How closely are they being copied? I'm assuming it began around Ansongo's golden age, but was it still more or less favored in its waning days?

Ansongo is the first large scale hierarchical power in West Africa, there's never been anything like it before in terms of wealth of its citizenry, scientific achievements, and the strength of its military, so even though it's diminished, it's still seen as something to aspire to. Jalis/griots being used as administrators and scribes is a constant in the savanna and Sahelian states. Some states have more tight control over its provinces, some have less and they're more a confederacy.



Are those breeds or just new fur phenotypes? Or are the colors just names for the breeds? I would think color morphs would be more plastic across the breeds, though there'd certainly be phenotypes for color and fur patterns that would be more consistent for some breeds than other.

As it stands only ~300 years have passed so while all captive elands would have been undergoing similar selection pressures, diversity in the tame population would only just start to show visible features. By this time there would be some basic types you can maybe call 'breeds' (or proto-breeds, but the whole definition's blurry anyway) derived from labor-based isolated populations. Some examples I could guess right off the bat would be a division between agricultural/labor animals and elite/military animals. People would select for the adult bull's massive bulk for the former and a more gracile, speedy build for the latter. With that general trend it's the little sub-regions both breeding in isolation and interacting with each other that bring your real phenotypic diversity.

Early domestications take in a lot from wild stock; more than previously assumed actually. Things like color and horn shape would be mutations that appear through inbreeding and perhaps hindered by the supply of wild genes so that depends on how common wild elands are and how developed the land is, affecting isolation. Animals owned by nobility have the capability to further separate them from wild and 'common' stock, increasing prevalence of artificially selected traits.

300 years is a little on the short end but still feasibly realistic for basic differentiation and maybe some unique traits. I think I can realistically see some fur phenotypes popping up here. Melanism is a relatively common morph so might be one of the early ones actually. Come to think of it, their access to literature from Carthage might very well have information relating to animal breeding and if they're doing this deliberately then I definitely have faith in the alloted time, but I still think the really unique breeds are at least a few centuries off.

They're more just distinct fur patterns than actual breeds. Their main colors are either a strong reddish-brown (heavy on the red), black, or off-white with minimal to no striping. Deities are often depicted with off-white or pure white giant elands as their mounts. Horn shape is all over the place with the only real distinction being the length and it's really only the consistent horn shortness that is a notably Ansongoan giant eland trait at this point. Thanks for the info on animal domestication timelines, I'm trying to be very careful that I don't overestimate how quickly giant elands spread through the continent (and beyond) and I know nothing about giant eland coat genetics, I'm partially basing the color morphs on photos of giant elands I've seen online and common morphs that show up in pretty much all furred animals.

As you said, melanism is a fairly common mutation and I figure a couple of very pale-coated giant elands could be born and if they're born to a noble family, they could have an increased chance of spreading their genes. Though I wonder if the black and cream morphs would have a harder time in the African sun? Something to note about giant elands, is that 300 years from the initial point of domestication, I still consider them more "tamed" than anything, especially because it's not uncommon for people to capture giant eland juveniles and sub-adults to use as breeding stock. They're still temperamental and a bit more skittish than horses and cattle are. Perhaps that will always remain. I wonder, what exactly is the dividing line between tamed animals that you're breeding and are used to humans and full on domesticated animals?

So, trade networks. You've said before its immediate cultural influence has stayed in the general region of West Africa, but has it really? The Mali IOTL had goods all the way from China; Ansongo doesn't have to be that extreme but indirect distribution I think could spread goods, and potentially ideas, quite far barring any physical barriers -- as long as a group of people has a neighbor to trade with you could see something go a very long way.

Between camels in the Sahara and elands in the savannas Africa is about to become way more connected than OTL.

Well, Egypt, Aksum, Nubia and Carthage all have seen Ansongoan caravans for themselves and the Romans know of a grassland empire in the heart of Africa that supplies gold to Egypt and Carthage. They can't quite get over that Ansongoans ride on gigantic antelopes :biggrin:. So Ansongoan coinage, cloth, carvings, and a bit of literature have made it to the Mediterranean basin along with the raw materials they trade. I would say that the furthest east Ansongo's culture has spread is the kingdom of Mao, centered around Lake Chad, which is starting to transition from a purely oratory culture to one that uses Southern Punic for governance. However only the most crucial orders are written down. West of Mao, and all people groups know of Ansongo and its elands. I would say by this point, all of west Africa uses giant elands and this is a particular boon for the forest peoples. However, they're probably the least likely to adopt Mande culture as the forest insulates them from both Ansongo's military and its practices.

Due to Persian contact, Bactarian camels were first used in the Sahara, but now Dromedaries are used to traverse the desert. And yes, one of the goals of this TL is to get a much more connected Africa, both within and without.
 
They're more just distinct fur patterns than actual breeds. Their main colors are either a strong reddish-brown (heavy on the red), black, or off-white with minimal to no striping. Deities are often depicted with off-white or pure white giant elands as their mounts. Horn shape is all over the place with the only real distinction being the length and it's really only the consistent horn shortness that is a notably Ansongoan giant eland trait at this point. Thanks for the info on animal domestication timelines, I'm trying to be very careful that I don't overestimate how quickly giant elands spread through the continent (and beyond) and I know nothing about giant eland coat genetics, I'm partially basing the color morphs on photos of giant elands I've seen online and common morphs that show up in pretty much all furred animals.
I can see a radiation of horn types pretty easy, from what I can tell of other domestic bovids. Heck, even some farmed deer show some crazy results in antler shape from just 50 years of breeding (admittedly aided greatly through the knowledge of modern genetics and heredity)

It's pretty difficult to get an accurate picture of ancient domestication timelines, or how quickly the first 'breeds' emerged. I actually don't think this has been extensively researched; not that specific bit at least. Those first instances of captivity are understandably blurry. Actually trying to look into real-life examples can get sort of inconclusive sometimes, but the impression I've gotten from studying it is they can change reasonably quickly if you know what you're doing and feel the need to change them, otherwise it's only a little faster than natural selection. Horses seem to be pretty well documented; Arabian-type horses for example seem to have appeared 500 years after the earliest evidence of captive horses in ~4000 BC (during which time and/or prior they could probably have been semi-domestic winter-grazing livestock), and there's a Botai site in central Kazakhstan that also shows evidence of minor skeletal changes to the legs at this time. But the highest incidents of captive horses in the archaeological record start at around 2500 BC and this is also where the highest skeletal variation seems to be occuring, including an increase in size, implying it took around two thousand years for domestication to take full effect. Another point to compare is the higher incidence of urbanized civilization and intensive farming at this time which may well have contributed here.

But other changes have been rather quick; it seems to have taken at most 200 years for the horses of Chincoteague Island to shrink into 'ponies' all by themselves, the fully-grazing kunekune pig of New Zealand is only about 200 years old (and likely came into its modern form even earlier), the Appaloosa breed appeared within 50 years of the Nez Perce's breeding projects, and once Robert Bakewell really fleshed out the process of selective breeding there was a phenomenal explosion of highly derived animal breeds appearing within the span of decades or less. I'm pretty sure captive bearded dragons might have some genetic predispositions toward docility and affinity towards humans and they've only been in the pet trade for ~60 years; from what I can tell nobody's been deliberately breeding them for this. However, camels seem to be the odd one out here since despite thousands of years of intensive use by humans there seems to be very little phenotypic diversity (though not sure about true genetic diversity). Maybe it has something to do with them not being 'farm' animals?

For Ansongo's elands, I see three factors that can aid in the speed of their domestication, if the people are so inclined. The first is the region already has a history of more or less well-off sedentary and even urban cultures who can afford to both maintain large animals and cull individuals that are even marginally less desirable. An urban agricultural civilization will also increase demand for meat which can incentivize more hands-on approaches to breeding. The second is that the people of the region already have experience with handling and managing large animals, especially the eland's closest domestic relatives, cattle. Some elites could also be importing some horses from the north (which was a thing IOTL but I don't remember when), learning to ride some and realizing their benefit before the inevitable issue of sleeping and horse sickness kicks in; leading some to start looking into a similarly agile beast they're currently taming as an alternative. The third feels quite effective, and it's the fact that Ansongo is engaged in trade with Mediterranean powers who have an even longer history of large animal husbandry and will doubtlessly have literature on the subject of breeding, as well as likely oral knowledge from traders and visitors. That of course depends on how extensive the literature is on the subject and if it makes its way to Ansongoan readers.

The first generations are going to be a bit of a snooze considering the inevitable (and often desired) influx of wild stock and the fact that nobody's selecting for anything other than “don't attack me when I tell you to pull this plow”. When captive elands are in full swing in a given region and have healthy herd sizes, I think that's when the first steps to differentiation are going to occur and wild elands seen more as competition than helpers; both for grazing area, crop damage and the fact that a bull can go beyond simple sneak-breeding and literally steal cows away, incentivizing extirpation of wild eland bulls.

Now I'm not sure if all this can get you any extreme changes within 300 or even 500 years, but I think you do have the potential for domestic elands to change faster than most other tame megafauna considering the factors, even if marginally faster. I think by 300 AD the roads to divergence are already in place and beginning to happen, but how fast it happens depends on how it's managed by West African farmers or polities.
As you said, melanism is a fairly common mutation and I figure a couple of very pale-coated giant elands could be born and if they're born to a noble family, they could have an increased chance of spreading their genes. Though I wonder if the black and cream morphs would have a harder time in the African sun? Something to note about giant elands, is that 300 years from the initial point of domestication, I still consider them more "tamed" than anything, especially because it's not uncommon for people to capture giant eland juveniles and sub-adults to use as breeding stock. They're still temperamental and a bit more skittish than horses and cattle are. Perhaps that will always remain.
Yeah, I figure that's exactly the kind of thing nobility would be up to; they'd very likely be the ones driving the fancier looks into existence.

Black animals would definitely heat up faster, but black also dissipates heat faster. Aurochs seem to have done well enough having black fur in the stifling climate of the Near East, even without using bodily sweat glands to cool like horses and humans, but I'm looking at pictures of melanistic antelopes like impalas that suggest they're not totally struggling with the heat.

Captive animals have the advantage of access to shelter and care. If they look like they're getting too hot they can just be cooled with water or wear a white cloth to reflect the sunlight.

I wonder, what exactly is the dividing line between tamed animals that you're breeding and are used to humans and full on domesticated animals?
Good question. It's about the same as defining a separate species or subspecies, or even comparing a new one to its predecessor – in other words it can get really fuzzy and words like 'dividing line' can start to lose value. It is sort of a gradient, and goes up to the point of 'full-on domesticated' as you said – i.e when the population of animals being kept by humans are distinctly different, physically, genetically, ancestrally (main stock diverged long enough ago) and behaviorally, from the wild-type population sufficiently enough to be considered at least its own subspecies. So one way to determine if an animal is/was domesticated is to look at its physical features (even if just a skeleton) and see if they're sufficiently different, and if these features are in some way consistent with captive selection pressures.

Well, Egypt, Aksum, Nubia and Carthage all have seen Ansongoan caravans for themselves and the Romans know of a grassland empire in the heart of Africa that supplies gold to Egypt and Carthage. They can't quite get over that Ansongoans ride on gigantic antelopes :biggrin:. So Ansongoan coinage, cloth, carvings, and a bit of literature have made it to the Mediterranean basin along with the raw materials they trade. I would say that the furthest east Ansongo's culture has spread is the kingdom of Mao, centered around Lake Chad, which is starting to transition from a purely oratory culture to one that uses Southern Punic for governance. However only the most crucial orders are written down. West of Mao, and all people groups know of Ansongo and its elands. I would say by this point, all of west Africa uses giant elands and this is a particular boon for the forest peoples. However, they're probably the least likely to adopt Mande culture as the forest insulates them from both Ansongo's military and its practices.

Due to Persian contact, Bactrian camels were first used in the Sahara, but now Dromedaries are used to traverse the desert. And yes, one of the goals of this TL is to get a much more connected Africa, both within and without.
I see. It's impressive that they are able to personally travel as far as Egypt, but my point is you definitely can't overlook the power of indirect trade – which can be even more impactful than a direct caravan in some cases. It's highly likely at least some goods are getting to Rome, for example, anyway, through Egyptian middlemen, and then even further; I wouldn't find it surprising if archaeologists found a West African trinket in Crimea or someplace. At one point IOTL a good portion of European coinage was derived from Mali gold that ultimately got there. Indirect trade is a great way to spread culture and materials; pre-Columbian North America makes an excellent case study for this (though this map doesn't really touch on Mississippi River trade that would have been all over the place); it's how a lot of the agriculture, religious ideas and political ideas got around (and most likely how the SECC and political structure in the Eastern Woodlands spread because we don't have evidence for one single direct spread of the first polities). I don't know what the trade environment looked like in OTL sub-Saharan Africa, but I imagine it would look a little denser than that with more people making shorter journeys due to the terrain, environment and ethnic density. Pastoralists and hunter-gatherers with extensive seasonal rounds might indeed have done long-distance trading, but this isn't my strong suit in history.

So, while the Ansongoan caravan stops at Mao, Mao is trading with its neighbors, either as part of direct relations or her citizens are making private transactions themselves (anything from a conventionally recognized 'trade' to marriages, gift-givings or raids), and they are doing likewise. So even the people way to the east of Mao will eventually be getting Ansongo luxuries, religious/ceremonial material, and ideas of what Ansongo is. Spread via the world's longest game of telephone, various tales would be told about the empire and the things they supposedly have done, and a few people, perhaps inspired by the closer Mao's government may try to make regional mansas of themselves (they may be confederating in response to Mao anyway). Your Two God Path is slowly bleeding through from both sides of Africa, and after that the closest path of least resistance is the rift valleys and the East African Plateau. The Bantu-speaking peoples are currently making their way down there, no?

Continuing on trade, once elands get to Mao (if they haven't already), I imagine things are going to get pretty crazy. They're entering a region that previously had no true riding animals to speak of, and in many places no centralized polities. If horses in the Americas taught us anything, this is going to spread very fast. People of all subsistence strategies are about to become way more mobile than before, and I think this is going to shake up basically everything. This has a lot of implications...I could theorize more here but I've already taken up a huge chunk of space.

In other words, I think you've just lit a wildfire that's going to envelop the entire Sahel and beyond. But this was the plan all along, wasn't it? ;)
 
Chapter 16: The Aftermath
The Aftermath

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372 CE – 430 CE

“The baobab used to be the most beautiful tree in all of creation, but it grew proud and boastful. The gods grew weary of the baobab’s arrogance and so flipped it upside down, forcing its lovely branches and fruits into the ground and leaving its roots and bulbs on display for those it had held itself above to see.”


The effects of the Crocodile’s War rippled far beyond Ansongo’s borders, shaping the fortunes of its many throughout Africa. Carthage was dependent on Sahelian gold to buy its mercenaries and keep peace in its hinterland, but the nearly decade-long war disrupted the trans-Saharan trade in its third year, and the trade that continued immediately after the war was a pale shadow of its antebellum self. With the bulk of its gold supply momentarily lost and the Germanic invasions flooding past Gaul, through Hispania, and into the Atlas Mountains disrupting its Berber allies, Carthage saw more and more of its territory in the Punic Sea slipping out of its control and into chaos. Uncertainty and violence is always bad for commerce, and the disruptions caused by the invasions were no exception as Carthage merchants saw many of their familiar customers unable or unwilling to trade in such violent times, drying up Carthage’s coffers and their ability to purchase mercenary forces and pay their native armies. Unlike other more settled folk that the Carthaginians traded with, many of the migratory Germanics had little use for commerce; it was land they desired. When a member of the Carthaginian governing body the Hundred and Four went to treat with a Vandal chieftain, asking him what his people sought to stop their movement, he merely laughed and pointed a spear at the ground, “The land you stand on, and nothing less”. The Punic cities overtaken by the combined Germanic and Celtic tide were alternately sacked and threatened with sacking if they did not comply with their new rulers. Punic records during the time period of 365 – 400 CE noted several powerful German tribes that invaded their territory, most notably the Suebi, the Vandals, and the Visigoths. The final blow came in 375 CE when the Suebi people sacked the city of Carthage itself, killing many of the Punic population and prompting a scattering of the greatest concentration of Punic leadership and population to locations across the Mediterranean. Here at last the great migrations were stopped by the Great Desert to the south. This was the end of a unified Carthaginian civilization, but that did not mean their culture disappeared. The Northern Punic script was by now used throughout the Western Mediterranean basin and in some cases the Carthaginian gods melded with those that conquered their worshippers’ lands. Punic influence was especially pronounced on the islands of Sicily and Sardinia and it was here the majority of Punics fled. They also fled to various Egyptian cities, such as Alexandria and Abiad. Some of the lower class chose to live among the barbarians, as their position did little to change as they had no land to lose to the hordes. Some chose to continue their profession as small-time merchants and shipbuilders, over which they retained a monopoly due to the lack of experience the Suebi had with maritime activities. But many other Punics fled west, past Hispania and then south, some to the Canary Islands and others to the western coast of Sub-Saharan Africa, especially to the area around the Senegal River. In the lands where the Carthaginians were the minority, they established diplomatic and economic links to the surrounding peoples, but typically practiced endogamous marriage. In many areas with maritime trade, they gradually became the dominant traders plying the waters as their experience was superior to that of their neighbors. These migrations also fractured the two Barbary kingdoms, throwing the entire region into chaos as Berbers and Germanics alike tried their swords at establishing new states.

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Ansongo fared little better as the nomads it had repelled during its Full Bloom now held de facto control of the eastern and northern periphery of the empire and made increasingly bold claims forays into the heart of the empire, the provinces which bordered the Niger River. Of particular trouble were the Bafer, a semi-nomadic group of mixed Tuareg and Soninke ancestry. Nfansu, Lamin’s successor launched several campaigns against the nomad clans, attempting to reassert Ansongo’s authority over all its territory. And though the first war in 376 CE seemed to be a success, the nomads attacked again in 379 sensing weakness in Ansongo’s core, reclaiming territory that Ansongo had driven them back from in earlier conflicts. In earlier times, Ansongo simply would’ve redoubled its efforts and driven out the invaders and perhaps established more guard forts in the area for good measure. And most likely, the nomads wouldn’t have dared operate so deeply in Ansongo’s land in the first place, instead raiding only the borderlands. But this was not Ansongo’s Full Bloom, this was the empire immediately after a devastating civil war where nearly every death was that of an Ansongoan, every victorious siege meant a native city sacked, and every time an army or mercenary force foraged, a native granary was depleted. In the dry season of 384 CE on perhaps the saddest day of his rule, Nfansu met with the leader of the coalition of Bafer perople, Izem the Green (so named for the color of his eyes) and gave leave for the nomads to settle in portion of Ansongo’s eastern and northern provinces and also reduced the authority of the province masters in those regions to only that of Ansongoans. In theory, the land stipulated in the treaty would be used by both Ansongoans and nomads, but in practice the Bafer now controlled parts of the empire.

But not all was ruined. The reforms made by Lamin and continued by Nfansu served to restore social stability to the nation. He made it law that the waterworks, the wells, irrigation ditches, and river overflow canals, be regularly inspected and repaired every five years and that enough gold was automatically annually set aside into a special fund to accomplish this task. He also emancipated over sixty percent of the slaves owned personally by the Baturus and capped the number of slaves a single person could own at 30 slaves. He also set down on papyrus certain rights the province-masters had except in times of war, in a document named “The Law of Mansas and Province-Masters”. While old coins from the Baturus’ time were still in circulation, the mints of Bamako and Goundam began producing new coinage in honor of the new Mariko dynasty, with the face of Nfansu on one side and a crocodile on the other. Ansongo’s culture also changed during this time, becoming more insular more inward facing, an ironic change for an empire that expanded so far from its southeastern ancestral location. Books and plays written in the shadow of the Crocodile’s War were more introspective than the past works. In the past, works had focused on great deeds and conquests and stirring adventures and the masks worn by performers were large and richly decorated. In this era stories dealt with dispossessed protagonists that had suffered some sort of misfortune, either self-inflicted or visited upon them by outside forces. Hubris was a major theme among these works. After struggle, these characters eventually after some trials managed to restore their place in their family and larger society. From 400 CE onwards, city walls became more fortified and additional fortifications were built because of the increased vulnerability of Ansongo to nomad depredations, including that of the Bafer, as well as to protect themselves against their neighbors. During the civil war, it had become common for a man to be constantly armed with a knife or dagger as he went about his business, whether that was accompanying his wife as she brought goods to market or as he ploughed the fields.

The ripple effects of the Crocodile War manifested spiritually as well as physically. The Two God Path had been present in Ansongo since it’s Flowering Era with merchants being the primary followers of the religion, but in the physical and spiritual aftermath of The Crocodile’s War, many more people, especially peasants, became adherents of the Path. During the war, atrocities had been perpetrated and condoned by both the Baturus and Marikos with both sides alleging that the damage left in their wake was the will of the Mandinka gods. In older times without the option of another religion to follow, people would’ve continued worshipping their traditional gods, but with the spread of Meirism offered a seemingly more benevolent alternative theology to that of the gods of the two mansas that had burned the empire to ash. Several temples had been established by merchants in Goundam, Bamako and a few other cities and these became focal points gathering places for the religion. There were few learned priests in west Africa to “correctly” convert the new followers to the Path and so the Path took on a more local flair than that of Egypt, with more room for minor spirits that were helpers of Tahres, the Father and Olabisi, the Mother. While the Path insisted on exclusive worship of the Two Gods, few people in practiced did so, and merely gave the Father and Mother prominence over all other spirits and gods.
With the decline of Ansongo come an opportunity for Kita, its Soninke-speaking vassal, to assert its full independence from its overlord, which the kingdom gladly seized. In 364 CE while Ansongo was simultaneously tearing itself apart and trying to drive back foreign invasions, Kita stopped paying tribute to the empire and launched forces to expel the Ansongoan forces from their forts they used to monitor their provinces. Now even with the civil war, Ansongo was still too strong for Kita’s king Sicco to dream of expanding east, but with the additional revenue that normally would’ve been tribute to Ansongo, Kita spread west in search of glory, riches, and greater trade opportunities. Kita expanded from 373 to 384 CE across the savannas until it abutted up against the highlands that bordered the Senegal River. Because of the unfamiliarity of the mountainous habitat, the relatively ineffectiveness of their cavalry and the resistant of the native peoples, it stopped its expansion. There, they directly contacted the coastal ethnic groups of West Africa and with permission with the local chiefs, established several waystations along the Senegal and even two such places along the coast, though they were kept strictly non-military in function as stipulated by the Wolof and Fulani chiefs. There they began trading with the Punic refugees, many who had brought their shipbuilding and sailing knowledge with them. Kita for the time was content to include a portion of the Senegal River into its territory which gave it access to the Western Ocean. The Great Desert trade had of course affected these people and instilled a taste for foreign goods, and exotic cloth, salt, and Ansogoan gold and glass could be found in limited amounts here. Kita mainly functioned as a middleman trader; providing the riverine and coastal people with products further inland such as dyewoods, animal products, salt, and gold while the coastal peoples provided them with mangrove wood and a variety of seafood and cowry shells. As time went on, the people on the Senegalese coast began to intermarry with the Carthaginian arrivals, creating a new culture.
 
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And so the fire reached its full intensity; dying down as new, beautiful flowers bloom in the ashes of the baobabs.

What a butterfly effect. So it's over for Carthage too?

BTW, I found an old post on a bio-themed blog that has a drawing of a speculative domesticated eland of all things. How crazy is that? I don't see much point in the long tail but I love the tufted hooves.

I also saw an article about sub-Saharan glassmaking and it made me think of this TL :biggrin:
 
And so the fire reached its full intensity; dying down as new, beautiful flowers bloom in the ashes of the baobabs.

What a butterfly effect. So it's over for Carthage too?

BTW, I found an old post on a bio-themed blog that has a drawing of a speculative domesticated eland of all things. How crazy is that? I don't see much point in the long tail but I love the tufted hooves.

I also saw an article about sub-Saharan glassmaking and it made me think of this TL :biggrin:

Yeah, it's curtains for Carthage. They had a decent run and their influence will be felt in Europe by the writing systems people use, the gods they worship, the ships they build, and the loan words they use. And the Punics still exist in scattered clusters and they follow their traditions but they are a people without a country. Perhaps a "Paradise Lost" narrative will form in the islands of Sicily and Sardinia? That said, the Punics were never a very large people and heavily relied on mercenaries and trade to come out on top. In the face of land hungry hordes and massive demographic migrations, it wasn't enough. So it goes.

I feel like the tufted hooves would show up in more northern or mountainous breeds.

As always, thanks for the feedback!
 
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Yeah, it's curtains for Carthage. They had a decent run and their influence will be felt in Europe by the writing systems people use, the gods they worship, the ships they build, and the loan words they use. And the Punics still exist in scattered clusters and they follow their traditions but they are a people without a country. Perhaps a "Paradise Lost" narrative will form in the islands of Sicily and Sardinia? That said, the Punics were never a very large people and heavily relied on mercenaries and trade to come out on top. In the face of land hungry hordes and massive demographic migrations, it wasn't enough. So it goes.

I feel like the tufted hooves would show up in more northern or mountainous breeds.

Ad always, thanks for the feedback!

Then again, I figured Carthage could've adapted through their trade routes and survived through their mercantile power. I figure we might have a more Celtic influence in some parts of the area.
 
So, despite prevailing over Rome, the Carthaginian Empire falls earlier than OTL's (Eastern) Roman Empire. That's a bit ironic, but no civilization lasts forever. It seems Kita may, one day, be poised to usurp Ansongo's position as top dog in west africa(or perhaps that'll be the Punic-influenced *Senegal you teased us with, instead?;)) Regardless, I look forward to reading more. Also, was that proverb you opened with OTL? It was quite interesting! Great work, as always.:)
 
So, despite prevailing over Rome, the Carthaginian Empire falls earlier than OTL's (Eastern) Roman Empire. That's a bit ironic, but no civilization lasts forever. It seems Kita may, one day, be poised to usurp Ansongo's position as top dog in west africa(or perhaps that'll be the Punic-influenced *Senegal you teased us with, instead?;)) Regardless, I look forward to reading more. Also, was that proverb you opened with OTL? It was quite interesting! Great work, as always.:)

I hadn't thought about how OTL Byzantine Empire outlasts the Carthaginian Empire until you said so, that's kind of funny. Still, the Punics got a better deal than OTL. Very interesting things will happen with Kita down the line, though an empire in Ansongo's sense may not be in the cards for them.

There's a story behind that proverb. I swear I read it a long time ago in a book about the stories African cultures have about why the baobab tree looks so strange, but I can't find it whenever I look for it. There's a lot of stories about the gods flipping the baobab upside down, but it's typically because it was walking around or it was complaining about how ugly it looked; I haven't found one where the baobab was flipped because of how proud its beauty made it. That said, it's a classic "pride goes before the fall" story and it fits the situations of Ansongo and Carthage pretty well. And thanks for the compliment. It really means a lot to know that people are enjoying this story.

Rome's just hoooolding on, riding out the migrations. The Italian alps are very helpful right now. It's successfully expanded into large parts of eastern Europe and completely borders the Adriatic Sea, controls Crete, enjoys a "most favored ally" status with Egypt when it comes to trade and diplomacy. It's still a Republic though it's grown more autocratic as time's gone on. Now that Carthage is broken, the Romans may look west, starting with the isles of Sicily and Sardinia.
 
I hadn't thought about how OTL Byzantine Empire outlasts the Carthaginian Empire until you said so, that's kind of funny. Still, the Punics got a better deal than OTL. Very interesting things will happen with Kita down the line, though an empire in Ansongo's sense may not be in the cards for them.

There's a story behind that proverb. I swear I read it a long time ago in a book about the stories African cultures have about why the baobab tree looks so strange, but I can't find it whenever I look for it. There's a lot of stories about the gods flipping the baobab upside down, but it's typically because it was walking around or it was complaining about how ugly it looked; I haven't found one where the baobab was flipped because of how proud its beauty made it. That said, it's a classic "pride goes before the fall" story and it fits the situations of Ansongo and Carthage pretty well. And thanks for the compliment. It really means a lot to know that people are enjoying this story.

Rome's just hoooolding on, riding out the migrations. The Italian alps are very helpful right now. It's successfully expanded into large parts of eastern Europe and completely borders the Adriatic Sea, controls Crete, enjoys a "most favored ally" status with Egypt when it comes to trade and diplomacy. It's still a Republic though it's grown more autocratic as time's gone on. Now that Carthage is broken, the Romans may look west, starting with the isles of Sicily and Sardinia.

I'm wondering how the Germanic tribes will organize themselves. Would Latin still inspire their alphabets?
 
I'm wondering if Manichaeism would ever rise up here? I mean, granted, Christianity seems to have been butterflied away, and the dualistic nature of the other religion would complicate things. I do figure that Judiasim would stil play a role if not a larger one here without Rome breathing down them. And Gnosticism would still be around in a few forms.
 
Chapter 17: The Great Lakes and their Coral Coast
The Great Lakes and their Coral Coast

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360 – 600 CE

While Carthage and Ansongo crashed under the weight of their own actions, Nubia languished in bondage, and Egypt stagnated, Aksum was ascendant. There were two factors responsible for this. There was a shift in maritime trade between the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean basins to a model that heavily relied upon monsoons winds to power ships to their harbors, and this bestowed new importance to the Red Sea ports, with Aksum and its Nubian satellite benefitting the most. And more fundamentally, from 100 CE onwards, the rainy season in the northeast plain of Africa’s Horn grew twice as long, starting in April instead of July and ending to September, enabling two growing seasons per year instead of the traditional sole one, and spurring an expansion in Aksum’s population and the clout that came with it. This meant more farmers, merchants, blacksmiths, and the elites the rose out of the need to command their labor and consume their goods, and greater control of the eastern reaches of the Horn. From Ansongo’s Flowering Era onwards, trade between Ansongo and Aksum had been a non-trivial amount of the mountain kingdom’s economy, especially the movement of kola nuts, palm wine, cloth, and Goundam glass. The cloth and glass especially found markets in Egypt, the Indian subcontinent polities, Parthia, and the various states of China.

When the Crocodile’s War erupted in the west in 360 CE, the flow of the goods from the Western Road slowed to a trickle, simultaneously causing the Amhara and Tigray merchants that controlled the trade to gain more wealth in the short term, but also putting them at risk of losing their livelihood. From their trade networks in the Indian Ocean, Amhara merchants knew that trade in ivory, tortoise shell, and slaves was done along the eastern coast of Africa, far south to where they were. Faced with the prospect of losing their fortunes and having a tolerance for long distance trade, the traders of Aksum decided to try their fortunes on the coast, following the trails already blazed by Persian and Arab sailors. They did this the same way all other traders worked: using the power of the monsoon during November to March to blow their ships to the east African coast once they got past the tip of the continent’s Horn. Of course, this necessitated that the traders stay an entire season before the monsoon arrived that would blow them back to north of the Horn and then to Aksum. While the burgeoning trade held promise, doing the legwork of establishing markets and personal relationships with the local population required too much time away from the homeland for such meager profits to be worthy of the head of families; such tasks went to less favored sons and in a few exceptional cases, daughters. While the people who lived on the coast discovered a taste for kola nuts, they were also more than willing to accept rugs, porcelain, cloves, cinnamon, raw cloth, and pepper and export ivory, gold, exotic hides, slaves, ebony, mangrove poles, and sandalwood, which Aksumite, Persians, and Arabs would sell to various markets in the Indian Ocean, including Parthia, Arab chiefdoms, and the Indian kingdoms, the Gupta being the most prominent. Bantu settlers had already settled the coast by 200 CE and lived in small villages, catching fish and growing cereal crops for domestic consumption, and producing specialty items to be sold in the Indian Ocean Rim and beyond.

As the Indian Ocean trade grew, the Bantu villages that lined the coast rose in tandem. What had been a political system controlled as elsewhere in Africa by a gerontocratic system of chiefs, gradually morphed into a society, if not exactly controlled, then dominated by an oligarchy descended from the intermarriage of Arab, Persian, and Aksumsite merchants, and Bantu chiefs. As a native aristocracy slowly developed, they eschewed the mudbrick and thatch that they previously used for housing and started to build in coral stone and mortar, a material that was intended to showcase the affluence and permanence of the elite. These new buildings also blended the styles of the Arabian Peninsula and Aksum into the native coastal Bantu style, starting to erect primitive stelae and incorporating Aksumite brickwork and small monkeyheads into building design. The coral stone was fitting as the growth and true genesis of Kori* society came from the same ocean that the coral did. Compared to other nations where it was the lower class that provided an inroad for the Two God Path, it was the aristocratic class, the merchants and “small negus”, that first started worshipping Tahres and Olabisi, the Father and the Mother, and the religion of the nobility eventually became the religion of the commoners. In contrast to West Africa, the East African coast had many natural harbors, stimulating the rise of many such towns from the Horn to the Channel between Madagascar and the mainland and helping sustain a general Aksumite-influenced culture. These villages traded the goods that came from the interior such as iron and copper goods, ivory, amber, leopard skins, turtle shells, and gold to the wider world and imported textiles, ceramics, beads, glass, and other goods. The towns in time evolved into cities all along the coast and became known as the Kori Cities.

Common aspects of this Kori culture included the inclusion of Amhara and Arab words and grammar into an otherwise coastal Bantu language, houses built of coral, an almost completely urban society, and preoccupation with the sea and commerce. Like the Arabs that had been the first to trade with them, these people used sewn boats and adopted their dress to showcase the difference in status. As time went on, out of the many villages that dotted the coasts, ten villages at strategic locations all down the length in the coast grew in prominence and the largest of the cities had a population of over 50,000 by 600 CE. Around 550 CE, Ge’ez was adopted by the Kori Coast as its script; the fact that it was the language the Tome of the Two God Path was written in played a significant role in its growing usage. They traded with the people further inland for goods they sold among themselves and the wider Indian Rim. The Kori city-states lived on the fringes of society, seen as not fully of the inland groups, and yet not truly Aksumite, or Arab, or Persian. They were truly middlemen in the Indian Ocean trade, acting as a filter; taking products of the inland such as slaves, ivory, and grains and trading it to the sailors coming in exchange for spices, cloth, and carvings. They were dependent on people who at times only felt marginal kinship for them and did not produce many goods themselves for sale. This was to be a recurring vulnerability within the stone and country towns of the Kori Coast. Of the most successful group of cities were typically those nearest to the Great Lakes because of the greater trading opportunities inland due to the Lakes’ larger populations compared to other parts of eastern Africa. Of these Great Lakes people, the strongest Bantus were those that lived around the largest lake, Lake Nyanza**. For their part, the Great Lakes Bantus started using giant elands around 600 CE. With plentiful consistent water, deep fertile soil, a beast of burden that thrived in humid tsetse fly infested environs, and the influence of external trade, populations quickly grew leading to hierarchal polities.

The integration of the giant eland into the agricultural and economic fabric of society proved to be much slower in Aksum compared to other Sub-Saharan peoples and the main impetus was trade with southern peoples. Aksum had a uniquely productive agriculture system largely free from the scourge of the tsetse fly, blunting the main competitive edge of the eland. Additionally, people were experienced with raising cattle and horses and the giant eland required different management to thrive. In the end, it was the merchants who were early adopters of the eland, first using them to traverse the parts of the Western Road that dipped into sections of the savanna under the sway of the tsetse fly. Around the year 520 CE, the first mentions of giant elands being bred showed up in ancient Aksumite texts. Instead of paying their counterparts in Mao and Ansongo to use their giant elands, Aksumite merchants started breeding giant elands in the Ethiopian highlands to use for their travels and to have access to their meat, milk, hide, which they found sold well in the domestic markets. As Aksum’s influence grew, bolstered by its trade with the Kori Coast, it extended its reach to the southern coast of the Arabian Peninsula.

* = Amhara for “Coral”
** = Nyanza is the native name for OTL Lake Victoria
 
You know, I preferred the first version. It created a far more familiar world as base and just went from there, which made it far ore digestible.
 
You know, I preferred the first version. It created a far more familiar world as base and just went from there, which made it far ore digestible.

Could you explain this further? If you're referring to my "In the Shade of the Baobabs" TL, they both started off at the same POD and developed the same way. This TL is just further down the line with butterfly effects having more time to manifest.
 
I see that TTL's Swahili culture has developed! Now I feel nostalgic for my days in Kenya...

Elands definitely are a game changer for inland trade, but I wonder how close to the coral coast they can be established. The Tsavo region would be a good place for Eland pastoralism, but whether that gets established by the Bantu, Nilots, or relatives of OTL's Hadza is up in the air.
 
Here's a couple of pictures of Aksumite architecture for those not familiar with it.

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The Yemrehana Krestos Church built in the 11th century in the style of the Kingdom of Aksum. Note the monkeyheads, and the door and windows. This style would be married with native coastal Bantu architecture as well as Arab, Persian, and Indian styles to produce the Kori architecture.

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A stelae of Aksum. I picture smaller versions being erected in Kori cities.
 
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