009 election, had seen long-time leader Gilles Duceppe resign (eventually making the jump to provincial politics), with the contest to succeed him coming down to Joliette MP Pierre Paquette and former provincial MNA and cabinet minister Daniel Paillé. With Paquette getting the backing of the party’s significant left-wing, he would narrowly defeat Paillé after two ballots and be elected party leader on September 7, 2009. The NDP would be the next party to undergo a change in leadership, the race to succeed defeated leader Jack Layton being scheduled for March 7, 2010, where after four ballots Howard Hampton would be declared elected over Winnipeg Centre MP Pat Martin. Hampton, the former leader of the Ontario New Democrats for over a decade, would quickly set about getting into the House of Commons, and would get his chance following the resignation of Windsor—Tecumseh NDP MP Joe Comartin. While the Liberals had hoped to recruit a star candidate to run against him, provincial cabinet minister Sandra Pupatello in particular being heavily courted, this did not ultimately come to pass and Hampton was able to win the ensuing by-election relatively easily.
The Conservatives, meanwhile, would take a bit longer to get their new leadership team in place, waiting until June 2011 as a result of Jim Flaherty’s initial indecisiveness on whether or not he’d be able to remain the party’s leader; this wouldn’t particularly matter much in the long run, though, as McKenna’s majority ensured that the opposition was always going to be fairly powerless in the House of Commons and as a result there was no real rush to elect a new leader.
Aside from having new opposition leaders in place to deal with, by 2011 Frank McKenna was also beginning to feel the natural strains of being in government: cabinet ministers Allan Rock and Susan Whelan, in charge of Foreign Affairs and Industry, respectively, would find themselves embroiled in separate controversies; McKenna would lose one of his top lieutenants, Citizenship and Immigration Minister Maurizio Bevilacqua, following his jump to provincial politics; a controversial pipeline approval, though cutting into Conservative criticism, had irritated some of the Liberal’s left-wing supporters; and a senate expenses scandal threatened to bring down the entire senate, Liberals and Conservatives alike. While there were still good news stories for the government, the economy being at the top of the list but beyond that the success of the 2010 Olympics, McKenna’s generally well received environmental plan, and McKenna’s association with the beloved-in-Canada President of the United States Barack Obama, nevertheless the shine had generally begun to wear off of the McKenna government.
As such it made sense that the Conservatives were feeling optimistic. As 2012 wore on, polls would routinely show a close race, albeit with the Liberals generally ahead but with the Conservatives still in spitting distance and looking likely to reduce McKenna to another minority. Bolstered by Prentice’s personal popularity, the party was able to recruit a series of star candidates, among them former Ontario Provincial Police Commissioner Julian Fantino, former British Columbia cabinet minister Kevin Falcon, journalist Danielle Smith, former Edmonton Mayor Stephen Mandel, Caroline Mulroney (daughter of former Prime Minister Brian Mulroney), former Harper-era Minister Lawrence Cannon, and Quebecor CEO Pierre Karl Péladeau. With a strong team behind him and a general message of renewal, Prentice and the Conservatives were itching for a fight.
With the election called for June 12, 2013 and the campaign underway, the main issue would once again prove to be the economy, Prentice accusing McKenna of mismanagement and doing too little too late and Hampton accusing McKenna of an over the top embrace of austerity policies at the expense of social services. Paquette, meanwhile, would find the Bloc Québécois again struggling to gain traction, particularly with McKenna’s strong approval ratings in the province and Prentice making frequent use of Péladeau to appeal to Quebec nationalists. Green Party leader Elizabeth May, meanwhile, would see new life breathed into her party, as disgruntled former Liberals would produce a minor uptick for her party in the polls nationally, and local polls placed her in a close race with controversial Conservative incumbent Larry Miller in the Ontario riding of Bruce—Grey—Owen Sound; further adding to Green optimism was the announcement that, after not being invited in 2009, the Greens would once again have a place on the debate stage in 2013.
The debates would ultimately prove to be one of the key moments of the campaign. What started out as a solid performance from Prentice, hitting all his expected marks on the economy, the debate quickly turned into a bit of a disaster for the Conservative leader following an exchange with May wherein he criticized the numbers of her party's environmental plan by dismissively stating “I know math is difficult.” While Prentice would later reiterate that he had been misinterpreted, the remark was met with a negative reaction from the public, viewing it as condescending at best and sexist at worst. Polls following the debate would subsequently show the Conservatives having dropped several points, and though maintaining that he had been misinterpreted Prentice would later apologize for any offence his remarks may have caused. Though the Conservatives would rebound a bit from this headache in the final week of the campaign, the Liberals had increased their lead over the party and looked likely to return to government.
As the results came in, the Liberals would indeed return to government, surpassing most pre-election expectations by winning a second majority government of 163 seats despite dropping over 3 points in the popular vote. For the Conservatives, the results were a bit of a mixed bag; while obviously disheartened over the Liberal re-election, Prentice nevertheless had led the party to solid gains, and despite being a source of some headaches for Conservatives in the last few weeks of the election, Prentice’s performance was still an improvement and the party had no problem giving him another shot in the next election. The results were similarly mixed for the Conservatives’ star candidates: while Cannon, Mulroney, Péladeau, and Smith were all elected, in the ridings of Charlesbourg—Haute-Saint-Charles, Thornhill, Lac-Saint-Louis, and Macleod, respectively (Péladeau being the big success story, giving the Conservatives their first seat on the island of Montreal since 1988), Fantino, Falcon, and Mandel (the latter running against Liberal cabinet minister Jim Wachowich in Edmonton Centre) all found themselves coming just short of making it to the House of Commons. For the NDP the results were generally a success, making gains across the country and seeing Hampton elected in his home riding of Kenora, though their loss of support in Quebec after the highs of 2009 would nevertheless be a sore spot for them coming out of the election. For the Bloc, Liberal and Conservative gains in Quebec would continue to hound them, causing them to drop even further and be reduced to just 20 seats, while for the Green’s May’s personal popularity would again prove unable to secure her a seat in the House of Commons, coming three points behind the Conservatives in Bruce—Grey—Owen Sound. Having failed to get in the House of Commons for the fourth time as party leader, May would subsequently find herself pressured to step aside.