Hail, Britannia
- Thread starter LeinadB93
- Start date
What voting system do they use anyway for Imperial elections? FPTP?
Prime Ministers of Savoy (since 1945)
A while ago, I made the electoral map for the Kingdom of Savoy (and of the Savoy dynasty) with its political parties, and now the list of Prime Ministers is here.
As it appears evident, the Kingdom of Savoy has been a dominant party system for most of its recent history, although the situation has somewhat changed as of late, with a reinvigorated right-wing.
Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Savoy (since WWII)
1945-1961: Giuseppe Saragat (Workers’ Socialist)[1]
1945 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Luigi Einaudi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Cipriano Facchinetti (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL)
1950 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Luigi Einaudi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Cipriano Facchinetti (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)[2]
1955 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Norberto Bobbio (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1960 (min.) def. Giovanni Marcora (UEC), Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Norberto Bobbio (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1961-1972: Roberto Tremelloni (Workers’ Socialist)[3]
1965 (maj.) def. Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Giovanni Marcora (UEC), Luigi Longo (PCS), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1970 (PSL-PRI coalition) def. Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Mario Ferrari Aggradi (UEC), Luigi Longo (PCS), Pierre Cot (PRI), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1972-1975: Enrico Berlinguer (Workers’ Socialist)[4]
1975-1977: Giovanni Malagodi (Constitutional Democratic)[5]
1975 (PCD-UEC-PRI-UL coalition) def. Enrico Berlinguer (PSL), Mino Martinazzoli (UEC), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Luigi Longo (PCS), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1977-1978: Valerio Zanone (Constitutional Democratic)[6]
1978-1985: Enrico Berlinguer (Workers’ Socialist)[7]
1978 (min.) def. Valerio Zanone (PCD), Joseph Fontanet (UEC), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1983 (min.) def. Joseph Fontanet (UEC), Valerio Zanone (PCD), Pier Luigi Romita (PRI), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Gianni Francesco Mattioli (FdV)[8] , Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1985-1992: Giuliano Amato (Workers’ Socialist)[9]
1988 (min.) def. Giovanni Goria (UEC), Raffaele Costa (PDC), Pier Luigi Romita (PRI), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Edgardo Sogno (USM), Gianni Francesco Mattioli (FdV), Francesco Cossiga (UL)
1992-1997: Mario Monti (Constitutional Democratic, CD)[10]
1992 (CD-PRI coalition) def. Giuliano Amato (PSL), Giovanni Goria (UEC-CD), Emma Bonino (PRI), Giuseppe Pisanu (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Carlo Ripa di Meana (FdV)
1997-2006: Piero Fassino (Workers’ Socialist)[11]
1997 (min.) def. Pierluigi Castagnetti (UEC-CD), Mario Monti (PCD-CD), Emma Bonino (PRI), Pierluigi Bersiani (PCS), Giuseppe Pisanu (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Carlo Ripa di Meana (FdV)
2002 (min.) def. Pierluigi Castagnetti (UEC-CD), Carlo Scognamiglio (PCD-CD), Emilio Zuccarelli (PRI), Paolo Romani (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Pierluigi Bersiani (ARV)[12]
2006-2016: Luigi Bobba (Catholic Electoral Union, CD)[13]
2006 (maj.) def. Romano Prodi (PSL), Carlo Scognamiglio (PCD-CD), Gianni Vernetti (PRI), Paolo Romani (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Pierluigi Bersiani (ARV)
2011 (CD-PRI coalition) def. Ignazio Marino (PSL), Gianni Vernetti (PRI), Giuseppe Civati (ARV), Roberto Formigoni (USM)
2016-onwa: Ignazio Marino (Workers’ Socialist)[14]
2016 (min.) def. Hervé Gaymard (CD)[15], Gianluca Galimberti (PRI), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Giuseppe Civati (ARV)
As it appears evident, the Kingdom of Savoy has been a dominant party system for most of its recent history, although the situation has somewhat changed as of late, with a reinvigorated right-wing.
Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Savoy (since WWII)
1945-1961: Giuseppe Saragat (Workers’ Socialist)[1]
1945 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Luigi Einaudi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Cipriano Facchinetti (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL)
1950 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Luigi Einaudi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Cipriano Facchinetti (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)[2]
1955 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Norberto Bobbio (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1960 (min.) def. Giovanni Marcora (UEC), Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Norberto Bobbio (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1961-1972: Roberto Tremelloni (Workers’ Socialist)[3]
1965 (maj.) def. Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Giovanni Marcora (UEC), Luigi Longo (PCS), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1970 (PSL-PRI coalition) def. Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Mario Ferrari Aggradi (UEC), Luigi Longo (PCS), Pierre Cot (PRI), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1972-1975: Enrico Berlinguer (Workers’ Socialist)[4]
1975-1977: Giovanni Malagodi (Constitutional Democratic)[5]
1975 (PCD-UEC-PRI-UL coalition) def. Enrico Berlinguer (PSL), Mino Martinazzoli (UEC), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Luigi Longo (PCS), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1977-1978: Valerio Zanone (Constitutional Democratic)[6]
1978-1985: Enrico Berlinguer (Workers’ Socialist)[7]
1978 (min.) def. Valerio Zanone (PCD), Joseph Fontanet (UEC), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1983 (min.) def. Joseph Fontanet (UEC), Valerio Zanone (PCD), Pier Luigi Romita (PRI), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Gianni Francesco Mattioli (FdV)[8] , Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1985-1992: Giuliano Amato (Workers’ Socialist)[9]
1988 (min.) def. Giovanni Goria (UEC), Raffaele Costa (PDC), Pier Luigi Romita (PRI), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Edgardo Sogno (USM), Gianni Francesco Mattioli (FdV), Francesco Cossiga (UL)
1992-1997: Mario Monti (Constitutional Democratic, CD)[10]
1992 (CD-PRI coalition) def. Giuliano Amato (PSL), Giovanni Goria (UEC-CD), Emma Bonino (PRI), Giuseppe Pisanu (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Carlo Ripa di Meana (FdV)
1997-2006: Piero Fassino (Workers’ Socialist)[11]
1997 (min.) def. Pierluigi Castagnetti (UEC-CD), Mario Monti (PCD-CD), Emma Bonino (PRI), Pierluigi Bersiani (PCS), Giuseppe Pisanu (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Carlo Ripa di Meana (FdV)
2002 (min.) def. Pierluigi Castagnetti (UEC-CD), Carlo Scognamiglio (PCD-CD), Emilio Zuccarelli (PRI), Paolo Romani (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Pierluigi Bersiani (ARV)[12]
2006-2016: Luigi Bobba (Catholic Electoral Union, CD)[13]
2006 (maj.) def. Romano Prodi (PSL), Carlo Scognamiglio (PCD-CD), Gianni Vernetti (PRI), Paolo Romani (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Pierluigi Bersiani (ARV)
2011 (CD-PRI coalition) def. Ignazio Marino (PSL), Gianni Vernetti (PRI), Giuseppe Civati (ARV), Roberto Formigoni (USM)
2016-onwa: Ignazio Marino (Workers’ Socialist)[14]
2016 (min.) def. Hervé Gaymard (CD)[15], Gianluca Galimberti (PRI), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Giuseppe Civati (ARV)
[1] After the liberation of the kingdom, new elections were held. The results reflected a great deal of continuity with the pre-war political scenario, however, the war efforts by the Socialist Resistance and the more bold leadership of Saragat from exile in London combined with the more radial vision for the country delivered the Socialists their first parliamentary majority. In his first legislature, the PSL majority would embark on a programme of expansion of the welfare state and economic expansion and modernisation, in cooperation with big business and the trade unions, continuing with the policies of the pre-war social democrat governments. Saragat’s rhetorical ability, his ability to control the PSL numerous factions and the economic successes of his premiership – the Savoyard States became one of the wealthiest states in the world, and together with the Nordic countries one of the most generous countries in the world. However, Saragat is particularly well-known for the constitutional reforms of the outdated Statuto Albertino in the 1945-1950 period, during which the ‘constitution’ was revamped, in a pseudo-republican manner – largely eliminating the powers of the monarchy as a compromise between the PSL and the PRI’s republicanism and the monarchism of the liberal and conservative forces on the right.
After the loss of its majority in 1955, Saragat would depend on ‘arithmetical magic’ as it was called, occasionally compromising with the communists, the republicans or the catholic party to get progressive and socialist policies pushed – ranging from nationalisations to land reform to increased powers for unions or massive housing projects in the outskirts of Turin and Milan. However, Saragat’s magic began to fade with age and after the disappointing results in 1960, Saragat would resign and pass over power to his no. 2, the Minister for the Economy, Roberto Tremelloni.
[2] The creation of the Monarchist Social Union in 1949 over the support of the PCD of the constitutional reforms of the first Saragat governments marked the first explicitly pro-monarchist party since the 1850s. The founder Sogno, a former partisan and monarchist liberal never quite matched the party’s profile, which attracted many conservatives who no longer felt at home in the broad bourgeois parties’ bloc – much closer to traditionalist conservatism.
[3] Tremelloni became Prime Minister at 61 with a long experience in running the various economic ministries during the Saragat administration and an important career in economics before the war. His government presided over the largest economic expansion that permitted him to continue governing using Saragat’s ‘arithmetical magic’ formula. In 1970, however after losing his majority, he would be forced to form a coalition with the PRI. This centrist coalition, combined with his advanced age and the rumble on the PSL’s left-wing due to Tremelloni’s gradualism and fiscal restraint would lead to his resignation in 1972 giving way to …
[4] Enrico Berlinguer is an interesting figure, simultaneously a member of Sardinia's aristocracy, linked by blood to UL leaders, and a bona fide socialist considerably to the left of the previous PSL Prime Ministers, who despite featuring a divisive economic agenda was held in a very high esteem as a person across the political spectrum. But personality does not guarantee success, and his programme for socialisation of the economy (and country) – from more nationalisations, more generous welfare provisions, industrial democracy or more progressive taxes or regionalisation – would run into problems with the economic downturn of the early 1970s. The polarisation of positions over Berlinguer's radical proposals strenghtened the right-wing's impetus after years of demoralised opposition, ultimately leading to the defeat of the PSL in 1975.
[5] For the first time in nearly 40 years, the right governed, albeit in a broad coalition of four parties without a substantial majority. Malagodi, albeit an experimented and able politician was too economically liberal and polarising to the taste of his coalition partners – who blocked many of his proposals, leading to his angry resignation from both the government and the PCD leadership two years into his premiership after both the UEC and the PRI threatened to withdraw their support over proposed changes to the income tax marginal rates (nowadays seen as an excuse to remove him). After his resignation, he would be replaced by the more centrist …
[6] Valerio Zanone, who belonged to the left-wing of the PCD and who would preside over the briefest government of the post-war era, as inter-government bickering increased and poll numbers worsened leading to early dissolution of Parliament in 1978.
[7] Berlinguer's return to power in 1978, after the chaotic ‘liberal triennium’ was in a sense a return to the normalcy of the past. However, Berlinguer's radical economic proposals remained, and over the next five years he would manage to push them through, against the opposition’s wishes and essentially breaking with the traditional consensus-driven policy-making of the past, in the way of pushing towards democratic socialism, however he was increasingly facing internal pressure in the PSL to moderate, and ultimately in 1985, he would be pushed out by his party and replaced with the much more moderate Amato, a social democrat economist much more in the style of Tremelloni.
[8] The late 1970s and the 1980s saw the increasing importance of a grassroots green movement, that while partially listened to by the social democratic government of Berlinguer would ultimately form its own political party, the Greens’ Federation that experienced its electoral breakthrough in 83 with a much more socially progressive agenda than any other party’s at the time.
[9] Amato’s premiership was marked by good economic numbers and certain welfare expansion, but it essentially marked a reversal of the philosophical underpinning of the Berlinguer era – returning to social democracy as a progressive way of managing capitalism rather than a step-by-step approach to building a socialist society. As such, some of the most radical and business-unfriendly changes of Berlinguer were either reversed or not continued, however the recession of the early 1990s, which gravely affected the Savoyard States’ led to his downfall in what has been called ‘the most boring election ever’ against PCD candidate and economist …
[10] Mario Monti, who applied neoliberal medicine to end the crisis – in that he was successful but the budget cuts and reversal of policies of the 1970s, aiming to make a more dynamic and flexible economy, through lowered taxes and burden on capital meant that for the first time in decades, the political dynamism had shifted from the left to the right, despite his loss in 1997 to …
[11] Piero Fassino, a more traditional candidate in the PSL, the result of a compromise between the right and the left of the party following the assassination of the candidate in pectore, Livia Turco. Fassino’s tenure can be mostly characterised by its tranquillity – the country did not experience an economic downfall nor great growth like in the 1960s and pro-flexibility policies were continued but in a more social manner, as the welfare state saw attempts to adjust it to the 21st century global economy’s demands. Fassino, a relatively charismatic leader would not run again in 2006, instead being replaced by Romano Prodi, the Foreign Affairs Minister, and who was perceived to be have a too technocratic profile, and ultimately led to his loss and the first majority government of the right since the 1920s (or the 1870s, depending on the definition).
[12] In 2000, after several years of bad electoral results, the two main parties on the left, communists and greens decided to form a joint list agreement in order to maximise their possibilities under the electoral system. The Red-Green Alliance as it was called, would also form a common parliamentary group but would still rmeain two different parties with different programmes beyond common points. For the common list however, the chosen capolista was the experienced trade union leader, Pierluigi Bersani, formerly the Communist Party capolista in 1997.
[13] Luigi Bobba's succesful leadership of his party, the UEC building on the electoral consolidation of the Castagnetti years, however Bobba's greatest triumphs were his own - the formation of the first unified, joint list of the right-wing parties in the form of the Democratic Coalition after the Sforza Castle Accords and despite the PRI's rejection of the agreement; and secondly the first instance of a right-wing governed being re-elected since before the Second World War. Bobba's tenure would be marked by good economic data as the economy grew at a good rate, and the ruling coalition proceeded with its economic programme of nationalisation and liberalisation of key sectors, together with the second round of competences' devolution to the regions. However, the economic crisis that begun in 2014 and undid Bobba's reputation as a skilled managed, would ultimately cost the government, together with the Maroni Affair, its majority.
[14] After the 2016, the PSL returned to power with a more dynamic programme and the promise to enact a 'social democracy for the 21st century' tha would stop the growth of income and social inequality that the country has experienced since the early 2000s. Whether they will manage remains to be seen, as the government still relies on the occassional support of the PRI after the eco-communist coalition lost all its seats in the 2016 election.
[15] Gaymard, former regional president of Savoy is the first major native French-speaking politician since Pierre Cot in 1970, and the first to lead one of the two major parties since the 19th century. Gaymard's election in the party elections where the members of all 3 parties belonging to the Democratic Coalition could vote represents a high point for Bobba's electoral coalition. Gaymard, a member of the PCD would have integrate into his new executive the two losing candidates from the UEC in order to maintain the coalition's unity.
After the loss of its majority in 1955, Saragat would depend on ‘arithmetical magic’ as it was called, occasionally compromising with the communists, the republicans or the catholic party to get progressive and socialist policies pushed – ranging from nationalisations to land reform to increased powers for unions or massive housing projects in the outskirts of Turin and Milan. However, Saragat’s magic began to fade with age and after the disappointing results in 1960, Saragat would resign and pass over power to his no. 2, the Minister for the Economy, Roberto Tremelloni.
[2] The creation of the Monarchist Social Union in 1949 over the support of the PCD of the constitutional reforms of the first Saragat governments marked the first explicitly pro-monarchist party since the 1850s. The founder Sogno, a former partisan and monarchist liberal never quite matched the party’s profile, which attracted many conservatives who no longer felt at home in the broad bourgeois parties’ bloc – much closer to traditionalist conservatism.
[3] Tremelloni became Prime Minister at 61 with a long experience in running the various economic ministries during the Saragat administration and an important career in economics before the war. His government presided over the largest economic expansion that permitted him to continue governing using Saragat’s ‘arithmetical magic’ formula. In 1970, however after losing his majority, he would be forced to form a coalition with the PRI. This centrist coalition, combined with his advanced age and the rumble on the PSL’s left-wing due to Tremelloni’s gradualism and fiscal restraint would lead to his resignation in 1972 giving way to …
[4] Enrico Berlinguer is an interesting figure, simultaneously a member of Sardinia's aristocracy, linked by blood to UL leaders, and a bona fide socialist considerably to the left of the previous PSL Prime Ministers, who despite featuring a divisive economic agenda was held in a very high esteem as a person across the political spectrum. But personality does not guarantee success, and his programme for socialisation of the economy (and country) – from more nationalisations, more generous welfare provisions, industrial democracy or more progressive taxes or regionalisation – would run into problems with the economic downturn of the early 1970s. The polarisation of positions over Berlinguer's radical proposals strenghtened the right-wing's impetus after years of demoralised opposition, ultimately leading to the defeat of the PSL in 1975.
[5] For the first time in nearly 40 years, the right governed, albeit in a broad coalition of four parties without a substantial majority. Malagodi, albeit an experimented and able politician was too economically liberal and polarising to the taste of his coalition partners – who blocked many of his proposals, leading to his angry resignation from both the government and the PCD leadership two years into his premiership after both the UEC and the PRI threatened to withdraw their support over proposed changes to the income tax marginal rates (nowadays seen as an excuse to remove him). After his resignation, he would be replaced by the more centrist …
[6] Valerio Zanone, who belonged to the left-wing of the PCD and who would preside over the briefest government of the post-war era, as inter-government bickering increased and poll numbers worsened leading to early dissolution of Parliament in 1978.
[7] Berlinguer's return to power in 1978, after the chaotic ‘liberal triennium’ was in a sense a return to the normalcy of the past. However, Berlinguer's radical economic proposals remained, and over the next five years he would manage to push them through, against the opposition’s wishes and essentially breaking with the traditional consensus-driven policy-making of the past, in the way of pushing towards democratic socialism, however he was increasingly facing internal pressure in the PSL to moderate, and ultimately in 1985, he would be pushed out by his party and replaced with the much more moderate Amato, a social democrat economist much more in the style of Tremelloni.
[8] The late 1970s and the 1980s saw the increasing importance of a grassroots green movement, that while partially listened to by the social democratic government of Berlinguer would ultimately form its own political party, the Greens’ Federation that experienced its electoral breakthrough in 83 with a much more socially progressive agenda than any other party’s at the time.
[9] Amato’s premiership was marked by good economic numbers and certain welfare expansion, but it essentially marked a reversal of the philosophical underpinning of the Berlinguer era – returning to social democracy as a progressive way of managing capitalism rather than a step-by-step approach to building a socialist society. As such, some of the most radical and business-unfriendly changes of Berlinguer were either reversed or not continued, however the recession of the early 1990s, which gravely affected the Savoyard States’ led to his downfall in what has been called ‘the most boring election ever’ against PCD candidate and economist …
[10] Mario Monti, who applied neoliberal medicine to end the crisis – in that he was successful but the budget cuts and reversal of policies of the 1970s, aiming to make a more dynamic and flexible economy, through lowered taxes and burden on capital meant that for the first time in decades, the political dynamism had shifted from the left to the right, despite his loss in 1997 to …
[11] Piero Fassino, a more traditional candidate in the PSL, the result of a compromise between the right and the left of the party following the assassination of the candidate in pectore, Livia Turco. Fassino’s tenure can be mostly characterised by its tranquillity – the country did not experience an economic downfall nor great growth like in the 1960s and pro-flexibility policies were continued but in a more social manner, as the welfare state saw attempts to adjust it to the 21st century global economy’s demands. Fassino, a relatively charismatic leader would not run again in 2006, instead being replaced by Romano Prodi, the Foreign Affairs Minister, and who was perceived to be have a too technocratic profile, and ultimately led to his loss and the first majority government of the right since the 1920s (or the 1870s, depending on the definition).
[12] In 2000, after several years of bad electoral results, the two main parties on the left, communists and greens decided to form a joint list agreement in order to maximise their possibilities under the electoral system. The Red-Green Alliance as it was called, would also form a common parliamentary group but would still rmeain two different parties with different programmes beyond common points. For the common list however, the chosen capolista was the experienced trade union leader, Pierluigi Bersani, formerly the Communist Party capolista in 1997.
[13] Luigi Bobba's succesful leadership of his party, the UEC building on the electoral consolidation of the Castagnetti years, however Bobba's greatest triumphs were his own - the formation of the first unified, joint list of the right-wing parties in the form of the Democratic Coalition after the Sforza Castle Accords and despite the PRI's rejection of the agreement; and secondly the first instance of a right-wing governed being re-elected since before the Second World War. Bobba's tenure would be marked by good economic data as the economy grew at a good rate, and the ruling coalition proceeded with its economic programme of nationalisation and liberalisation of key sectors, together with the second round of competences' devolution to the regions. However, the economic crisis that begun in 2014 and undid Bobba's reputation as a skilled managed, would ultimately cost the government, together with the Maroni Affair, its majority.
[14] After the 2016, the PSL returned to power with a more dynamic programme and the promise to enact a 'social democracy for the 21st century' tha would stop the growth of income and social inequality that the country has experienced since the early 2000s. Whether they will manage remains to be seen, as the government still relies on the occassional support of the PRI after the eco-communist coalition lost all its seats in the 2016 election.
[15] Gaymard, former regional president of Savoy is the first major native French-speaking politician since Pierre Cot in 1970, and the first to lead one of the two major parties since the 19th century. Gaymard's election in the party elections where the members of all 3 parties belonging to the Democratic Coalition could vote represents a high point for Bobba's electoral coalition. Gaymard, a member of the PCD would have integrate into his new executive the two losing candidates from the UEC in order to maintain the coalition's unity.
LeinadB93
Monthly Donor
I did a post a while back outlining the major sports in Britain ITTL. You should be able to find it under the threadmarks.
It’s certainly going to be interesting!
With territory spanning the globe campaigning is going to be a nightmare in each dominion...
British imperial elections are definitely grand affairs, but not on the scale of OTL US presidential elections. Though there’s probably room for comedic moments
I would really appreciate that
Oh god what have I done... this may kill me...
Elections for the Imperial Parliament are held under the Mixed Member Proportional system, with 434 single seat constituencies across the Empire, and 434 list seats assigned based on popular vote.
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LeinadB93
Monthly Donor
Excellent work
I have a post about Savoy and the recent election that I’ll hopefully get up tonight.
Great_Stag
Banned
We know that the monarch has more power, what about the house of lords?
Do they still hold considerable veto power over the house of commons
Do they still hold considerable veto power over the house of commons
David Dimbleby and Anderson Cooper FTW.
Also, would be glorious if we have King Arthur by Rick Wakeman as the main title theme.
I am not familiar with Mr Cooper, but I suppose that could work.
LeinadB93
Monthly Donor
I regret that I have been unable to complete the Savoy update write up And my brain isn't in the right place to compose any news updates.
Really sorry about my lack of contributions lately
The Imperial Council of Lords is the upper house of the Imperial Parliament. It undergoes a similar process of reform as the OTL House of Lords, which generally limited the power of the hereditary nobility/aristocracy, but probably didn't go as far as OTL. The full powers/role of the Imperial Council isn't fully fleshed out ATM, but the fact that members serve in prominent positions in several cabinets should be an indication of the increased power that body has.
The modern Imperial Council (post-1970s) is made up of a mix of hereditary, life and spiritual peers. The life peers vary in the way they are appointed; some by the PM, some by the Dominion First Ministers, and others elected by the Dominion Legislatures. And within the hereditary peers you have most being actual hereditary peers, with the right to sit in the Imperial Council passing with the title, whilst about a quarter are elected from amongst the other hereditary peers.
I think the Imperial Council would be a blend of the US Senate, British House of Lords and Australian Senate. On the whole it would be second in power and influence to the Commons, but is definitely stronger than OTL as a representative of the dominion governments and aristocratic traditions.
Obviously both will be there
No major posts, but there are several where I have alluded to the history of the region. I can't link to them directly, but if you search for "New Granada" (which is the name of Colombia ITTL), you should find them
And my brain isn't in the right place to compose any news updates.Really sorry about my lack of contributions lately
The Imperial Council of Lords is the upper house of the Imperial Parliament. It undergoes a similar process of reform as the OTL House of Lords, which generally limited the power of the hereditary nobility/aristocracy, but probably didn't go as far as OTL. The full powers/role of the Imperial Council isn't fully fleshed out ATM, but the fact that members serve in prominent positions in several cabinets should be an indication of the increased power that body has.
The modern Imperial Council (post-1970s) is made up of a mix of hereditary, life and spiritual peers. The life peers vary in the way they are appointed; some by the PM, some by the Dominion First Ministers, and others elected by the Dominion Legislatures. And within the hereditary peers you have most being actual hereditary peers, with the right to sit in the Imperial Council passing with the title, whilst about a quarter are elected from amongst the other hereditary peers.
I think the Imperial Council would be a blend of the US Senate, British House of Lords and Australian Senate. On the whole it would be second in power and influence to the Commons, but is definitely stronger than OTL as a representative of the dominion governments and aristocratic traditions.
Obviously both will be there
No major posts, but there are several where I have alluded to the history of the region. I can't link to them directly, but if you search for "New Granada" (which is the name of Colombia ITTL), you should find them
First of all, I absolutely love this series, absolutely incredible work Leinad. Secondly, I noticed in one of the earlier boxes a different version of the Ohio Country flag, is that an older in-universe flag, or has it just been retconned out of existence altogether? Even if it is no longer canon, would it be possible to see the previous design just out of curiosity?
Ya know, this timeline reminds me of an episode of Futurama called "All the Presidents' Heads" It's a pretty interesting episode.
Futurama would definitely be different in ATL.
United Empire of Earth. Prime Minister Norman Kirk's Head.
The Zombie Queen-Empress Elizabeth II. All hail Her Undying Majesty.
======
*Fry, Leela, etc. watches TV*
NEWCASTER: "And so Queen Elizabeth-"
FRY: "You guys have a Queen Elizabeth? Way back in 2000, we had one too."
FARNSWORTH: "It's the same one, dumbwit. She can't die."
FRY: "Huh. Always suspected that somehow."
======
Or something.
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Futurama would definitely be different in ATL.
United Empire of Earth. Prime Minister Norman Kirk's Head.
The Zombie Queen-Empress Elizabeth II. All hail Her Undying Majesty.
======
*Fry, Leela, etc. watches TV*
NEWCASTER: "And so Queen Elizabeth-"
FRY: "You guys have a Queen Elizabeth? Way back in 2000, we had one too."
FARNSWORTH: "It's the same one, dumbwit. She can't die."
FRY: "Huh. Always suspected that somehow."
======
Or something.
Please do an infobox for the Cornish elections and for the constituent country of Cornwall. I'm guessing Andrew George or someone will probably First Minister of Cornwall.
Yeah the thing is that episode is different from the rest of Futurama though because Britain owns all of north america.Futurama would definitely be different in ATL.
United Empire of Earth. Prime Minister Norman Kirk's Head.
The Zombie Queen-Empress Elizabeth II. All hail Her Undying Majesty.
======
*Fry, Leela, etc. watches TV*
NEWCASTER: "And so Queen Elizabeth-"
FRY: "You guys have a Queen Elizabeth? Way back in 2000, we had one too."
FARNSWORTH: "It's the same one, dumbwit. She can't die."
FRY: "Huh. Always suspected that somehow."
======
Or something.
Yeah, that's why I was comparing that episode to this TL lmao