Green Revolution on the Golden Gate

I was wondering if instead of sending people to Washington, the California Greens might have better luck sending people to Sacramento, but as the state senate has 40 seats and the state assembly has only 80 seats, the numbers they would likely need to even take a single assembly seat are probably so large that they'd probably have just as good or bad a chance of sending someone to Sacramento as they would have of sending a representative or two to Washington.

Realistically as far as state governments go, they'd probably be more likely to gain more seats in Massachusetts or Maine state legislatures before they pick up even a single seat in Sacramento.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/California_State_Legislature

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Massachusetts_General_Court

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maine_Legislature

Speaking of Maine, not really an expert on Maine or the Green Party in general, but as ITTL their success has been mainly focused in the Portland metro area, I'm wondering if they might have success in the Bangor or Lewiston areas later on
 
I've been procrastinating on this and some other projects for a while now (I blame the World Cup) but I'm hoping to have an update done this weekend.
 
I was wondering if instead of sending people to Washington, the California Greens might have better luck sending people to Sacramento, but as the state senate has 40 seats and the state assembly has only 80 seats, the numbers they would likely need to even take a single assembly seat are probably so large that they'd probably have just as good or bad a chance of sending someone to Sacramento as they would have of sending a representative or two to Washington.

Realistically as far as state governments go, they'd probably be more likely to gain more seats in Massachusetts or Maine state legislatures before they pick up even a single seat in Sacramento.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/California_State_Legislature

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Massachusetts_General_Court

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maine_Legislature

Speaking of Maine, not really an expert on Maine or the Green Party in general, but as ITTL their success has been mainly focused in the Portland metro area, I'm wondering if they might have success in the Bangor or Lewiston areas later on

Hey OTL, they've managed to win a seat in Arkansas' Legislature, believe it or not.
 
Tom Daschle, George Pataki Win Iowa Caucuses, Setting Stage for 2008 Primary Race
January 4, 2008

DES MOINES - Lately every four years it always seems like it’s coming earlier and earlier, and that’s because it is. The week is not even out since America rang in the new year and the presidential campaign season has already officially begun. That’s right, last night the candidates on both sides of the aisle watched intently from their campaign buses and town halls as the Iowa caucuses that officially ring in the presidential primaries rolled in. For many candidates, the result in Iowa can make or break a run for the nomination. On the Democratic side, since 1972 four non-incumbent candidates who won Iowa went on to win the presidential nomination. With the Republicans, it may just be two candidates, but it becomes three if you include Gerald Ford’s difficult primary against Ronald Reagan in 1976, and Reagan came in a close second in Iowa four years later losing to George H. W. Bush by just 2% before he went on to win the nomination. Needless to say, with 2008 being the first year since 1952 where neither the incumbent president or vice president are running for the nomination, all eyes will be on these early primary contests and Iowa as the first is of paramount importance.

For the Democrats, Iowa has been a tough and close competition, largely between four candidates; Hillary Clinton, Tom Daschle, John Edwards, and Barack Obama. This marks an interesting contrast to the national race which has largely seen Senators Obama and Clinton as the only two candidates with realistic chances at the nomination. While Clinton and Obama were both looking to win Iowa, the contest had been close with John Edwards even holding a lead over both for a time. However, the entrance of Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle into the race turned a three way contest into a four way contest. And last night, that contest proved to be very close. The ultimate winner of the Iowa caucus, though, was Senator Daschle. Daschle won with 26.3%. Obama and Clinton did not even come in second, as John Edwards came out of Iowa with 25.7%. Obama and Clinton, the two national front runners, were third and fourth respectively with 23.4% and 22.8%. While the perception of a third and fourth place finish in Iowa may hurt the two front runners in the media, mathematically the result is projected to give all four candidates about the same amount of delegates, give or take one or two. Additionally, because Daschle is from neighboring South Dakota, his victory in Iowa can likely be treated as a favorite son effect similar to Tom Harkin’s Iowa caucus win in 1992. With this in mind, it’s likely that the New Hampshire, South Carolina, and Nevada will be the more influential early Democratic contests.

For the Republicans, Iowa has been a mirror of the national race, seeing a host of leading candidates. At first Rudy Giuliani led for a time in early 2007, then fell as his national star waned and was supplanted by Mitt Romney. However, neither candidate seemed to fit with the rural, religious ethos that is common among the Iowa Republican voter base. In the past, these voters have usually gone for a more conservative candidate, especially one who can talk up their Christian credentials. In 1988, for example, Iowans largely eschewed then Vice President George Bush Sr. for conservative Kansan Bob Dole and televangelist Pat Robertson. That appeared to be the case with the Iowa caucuses again this year, with former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee and Tennessee Senator and actor Fred Thompson vying for the top spot in Iowa polling for much of the runup to the caucuses. However, it appears the presence of both Thompson and Huckabee has ended up splitting the religious vote last night. The candidate who was able to take advantage of that split was not Romney, however, but former New York governor George Pataki. Pataki has led a vigorous campaign in Iowa even before his departure from Albany[1], and while his presidential prospects were initially panned, it appears Pataki’s patient persistence has paid off. Pataki has long been known to have a fondness for rural areas, having owned a farm on Lake Champlain since 2003, and this appears to have helped him in Iowa. Pataki emerged from last night’s caucuses with a commanding 36%, while Thompson came second with 28% and Huckabee third with 24%. Pataki will no doubt hope this win in Iowa will boost him in the upcoming New Hampshire contest, where he has been in a close second place but never catching Romney in the polls. Even if not, however, the Iowa win and a second place in New Hampshire would certainly make George Pataki a real contender for the Republican nomination amid a still crowded field.

***

Democratic Insider Tom Hayden Leaves PDA to Found Green Political Committee
January 17, 2008

LOS ANGELES - Since 2004, Tom Hayden has been one of the leading members of the political organization the Progressive Democrats of America. The PDA, originally formed as a vehicle to continued the policy advocacy and movements that arose out of the Howard Dean and Dennis Kucinich presidential campaigns, described itself as a group of progressive activists who were intent on promoting the social justice campaigns brought about by those campaigns. Originally founded at the 2004 Democratic National Convention, it included members such as Dean and Kucinich themselves, Representatives John Conyers, Jesse Jackson Jr., and Barbara Lee, and activists and fundraisers like James Zogby and Hayden. However, Hayden announced today that he will be resigning his position on the Progressive Democrats of America board, citing continuing disagreement with the rest of the board direction of the PDA, claiming the PDA has become “too hitched to the Democratic establishment” to bring any real effectiveness.

Hayden has a long history of organization of radical activism that might have precipitated this disagreement with the Progressive Democrats of America. While attending the University of Michigan, Hayden was an initial member of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) organizations that spoke out against the Vietnam War and became some of the largest student organizations in American history. Hayden later became a prominent figure in the emergence of the New Left, including visiting North Vietnam during the 1960s, and was arrested as one of the Chicago Seven charged with crossing state lines to incite a riot at the 1968 Democratic National Convention. Hayden continued to be active in the New Left circles and was married to Jane Fonda from 1973 to their divorce in 1990. He later became more active in politics and was elected to the California state legislature, serving in the state assembly from 1982 to 1992 and the state senate from 1992 to 2000.

Hayden’s announcement itself might come as somewhat of a blow to the Progressive Democrats of America organization, but on its own it would merely be a small setback for the organization. However, Hayden announced he would not just leave the PDA One of the disagreements cited by Hayden was what he claimed was the organization turning away from its initial philosophy of an “inside/outside” movement[2]. The grassroots movement, Hayden said in his statement, clearly showed a surge in the progressive and social justice movements among the Green Party, and Hayden said he gradually found the PDA too resistant to support Green candidates as an “outside” movement in cases where they would be beneficial to progressive aims. As such, Hayden said, he would be forming a new Green focused political action committee in an attempt to revive the movement he was part of when he was younger to promote the radical change he feels is necessary right now.

The new political organization will be called the Movement for a Democratic Society PAC, echoing the original Students for a Democratic Society moniker. Hayden said he was inspired to make the move by the successful gains the Green Party made in California and Maine, and the high profile failings of Democratic candidates such as Eliot Spitzer in the New York gubernatorial race and Phil Angelides’ failed run for California governor. Hayden also had warm things to say about California Green Party chair Peter Camejo, who also cut his teeth on the student activist movements in the 1960s. “Both Peter and I became acquainted with radical leaders including Jerry Rubin, and we share a feeling that it is time for that spirit to arise again in this country,” Hayden said[3]. It is unknown at this time if there is any coordination with the new SDS revival that began two years ago, but the success of the new SDS and the Movement for a Democratic Society[4] will likely rest on whether it can overcome the internal divisions that plagued the original SDS. Hayden’s move to form a formal political organization already shows signs of learning from the past mistakes.

***

Former Green Chair Rankles Leadership With Fusion Proposal For California
January 22, 2008

SANTA MONICA, CA - By now it is widely acknowledged that the Green Party has somewhat shaken up the political makeup of parts of the country, and while these areas remain focused at a local level, a couple examples certainly stand out. Most notable for California has been the Congressional election in the state’s 11th district in 2006, where Pete McCloskey came in second place running as a Green, finishing just ahead of the Democrat and about evenly splitting the vote to let Republican Congressman Richard Pombo return to the House with less than 45 percent of the vote. McCloskey’s high profile run for Congress and this margin has sparked some in California to begin pushing for electoral reform in the state.

State senator Abel Maldonado, a moderate Republican, has surprisingly leapt into the reform discussion early to become one of its biggest proponents. Maldonado appears to have taken the idea of a nonpartisan blanket primary as a sort of pet project, attempting to build up support from both other Republicans and across the aisle from Democrats to put a blanket or “top two” primary on the ballot in November. There does appear to be some support for such an initiative, as a similar one was on the ballot four years ago. While over 52 percent of Californians voted in favor of Proposition 62 in 2004, it was superseded by a conflicting initiative that received more votes. While that bodes well for Maldonado’s efforts, a blanket primary proposition still has to gather the signatures to get on the ballot in the first place.

Additionally, Maldonado is not the only one spearheading a movement for reforming California’s electoral system. The Green Party has their own proposal on how to resolve the unusual situation in California’s 11th district and others like it that have cropped up at a more local level. Or a section of the Green Party does, anyway. Former Chair of the California Green Party Mike Feinstein, who served as mayor of Santa Monica for one term from 2000 to 2002, has begun drafting a ballot proposition that would establish electoral fusion in California[5]. Electoral fusion allows multiple parties to nominate the same candidate with all nominating parties being listed on the ballot, and the candidate, not the party, that receives the most votes on the ballot wins. The concept has history in California. Notably in 1946, governor Earl Warren received both the Republican and Democratic nominations as well as the Progressive nomination for governor, and won reelection with over 90 percent of the vote. Mike Feinstein wants to bring that spirit back to the Golden State. In an interview about the idea, Feinstein said “if you look at the Working Families and Conservative parties in New York, they have established key voter bases and have been able to wield a huge amount of influence over the major parties.” Feinstein argued fusion allows smaller parties to sway platforms and candidate nominations with the threat of pulling a nomination and costing a major party nominee an election.

However, Feinstein’s support for electoral fusion has its critics in the Green Party, as does Feinstein himself. The fusion proposal appears to have made Feinstein butt heads with current California Green Party chair Peter Camejo and his supporters within the party organization. Camejo responded to the proposal by calling it “capitulation to the pro-corporate Democratic Party,” and that it “would throw away all the progress the Green Party has made in asserting itself as an independent organization of the left separate from the duopoly.” Camejo even went so far as to question Feinstein’s motives, lamenting “how far to the right” Feinstein had become and wondered if there was some involvement from the Democratic Party itself behind it[6]. Feinstein has previously been the subject of a corruption investigation when in 2003 during his time on the Santa Monica city council Feinstein was accused by the LA County Green Party of misappropriation of $30,000 worth of campaign funds. Camejo did not bring up this instance, but moved back into his practiced talking point, reiterating that “fusion will completely undermine the strength and voter base we’ve created and the successful work our committed party members have put in for nearly a decade.”

These proposals of electoral reform both still need to gather the signatures to appear on the ballot in November, and will no doubt be joined by others as the petitioning period continues from now until May. Already other measures are also gathering steam, such as an initiative which would ban same sex marriage in anticipation of a ruling on the case In re marriage cases in May. On the subject of the fusion ballot initiative, it has certainly strained internal relations among the California Green Party and could cause a rift between supporters of Camejo and Feinstein if it continues to build. That could all depend on if the fusion initiative makes the ballot in November.

***

Super Tuesday Contests Start to Give Clearer Picture of How Nomination Races Stand
February 5, 2008

SAN FRANCISCO - The 2008 presidential campaign is at last in full swing. Now that we have entered the beginning of February, that means the primaries for the presidential nominations are fully underway. And most of all, the first Tuesday in February, which means good news for all the election junkies: Super Tuesday has arrived! We were all waiting for today, as California’s Pete McCloskey and Georgia’s Cynthia McKinney quickly emerged as the two front runners for the presidential nomination, but with scant polling it was difficult to get any real sense of who was leading. The Florida contest on the first of the month gave Cynthia McKinney the first win of the primary and 9 of the state’s 16 delegates.

For Super Tuesday, arguably the biggest day of the primary season, six states held their primaries. While McKinney and McCloskey were highly favored to be the main competitors for delegates and win most of the states, one state stood out from the pack. In West Virginia’s primary, favorite son Jesse Johnson, who last year oversaw the affiliation of West Virginia’s Mountain Party with the national Green Party organization, won 6 of the state’s 8 convention delegates[7]. However, aside from West Virginia, the other five contests went more predictably with McCloskey and McKinney taking away all but a few trappings of delegates and a few more uncommitted. McKinney won the primaries in Mississippi, Arkansas, and Illinois. McKinney is notable for winning all 8 of Mississippi’s delegates, however Arkansas and Illinois were each won by less than fifty percent and McCloskey made decent showings in both states. McCloskey won the Massachusetts primary, taking 17 of the state’s 32 delegates, while McKinney received 9 with the rest of the delegates going to other candidates or uncommitted.

However, the largest and most important primary of Super Tuesday was certainly the California primary. Over 2,000 voters participated in each of the Illinois and Massachusetts primaries, but with California having by far the largest number of registered Greens, there was no doubt it would again have the largest turnout and the most delegates. In fact, it set a record for the largest participation in a Green primary at a grand total of over 36,000 votes[8]. The California primary also had 176 delegates up for grabs, or over a fifth of the 836 total convention delegates. This made it a priority for both McCloskey and McKinney. While McKinney appealed to the California Green Party’s recent direction of reaching out to black voters, it seems McCloskey’s home field advantage carried the day. Pete McCloskey won 111 of California’s delegates, which combined with the other wins, especially in Massachusetts, already puts him a long way toward the majority of delegates. Cynthia McKinney didn’t fare too badly, garnering 50 delegates from California. The other Californian in the running, Kent Mesplay, won 6 delegates, though Mesplay had already suspended his campaign to focus on his duties on the San Diego city council and will likely drop out soon. Jesse Johnson for his part had 3 delegates, tying with Kat Swift, with the rest going to other candidates[9]. While there are many states left in the Green primary, California was by far the most anticipated and now McCloskey has gained a significant advantage over McKinney in the race for the nomination, though it is far from assured and he still needs to win most of the remaining contests if he wants to clinch the nomination.

The Super Tuesday races for the other parties’ primary contests were also held today, and produced some interesting results. Senator Tom Daschle won his home state of South Dakota and two districts in the Minnesota caucuses. Hillary Clinton won a majority of the Super Tuesday states, however, giving her a slight edge over Obama and lessening the blow of Obama’s landslide win in South Carolina. In the race to succeed President Bush, Mike Huckabee won most of the contests in the South except for Fred Thompson’s home state of Tennessee. The rest of the Super Tuesday contests were split between George Pataki and Mitt Romney, including a surprise win by Pataki in Missouri over Huckabee, while Romney was favored more in Western states such as Arizona, Utah, and Colorado. With the Super Tuesday results, Huckabee’s support seems to be limited to the South, and it appears Pataki may be pulling ahead of Romney outside of Romney’s core support bases in New England and the Mountain West. The upcoming contests, especially those in Kansas and Virginia, could be crucial to determining if Pataki can maintain the momentum he has built from Super Tuesday or if either Romney or Huckabee can still attract enough support nationwide.

[1] I present to you 2006 Chris Cillizza talking about Pataki's "Iowa mojo": http://voices.washingtonpost.com/thefix/eye-on-2008/patakis-iowa-mojo.html
[2] The inside/outside philosophy of the PDA was intended to work to change the Democratic Party from within in a more progressive direction and work with other non-affiliated progressive movements to help elect progressive Democrats to office. But ITTL with the Green Party sucking up some of that progressive oxygen, there is both more resistance within the party and more resistance to working with outside organizations with fear they will just turn around and support Green candidates.
[3] I can't find any sources on whether Camejo and Hayden ever crossed paths during the 60s student movements, but they had mutual acquaintances at the time so it's possible, and ITTL they definitely are meeting a few times before Hayden's departure from the PDA.
[4] The new revived incarnation of the Students for a Democratic Society was an actual attempted revival by high school and college students in 2006 and worked with members of the original movement to get it off the ground. It eventually merged with Occupy.
[5] Mike Feinstein at least at the time was a supporter of fusion balloting as a way to get the Greens more visibility by cross-endorsing Democratic candidates.
[6] The "how far to the right" line is straight from Camejo's North Star: A Memoir where he is briefly talking about his falling out with Feinstein over fusion balloting. As a staunch Green, Camejo did feel that cross-endorsement was essentially capitulation to the Democrats.
[7] Jesse Johnson did win the West Virginia primary as essentially a favorite son in OTL, but the Green primary in 2008 was on April 27.
[8] To give you a sense of how much of an increase this is, the OTL totals for the 2008 primaries were 1,513 votes in Illinois, 744 in Massachusetts, and 21,726 in California.
[9] OTL California had 168 delegates to the 2008 convention and were distributed as follows: Ralph Nader 102, Cynthia McKinney 45, Elaine Brown 7, Kat Swift 5, Kent Mesplay 3, Jesse Johnson 3, Jared Ball 3. Yep, Nader still won the California primary by a landslide despite not even running.
 
Housing Market In Bay Area Continues to Stall as New Construction Plummets
April 4, 2008

SAN JOSE, CA - The San Francisco and Silicon Valley housing market is well known for being one of the most expensive in the country. Despite a sluggish economic recovery from the dotcom bust and the relative drop off of construction and housing prices in the rest of California from its peak in 2004, the wealthier parts of the Bay Area such as San Francisco and San Jose appeared to be insulated from the drop off of the California housing market. In 2006 median house prices broadly fell in southern California. Santa Barbara experienced the most extreme drops in prices with San Diego, San Luis Obispo, and Ventura also falling that year with other cities remaining at an increase despite an overall sharp drop in housing price increases. However, the change in prices over 2007 tells a much different story.

House prices saw a drastically worse picture in 2007 from the previous several years across the state. The core Central Valley, measured by the Public Policy Institute of California[1] through the cities of Modesto, Stockton, and Merced, was the worst hit and saw an annualized fall in housing prices of over 15 percent in 2007. Unlike in previous years, however, not even the wealthier parts of the Bay Area were spared. Even San Francisco saw median prices fall, an unusual prospect for many residents of the city, by 0.9 percent. Elsewhere in the Bay Area, Santa Cruz saw a drop of 2.3%, Santa Cruz by 1.4%, Napa by nearly 6 percent, and Santa Rosa in Marin County by 7.2%. In addition to the drop in median house prices, signs of a broader California housing slump can be seen in the lack of new construction. New construction permits have fallen to approximately half what they were at the peak of the recent boom in 2005. Again, the regional variation is skewed with the most extreme areas of this lack of new construction being in the Central Valley. However, this is primarily due to the already small number of construction permits being issued in crowded coastal areas from a lack of space. From 2001 to 2005 during the strongest years of the housing construction boom, the number of permits issues soared by 114% in Merced and by over 200% in Imperial County, while only increasing by a modest 30% in the San Francisco metropolitan area.

For San Francisco, these numbers could have been written off as a mere blip in the seemingly endless appreciation of homes in the city. However, reports from the first quarter of 2008 are indicating this is no fluke. According to real estate analytics firm Zillow, the beginning of this year is still seeing a drop in prices. The entire Bay Area saw a 7.1% drop in housing prices compared to a year ago for the first quarter of 2008, and San Francisco itself saw a drop of 0.4%. The San Francisco metropolitan area which includes South San Francisco and San Mateo saw a fall of over 5 percent year on year according to data reported by the Federal Reserve[2]; a drop that the San Francisco area has not seen since the early 90s recession. These indicators could signal a short term crisis in the housing market as foreclosures have also gone up across the state. For some, however, such as those who are looking to buy a house in San Francisco, it may come as a relief. While there has been a drop in house prices, the median price in the city is still a hefty $823,380[3]. Prices could continue to drop in the city over the year with the anticipation of the completion and opening of the One Rincon Hill complex in the fall, which will be the largest single addition of housing units in the city in a long time. The stall in California house prices has also helped to spur an initiative that could end up on the ballot in November. If it makes the ballot and passes, the proposition would among other things outlaw rent control and similar measures in the state of California.

***

Speier Wins Special Election For Remainder of Lantos’s Term
April 9, 2008

SAN BRUNO, CA - Yesterday, voters of the 12th Congressional District following went to the polls to fill the vacant seat left by the death of Tom Lantos after his death from esophageal cancer in February. Lantos, a Hungarian-American who served the Peninsula area since 1981 until his death and so far the only Holocaust survivor to serve in Congress, had been grooming State Senator Jackie Speier as his successor to the safe Democratic district. Speier has been in California politics for nearly as long as Santos’ 14 term congressional career. The Representative Elect began her career as a staffer for Congressman Leo Ryan, and she was one of the members of the investigation sent to Jonestown in 1978 during which Ryan and four others were killed. Speier herself was wounded in the shooting. She has since served on the California State Assembly for ten years from 1986 to 1996, and the State Senate from 1996 to 2006 before stepping down as Leland Yee moved into the State Senate. She will finish out the remainder of Tom Lantos’ term and has already announced she will seek election to a full term in November.

Speier won the special election handily with over 70 percent of the total vote. While Republicans had been the traditional challenger in the district, the nature of the open primary for the special election with two Republicans on the ballot led to a Green Party candidate breaking through into second place. Miguel Araujo, a Latino activist and resident of San Bruno, received 11.8% of the vote, while the two Republican candidates received 7.5% and 4.6% of the vote. Araujo, president of the Centro Azteca activist group and former secretary general of the California chapter of the Mexican political party PRD, was also likely aided by the off year nature of the special election. The timing of the election caused it to occur neither on the day of the general election or the June 3 primary, and turnout was extremely low as a result. In 2006 Lantos received over 124,000 votes, whereas yesterday Speier won the seat with merely 63,000. Speier is now a clear favorite for winning a full term in November.

Despite losing the special election, Miguel Araujo claimed the result was still a victory. Araujo ran partially on a platform of bringing the ongoing discussion in California of granting driver’s licenses to illegal immigrants to a national stage after the failure of last year’s attempt to pass the Comprehensive Immigration Reform bill. Efforts to pass such a law in California have so far met with resistance from governor Schwarzenegger. State Senator Gil Cedillo has drafted bills that would direct the California Department of Motor Vehicles to issue licenses and state IDs to illegal immigrants in successive legislatures, but despite the passage of a few of these bills Schwarzenegger has continually vetoed them. Araujo likely benefited from this platform in driving Hispanic turnout as the 12th district now has over one hundred thousand Hispanic residents.

***

With Few Issues To Distinguish Them, Leno-Migden Fight Turns Petty
April 17, 2008

SAUSALITO, CA - With just over one and a half months to go before the primary, one of the most hot headed contests for a party nomination that Marin County has seen in a long time is still under way. It remains a close fight with former State Assemblyman Mark Leno trying to upset incumbent State Senator Carole Migden[4]. The feud between the two can be traced back to 2002 when Mark Leno successfully defeated former San Francisco Supervisor Harry Britt for the Democratic nomination in the 13th Assembly district. Carole Migden was then the incumbent Assemblywoman and supported Britt to succeed her as she was term-limited. In 2006, Migden egged further turmoil when she backed Supervisor Chris Daly who successfully upset Leno’s reelection bid for the Assembly. Now, two years later, the feud between Migden and Leno has come to a boil with the two facing each other head to head instead of one acting through a supported candidate.

There is little to separate Carole Migden and Mark Leno from a strictly policy perspective. The candidates are two of San Francisco’s most prominent gay and lesbian officeholders. Both have positioned themselves in the progressive faction of the Democratic Party throughout their political careers. The candidates being so close and running much in the same circles should point to a good relationship between Leno and Migden. The reality, however, is that the similarities between the two is likely what is intensifying their rivalry. With both candidates also being very ambitious, it has led to the race for the Senate’s 3rd district nomination becoming increasingly petty and based in personal attacks.

Carole Migden’s campaign has attempted to paint Leno as someone too ambitious for his own good. A recent release from Migden accuses Leno of “needing to be in the ring” and get payback at Migden instead of being committed to serving the people of the third district. She also used this stance to speak against term limits for state legislative officials. “Term limits place pressure on people, and it’s very difficult to say adieu to the capitol,”[5] Migden said recently. Additionally, Migden has cited Leno’s defeat to Daly in 2006 and his ties to former San Francisco mayor Willie Brown as evidence that he would be a weak and corrupt candidate. Leno responded to these attacks with some of his own in his struggle to overcome the state establishment backing of Migden. His campaign has called attention to what it calls Migden’s “abrasive personality” and has lambasted Migden for taking donations from Republican billionaire Donald Fisher. Amid the ongoing feud between the two frontrunners for the nomination, other candidates have also weighed in. Former Assemblyman Joseph Nation called Leno’s criticism of Migden for campaign donations hypocritical and cited questionable donations made to Leno’s own campaign from casinos and adult entertainment venues[6]. The nature of the attacks has apparently dragged both Leno and Migden down in the polls, with a recent poll showing Nation at a close third just eight points behind Migden in the lead.

With the increasingly petty attacks between the two front runner San Francisco-based candidates, it is increasingly clear that Marin County is being left in the lurch. To an extent, the focus on San Francisco is understandable as a slim majority of the district’s population lives there. However, Leno has done little to endear himself to the constituents in Marin County. Migden previously attempted to resolve a longstanding issue between the county and the State over county property taxes taken by the State, but after a bill failed in the Assembly for the third time last fall, Migden has been markedly silent on the issue even into campaign season. This could bode well for the two challengers the victor of the Democratic primary. 34 year old businesswoman Sashi McEntee is the Republican nominee, while author and anti-Iraq War activist Norman Solomon is the Green nominee. McEntee, the daughter of Sri Lankan immigrants, is hoping to show that a moderate Republican - she is pro-choice and pro-gay marriage - can still be successful in the deeply liberal Bay Area[7], and Solomon hopes to capitalize on the surge of Green success and run an insurgent campaign to reach political office. Both are from Marin County which could help them in the district as bringing represented to a so far neglected constituency in the district.

***

Hispanics Come Out in Droves in Repeat of “Day Without An Immigrant” Protests
May 3, 2008

LOS ANGELES - The scene on Wilshire Boulevard two days ago was immense. A crowd estimated at over one hundred thousand people crammed into the major thoroughfare through the nation’s second largest city waving American, Mexican, and any number of flags as they marched down the street. A chorus of chants - in both English and Spanish - such as “We Are America” and “Si se puede” rang out across downtown Los Angeles. This was only the largest of the nationwide May Day protests to call for immigration reform that arose this year in a repeat of the “Day Without An Immigrant” protests in 2006.

Two years ago, as part of broader protests over immigration reform, activists from labor organizations, Hispanic groups, and others called for a strike by immigrants and specifically those from Latin America on May 1 or May Day, the international celebration of Labor Day. What began as a grass-roots movement by a few groups in Los Angeles escalated into a nationwide series of boycotts, strikes, and protests as Congress failed to come to agreements on immigration reform. An estimated four million protesters showed up across the nation at the height of the protests on May Day in 2006. Protests occurred across the country, but the largest was undoubtedly in Los Angeles, where between 1 and 1.5 million people turned out to march in favor of immigration reform. Unfortunately for the protesters, Congress continued to spar on the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2006, and while the bill proposed by Arlen Specter passed the Senate easily, it was unable to reconcile with another bill drafted in the House and the reform legislation failed.

It failed again in 2007, this time despite a Democratic controlled House and Senate and the urging of President Bush to pass immigration reform legislation. The Democrats capturing the House in the 2006 midterm elections brought hope that Republican opposition to reform from the right could be overcome and a bill could pass. However, the 2007 Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act, or the Gang of 12 Bill after the twelve Senators who had a hand in drafting it, was a compromise between previous failed bills from the past few years. The Gang of 12 Bill among other things contained the DREAM Act proposal to grant a citizenship process for illegal immigrants who arrived in the country as minors, as well as a guest worker program in the form of the Y Visa which would have allowed immigrants to stay in the country for two years on temporary work before they would be required to return home. While the bill received its usual complaints from the right, it also did not sit well with many on the left, especially unions. Democratic Senator Byron Dorgan, a strongly pro-labor senator North Dakota, authored an amendment which limited the Y Visa program to running for just five years. Dorgan’s amendment, which narrowly passed the Senate,[8] received surprising votes in favor from both those on the left such as presidential hopeful Barack Obama and those on the conservative right such as South Carolina Senator Jim DeMint. The restriction did not sit well with many on the Gang of 12 who initially crafted the bill, and Dorgan’s amendment acted as an effective poison pill that ultimately sank any attempt at immigration reform in 2007.

Now, almost one year after the last attempt at immigration reform, election season is again in full swing and it appears there has been little effort to bring up the subject of immigration reform again in the Senate despite the president’s urging. And now, the voice of the president is being joined by the voice of millions who are creating a repeat of the 2006 protests. Millions of Latinos, Hispanics, and activists supporting the cause of immigration have marched and protested daily, and in some instances constantly, since May 1. The largest marches are in Los Angeles and New York City, but protests have been held in cities across the country including Chicago, Atlanta, Seattle, Las Vegas, and Austin. This year, it seems, the Day Without An Immigrant can be expected to become more than just a day and more than just an immigrant.

In California, the protests have had an even greater meaning this year than for many other places around the country. State Senator Gil Cedillo proposed a bill which would have allowed illegal immigrants to obtain California driver's’ licenses, a measure which has been a key issue for many Latino and immigration activists in the state. It has also been a passion issue for Cedillo, who has proposed the legislation numerous times since his first election to the state assembly in 1998. In fact, Cedillo’s effort this year is his third attempt[9] in governor Schwarzenegger’s administration alone. However, like the last two times, it passed the California state legislature but Schwarzenegger refused to sign the bill. Cedillo himself joined the protests in Los Angeles yesterday and spoke alongside activist Nativo Lopez to call for broad reform to the treatment of immigrants at both the national and state level. Other politicians have joined the protests as well. In San Francisco, California Green Party chair Peter Camejo appeared in Union Square with recent Congressional candidate Miguel Araujo and other Latino Bay Area leaders. According to organizers of several of the demonstrations, they intend to keep the immigration rallies going, at least in California, throughout the week until Cinco de Mayo as a link between the immigration reform issue and the celebration of Mexican-American and broader Latin American contribution to United States.

[1] The housing statistics here are taken or adjusted from this Public Policy Institute of California report from March 2008 on the state of the California housing market.
[2] Source: https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/ATNHPIUS41884Q#0
[3] The $823,380 is actually quite a bit lower than OTL. In OTL, according to this article from February 2008, the median housing price in San Francisco was still $857,274. The reason for the lower median price ITTL is due to a number of effects, including but not limited to the more sluggish recovery from the dotcom bust, less confidence in housing prices in San Francisco due to the untested leadership of a Green mayor, and the anticipation of the Rincon Hill complex, which compared to OTL has more residential units and is finishing sooner.
[4] I chanced upon discovering the Migden-Leno primary feud while I was doing some research on local stuff, and it seemed like an interesting colorful piece of local level politics to include.
[5] This was a real quote from Carole Migden on Leno's announcement, found in this SF Gate article from March 2007. It of course has a slightly different connotation ITTL since Leno is attempting to regain office after having been out for two years rather than Leno being term limited in his assembly seat.
[6] Joe Nation did run for the Democratic nomination for the state senate seat in 2008 once Leno entered and Migden looked vulnerable, and did make these accusations against Leno. Needless to say it did not really help Nation's primary campaign.
[7] A good profile of Sashi McEntee can be found here: https://www.marinij.com/2008/10/06/...-takes-on-seasoned-democrat-for-state-senate/ It's always interesting to come across candidates who would be good on paper but had no hope of breaking into the spotlight because any attempt to climb further on the political ladder would be a doomed campaign.
[8] Byron Dorgan's poison pill amendment on the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2007 is the same as the one he proposed in OTL. It passed the Senate 49-48 and effectively doomed any attempt at immigration reform.
[9] Cedillo did try three times during Schwarzenegger's administration, though the third attempt in OTL was in 2009 and not 2008. It failed all three times.
 
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I wonder how the Great Recession will impact the fortunes of the Green Party.

If Hilary C gets the nomination, her corporatist-centrism would be a boon to the Greens.
 
Footnotes added to the latest update.

I wonder how the Great Recession will impact the fortunes of the Green Party.

If Hilary C gets the nomination, her corporatist-centrism would be a boon to the Greens.
;) Also keep in mind that the new SDS in OTL got folded into the Occupy movement...
 
Almost kept to my monthly update goal. :p

After “Super Saturday” In Green Primary, Two Candidates Announce Unity Ticket
May 7, 2008

WASHINGTON, DC - Another “super” primary day has come and gone, and we are finally getting a clearer look at the nominations for president. While February’s Super Tuesday often holds the most sway over presidential primary campaigns, the Super Saturday early in May - this year on the third of the month - can decide a nomination if the contest is particularly close. That certainly came to pass for two campaigns this year, as the Super Saturday results and the recent developments in the days since have testified to.

The Green Party, whose primary this year has been one of the most contentious presidential primaries in recent years, at last has a definitive conclusion to the debate between the two sides squaring off. Many have compared it to the 2004 primary when Ralph Nader and David Cobb faced off in the party’s primary. However, while the struggle between the two opposing McCloskey and McKinney factions may have appeared to the outside media as if it was putting the party in a state of disarray, you can be assured it was not. The 2004 fight was about envisioning a Green Party that could successfully move beyond Ralph Nader, as many in the party were concerned that too much reliance on a single personality such as Nader’s would doom the party to collapse once he left the stage. The Green Party managed to survive that, and the 2008 fight has been not about whether the party can survive without Nader, but what direction the party now moves in.

Pete McCloskey had been holding a narrow lead in convention delegates, but with the large number of uncommitted delegates and McKinney nipping at his heels, the Green primary had remained fairly up in the air. The results of the May 3 Green primaries, however, put McCloskey significantly ahead of McKinney with one or two key wins. McKinney won her home state of Georgia, but lost two other states, Tennessee and Maryland, that she likely needed to win if she wanted to have a shot at the nomination. Maryland’s loss was not as bad as Jesse Johnson won a few delegates despite having dropped out to run for governor, pushing McCloskey below majority support among Green members in the state. However, Tennessee was a particularly crushing loss for McKinney as it was another Southern state and McKinney was expected to carry it. With McKinney falling further behind, it became clearer McCloskey would likely edge toward the nomination. In the days after Super Saturday, the two candidates and national representatives from the Green Party held a private meeting. The Greens absolutely did not want a repeat of the contention and bad blood at the 2004 convention, so they urged the candidates to come to a settlement. Today, they announced it. At an appearance in Atlanta, Cynthia McKinney announced she was suspending her campaign, then introduced Pete McCloskey to the stage. With both candidates standing together, McCloskey announced he was naming McKinney as his running mate. The show of a unified front between the two front runners among the party bodes very well for the next months leading up to the Green National Convention, and lets the Greens jumpstart the switch to a general campaign footing.

McCloskey and McKinney were not the only presidential candidates in Atlanta over the weekend. Bob Barr, a former Georgia member of Congress like McKinney and the Libertarian presidential nominee, attended the Atlanta Fourth of July Parade where he announced the beginning of his “full-time” campaign for president[1]. The announcement of McKinney was also not the only vice presidential announcement to come out recently. In late April, Alan Keyes announced he would select pastor Charles Baldwin as his running mate for the Constitution Party, and Vice Presidential speculation continues to heat up for both the Republicans and the Democrats. Insider sources seem to indicate Pataki is leaning toward choosing a woman as his running mate. Likely choices include Kay Bailey Hutchison, Elizabeth Dole, Sarah Palin, and Linda Lingle. Others mentioned as possible picks include Mike Huckabee, Sam Brownback, or George Allen, all of whom would provide conservative balance to the more moderate Pataki. With the Democrats, the big news on Saturday was key the Indiana primary. Hillary Clinton scored a narrow but vital victory in the primary over Barack Obama. In the days since, Tom Daschle at least made a presidential endorsement and endorsed Clinton, giving his substantial amount of delegates to her and allowed her to clinch the nomination over Obama. Clinton becomes the first woman to receive a major party presidential nomination. Additionally, with Daschle having held his delegates close and played kingmaker, he now moves up on the list for potential running mates. However, Clinton’s options remain wide open including the likes of Obama, Ken Salazar, Tim Kaine, Evan Bayh, Russ Feingold, Ted Strickland, and Brian Schweitzer. According to a source close to Clinton, all potential picks remain on the table and Clinton will not be making her final decision until closer to the Democratic convention in late August.

***

Next Target For Green Party: The Upper South?
May 20, 2008

LITTLE ROCK - Since the formation of the party in the 1990s, the Greens have seen tremendous growth in many areas of the country. In New England they have reached a total of four seats in two state legislatures, in California the Greens have been slowly gaining a stronghold in San Francisco, and in Minnesota and Wisconsin they have won election to a number of city council seats and other local offices. Looking ahead to November, the Green Party could expand in yet another region of the country… the Upper South. While at first glance the states of Arkansas, Kentucky, and West Virginia might appear like the last place to be prime territory for a leftist, environmentalist party like the Green Party, local party leaders have created a strong organization in those states and are fielding a number of focused, candidates there this year.

The most high profile contest the Greens are contesting is sure to be in West Virginia. While the Green Party previously had little traction in the state, the state’s home-grown Mountain Party’s decision last year to affiliate with the national Green Party has given the Greens a boost in not only name recognition but fundraising in the area. The Mountain Party’s Jesse Johnson, who ran for governor in 2004 and United States Senate in 2006, won the state’s Green Party presidential primary earlier this year and is now running for governor once again against Democrat Joe Manchin. Manchin is seeking reelection against Johnson and Republican candidate Russ Weeks, a former state senator. So far, there appears to be little chance of Manchin losing reelection. Manchin is polling as little as five and as much as fifteen points ahead of Hillary Clinton, who is showing strong polling in the state putting her an average of five to six points ahead of George Pataki. However, the polls that include Johnson are good for the progressive hopefuls in the state. Jesse Johnson has been polling at between six and eight percent, which could be enough to get him into the gubernatorial debates in the fall.

While it is reasonable to see how there is some appetite for an environmentalist party deep in coal country in West Virginia, it is perhaps less reasonable at first glance to see such a thing in Arkansas. However, that has not stopped the Green Party from fielding an impressively strong slate of candidates there. The Green Party actually has a long history in Arkansas, namely in Fayetteville. In 1992, Stephan Miller was elected Alderman for Fayetteville’s Ward 1, and four years later in 1996 Randy Zucher was elected for Ward 2. In 2006, the Green Party ran its first statewide slate of candidates. They successfully fought for a place on the ballot after a high profile court case in which the Arkansas Supreme Court threw out regulations that stated third parties had to get more signatures than independent candidates to appear on the ballot[2]. Rebekah Kennedy received over five percent of the vote for attorney general and former state legislator Jim Lendall received over two percent in a run for governor[3]. This year, the Greens are likely to build upon those results. However, it could largely be due to a fluke. Jim Lendall is running for office once again, this time against Democratic Senator Mark Pryor. Rebekah Kennedy is also running for Congress. These races, as well as many of the other races the Greens are running in for both Congress and the state legislature, will only have one major party candidate, which will work heavily in favor of the Greens. The Green Party is the only party to nominate candidates for all four congressional districts in Arkansas[4]. The Democrats failed to nominate a candidate against John Boozman in the 2nd district, and the Republicans failed to nominate anyone for the 1st, 3rd, and 4th districts, leaving the Greens as the primary challengers against the incumbent representatives in all four of the state’s congressional districts. The Green Party will have Ken Adler running against Marion Berry in the 1st, Deb MacFarland against Vic Snyder in the 2nd, Rebekah Kennedy against Boozman in the 3rd, and Joshua Drake against Mike Ross in the 4th. The 3rd district race in particular has a number of positive signs for the Greens. Clinton’s presidential campaign should inadvertently aid Kennedy’s campaign with greater nominally Democrat turnout in the district and the district includes Fort Smith and Fayetteville, the two largest cities in the state aside from Little Rock.

Lastly in our Green tour of the Upper South, we arrive at Kentucky. However, unlike West Virginia and Arkansas, Kentucky’s potential area of strength for the Green Party is smaller and does not rely on a strong showing in the entire state. However, it does bring a few prominent names with it. Kentucky’s best candidate for the Greens in 2008 is longtime activist, novelist, and poet Wendell Berry. Berry is running for Kentucky’s 4th congressional district. The district covers much of the northeastern edge of the state, running along the Ohio River border from just east of Louisville in the west to Ashland and Boyd County in the east. Berry is running against Republican incumbent Geoff Davis, and while the district is ancestrally Republican, it was held by conservative Democrat Ken Lucas for much of the early 2000s until 2004 when Lucas retired and Davis won the open seat against Democrat Nick Clooney. Lucas ran again in 2006 losing to Davis, and now Clooney, a journalist and father of actor George Clooney, is running in a rematch against Davis after Lucas failed to capitalize on the wave year for Democrats. Berry originally announced when it appeared the conservative Lucas would make yet another run for the district, but now that Clooney is the nominee instead and George Clooney’s activist credentials and endorsement are behind his father’s run, it remains to be seen how this will impact Wendell Berry’s run for Congress. Even so, Berry is optimistic about his chances. Surely, if the Greens are on the rise in the rest of the Upper South, they can do well in Kentucky’s 4th too.

***

Initiative to Ban Same-Sex Marriage Gains Spot on California Ballot
June 3, 2008

SAN FRANCISCO - A week and a half ago, on May 22, the California Supreme Court made a landmark ruling. After four years of legal battling since San Francisco’s Green Party mayor Matt Gonzalez first directed the county clerks in the country’s 13th largest city to issue marriage licenses to same sex couples, the case regarding the licenses’ constitutionality finally reached the California Supreme Court. In a 4-3 decision on the case In re Marriage Cases, the court ruled that the current bans on any issuance of same sex marriage licenses in California are unconstitutional and violate the Equal Protection Clause of the California Constitution. Specifically, Chief Justice Ronald George, notably a Pete Wilson appointee, wrote in the majority opinion that the 1948 ruling in Perez v. Sharp that reversed the state’s ban on interracial marriages set precedent that marriage is a basic civil right, and as such should receive strict scrutiny in the constitutionality of its restrictions. Additionally in this citation, George wrote that sexual orientation is a protected class just like race and gender and any discrimination based on sexual orientation must be subject to strict scrutiny, also making California the first state high court to declare such a position.

However, this does not mean that the California Supreme Court has completely ruled in favor of the legality of same sex marriages in the state. The ruling only overruled the current bans in place. The 1977 declaration of marriage as being between one man and one woman was passed by the state legislature, and the 2000 ban was a legal statute passed by popular initiative. There is still one legal avenue for opponents of same sex marriage to pursue in seeking a statewide ban: a constitutional amendment. Anticipating the state supreme court ruling, petitioners have spent the past six months gathering signatures to place such an amendment proposal on the November ballot. Now they will have their wish of putting it in front of the people. California Proposition 8 would enshrine the language that “only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized” in the California state constitution.

Proposition 8 is mainly supported by religious groups and conservative politicians. The Catholic Church, evangelical groups, and the Church of Latter Day Saints have all come out in favor of the amendment. Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich has also been quick to support the amendment. However, there have been some notable absences from a few very prominent Republicans in favor of Prop 8. Presumptive Republican presidential nominee George Pataki has not yet made a statement regarding Prop 8, but the former New York governor has been supportive of gay rights in the past. In 2002, Pataki signed into law a measure protecting gays from housing and employment discrimination based on their sexual orientation. While Pataki has not spoke on the initiative since it made the ballot, governor Arnold Schwarzenegger has been quite vocal even before the Supreme Court ruling. In April, Schwarzenegger panned an effort to put a ban on gay marriage in the California Constitution, and has since voiced his opposition to Prop 8 in a number of public appearances[5].

As today was the last day for confirming enough signatures to be on the November ballot, the ballot initiatives have now been finalized. Along with Proposition 8, other initiatives Californians will vote on this November include a bond measure for a high speed rail line between Los Angeles and San Francisco, an amendment creating an independent redistricting commission for state assembly and state senate seats, and an amendment that would reform the state’s electoral law to enact fusion balloting. The fusion balloting measure is being proposed by Mike Feinstein, a frequent candidate for California’s Green Party and former state party co-chair. There is already one race that demonstrates what fusion balloting could do in the state. Instead of opting to put up a candidate (informally as the race is non-partisan) in the San Diego mayoral election this year, the California Green Party has instead made an endorsement of incumbent mayor Donna Frye. Frye will go to a runoff against city councilman Brian Maienschein in November after leading him in 47-31 in the June primary today.

***

Not Singing, But Not Shutting Up: Dixie Chicks’ Natalie Maines Takes Voice To City Hall
June 14, 2008

AUSTIN, TX - The Dixie Chicks have gotten in their fair share of hot water among country music fans. In 2003, the band sparked a major controversy when, during a concert in London, lead singer Natalie Maines spoke out against the run-up to the invasion of Iraq. Maines, who grew up in north Texas and now lives in Austin, said, “just so you know, we're on the good side with y'all. We do not want this war, this violence, and we're ashamed that the President of the United States is from Texas.” The reaction among the country music industry and fans was electric in largely condemning the Dixie Chicks for Maines’ statement. Many media commentators lambasted the group saying they should not have shown such disrespect to the president, radio stations across the United States quickly dropped their songs from play lists and tour sponsors dropped support after fans complained. In the wake of the statement, the Dixie Chicks became a brief country music pariah and according to a spokesman for the band, they suffered financially for a time after the controversy.

The band recovered with a more outspoken outlook in their new music in the years following with their album Taking The Long Way and their Accidents & Accusations Tour in 2006. The trio also were part of a 2006 documentary about the controversy surrounding the public criticism of President Bush called Shut Up And Sing, also released in 2006. Following the release of the documentary, the trio announced they were going on a hiatus. The hiatus let the blowback from the controversy die down somewhat, but now it appears it could flare up again as the band and Maines’ controversial criticism are thrust back into the spotlight. This time, however, the spotlight it not on a concert stage, but on a debate stage.

A few months ago, Maines entered the race for Place 4 on the Austin City Council. It was a crowded field of seven candidates and included several more experienced candidates far more typical to city council races. The early hopefuls were disaster management consultant Laura Morrison, builder and New Urbanism activist Cid Galindo and environmental lawyer Robin Cravey[6]. However, Maines’ star power allowed her to hold her own in the polling and she emerged in second place in the initial election in May, sending her to a runoff against Cid Galindo. During the runoff campaign, Maines received a surprise endorsement from Laura Morrison, who announced it with a joking quip about how Maines “managed the disaster” that was the Dixie Chicks’ anti-Bush controversy. Cravey declined to endorse a candidate. However, the runoff campaign for the nonpartisan office turned negative as attacks on Galindo for his association with Republicans, and Galindo attempted to brush Maines off as a political neophyte. It seems that either Maines’ passion or the anti-Republican bias of Austin won out, as Maines received over 5,000 votes and narrowly won the city by less than 100 votes. Maines in her speech said she was looking forward to the challenges of the new chapter in her life and working with her fellow city councilmembers. In particular, Maines singled out working with Lee Leffingwell, possibly as an attempt to smooth over some of the remaining tension from the 2003 controversy. Leffingwell, who won reelection to Place 1 a month ago without the need for a runoff, was a Navy pilot for five years during the Vietnam War.

[1] Barr's campaign launch at the Atlanta July Fourth parade is same as OTL. A nice little tidbit I found that worked well into the narrative.
[2] The court case is OTL, and shows what kinds of barriers to ballot access existed for third parties for a long time, many of which still exist.
[3] Only a slight increase from OTL 2006. In OTL, Kennedy received 4.4% for attorney general and Lendall received 1.7% for governor.
[4] The circumstances of the Arkansas House elections are only a slight change from OTL... in that the Greens actually nominate someone for AR-1. Yes, that's right, in OTL the Greens had nominated candidates in 3 of Arkansas's 4 House districts, while the Democrats nominated 3 and the Republicans only nominated John Boozman. In OTL the Greens ended up winning over 19% of the statewide Arkansas US House vote.
[5] Pretty much all the Prop 8 stuff here is same as OTL.
[6] When you're reading articles on individual Austin city council races from a decade ago, sometimes you start to question if you're going too deep. :p Nah.
 
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Footnotes added, and here's a quick wikibox from 2006 too.

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Camejo Holds Fortieth Anniversary Commemoration of “Battle For Telegraph Avenue”
July 4, 2008

BERKELEY, CA - While many Americans are getting together and celebrating the country’s birthday, a very different celebration happened today in Berkeley, California. The city of Berkeley is no stranger to protests, with the University of California Berkeley campus having been perhaps the central location for much of the 1960s counterculture movement and the anti-war protest against Vietnam. Today’s gathering in Berkeley celebrated the 40th anniversary of one of those protests. California Green Party co-chairman Peter Camejo was the main speaker at the event, commemorating what he called the Battle for Telegraph Avenue in June and July 1968.

Telegraph Avenue is a street that stretches from the historic downtown of Oakland with its terminus near the Fox Theatre north through the Temescal neighborhood and ending at its most notorious stretch, the four or five blocks leading up to the south entrance to UC Berkeley and Sproul Plaza. It is here where much of Berkeley’s student protest culture originated and grew. From student activist Mario Savio giving speeches on the Sproul Plaza steps that now bear his name to People’s Park just off Telegraph Avenue between Dwight Way and Haste Street that was the center of protests and the violence of “Bloody Thursday” in 1969 when students occupied the then empty lot and turned it into a public park, the stretch of the avenue just south of the UC Berkeley campus was a hotbed of student activism and left wing movements throughout the 1960s and 1970s, and still is today. The rally today that commemorated the Battle For Telegraph Avenue remembered one of the lesser known protest rallies there, but one that Camejo had a close personal connection to.

In 1968, Peter Camejo was the leader of the Berkeley chapter of the Socialist Workers Party and the Young Socialist Alliance, and he organized the rally in late June of 1968 to honor and show solidarity with the French student and general strikes going on at the time. The university administration and the Berkeley city council denied the protest organizers’ permit requests and Camejo, as the emcee of the 1968 protest was in charge of, as he put it, “wrangling the students so the police would not have any reason to attack us.” The rally, standoff with Berkeley police, and negotiations with the mayor and city council lasted for a week from June 28 to July 4. At the rally today, Camejo related one instance where he was encouraging students to retreat from a balcony as police were moving in to disperse the student protesters with tear gas, and he had to disguise himself in order to get past the police lines unnoticed until he could reach the end of the cordon at Dwight Way to avoid arrest as a notable organizer of the protest. The July 4 date, however, is significant, Camejo said. It was the day when at long last, the students were able to protest in peace. “That Fourth of July was a celebration. There were no police and therefore no violence, just joy. We held a political rally, but at that point most people just wanted to enjoy that Telegraph was ours and we had a space to just be, that we had won,”[1] he mused.

Despite the decades that have passed since the Battle For Telegraph Avenue, Camejo reiterated that many of the causes for that and other protests still rang true today. “Forty years ago, we called for the troops to come home from Vietnam. Now, we call for the troops to come home from Iraq and Afghanistan. Forty years ago, we called for equal rights for blacks. Now, while we sadly still have to repeat that call, we also call for equal rights for gays and lesbians.” He even through a barb at Ron Dellums. “The Berkeley City Council in their attempt to silence us went so far as to impose a curfew and even call in the National Guard! And do you know who was on that council? The man currently governing at the other end of this avenue. For all his progressive rhetoric, Dellums should be ashamed to this day of his actions on the city council voting for the illegal police occupation of Telegraph Avenue and other votes against similar protests.”

However, Camejo also said there were many differences between then and now, both advances and setbacks. In his closing remarks speaking to the rally, he handed the microphone off to Berkeley mayor Tom Bates, and commented how even a simple act as that was a sign of how far Berkeley had progressed since 1968. “I now ask the Mayor of Berkeley Tom Bates to join me on stage. The fact that Mayor Bates is joining me here shows how far we have come since 1968. Berkeley’s mayor back then, Wallace Johnson - incidentally the last Republican to hold that office - refused to join me when I peaceably requested it to calm tensions between protesters and police. I will now let Mayor Bates speak a few words.” Bates spoke briefly, calling for the return of troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, before several others spoke over the course of the afternoon as crowds milled about between Sproul Plaza down to Dwight. While it was not officially a Green Party event, many local candidates from the party were there to speak, including Cindy Sheehan, Angela Davis, Oakland councillor Aimee Allison, and Richmond mayor Gayle McLaughlin. Them and other speakers who shared their stories from Berkeley protests such as professor Jack Bloom, a friend and colleague of Camejo’s during their Berkeley years, made the rally more than just a political event. The reflections on the Battle For Telegraph Avenue four decades ago made the rally a reminder that history and progress is often a visceral, personal struggle.

***

Amid Scandal, Charles Rangel Finds Old Challenger In Jose Stevens
July 12, 2008

NEW YORK - Entrenchment happens all the time in politics, often much to the ire of armchair politicians, and sometimes even constituents. While there are many examples of entrenched politicians, there are few that come close to the might of United States Representative for New York’s 15th district, Charles Rangel. Rangel was elected to the House in 1970, ironically after primarying another long-time incumbent facing corruption charges. Representing the historic district of Harlem in New York City and one of the most heavily African-American districts in the country, Rangel has built a reputation over the decades of being a formidable, member of Congress and has risen to powerful positions such as that he currently holds of Chair of the Ways and Means Committee.

During his tenure, Rangel has often faced little or no opposition from Republicans, minor parties, or even from primary challenges from within his own party. Excepting his election to the House, Rangel has never received below a whopping 90 percent of the vote in the general election in his district (and even in his initial election Rangel still won with 87%). However, after nearly forty years in office, Rangel’s power and popularity could be about to change. Recently, allegations against Rangel of corruption and misuse of Congressional office have surfaced and been reported by the New York Times and Washington Post[2]. The Washington Post reported that Rangel had been soliciting donations for his charity project, the Charles B. Rangel Center For Public Service at the City College of New York, using official congressional letterhead. People and corporations that Rangel solicited funding from include businessman Donald Trump and investment firm AIG. Additionally, the New York Times reported that Congressman Rangel has been renting four apartments in New York City at below-market rates, including one that it’s reported Rangel uses as a campaign office despite city regulations requiring rent-stabilized units be a primary residence. These scandals hitting the powerful chair of the Ways and Means Committee and Vice Chair of the Joint Taxation Commission are liable to rankle fellow Democratic members of Congress as well as Rangel’s own constituents. Rangel’s district, especially Harlem, is facing substantially rising housing costs which has raise concern over new, wealthier and whiter residents moving into the historically black neighborhood and pushing working class residents out.

And lo and behold, amid the scandals facing Congressman Rangel, a challenger has appeared to face Rangel in the general election. While not a Republican as one would think, 62 year old Jose Stevens a candidate of the increasingly vibrant Green Party has stepped up to challenge Rangel, and apparently, this will be the third time Stevens has done so. It turns out Jose Stevens was one of the original challengers to Rangel’s initial election to Congress. When he was 24 and fresh from the New York Committee to Free Angela Davis, Stevens became the Communist candidate for New York’s 18th district, which at the time covered Rangel’s constituency. Stevens only received 347 votes in 1970[3], and 843 when he ran again against Rangel for the 19th district in 1972, but Stevens is confident he will do better than his previous performances this year. “Even if I was still the Communist line I would probably get at least a thousand votes this year,” he joked. Stevens’ campaign is very unlikely to pose an actual threat to Rangel, but for many, including his own predecessor Adam Clayton Powell Jr., the allegations and a slight uptick in dissent could portend the beginning of the end for a Congressional career.

***

Green National Convention Brings Notable Speakers, Endorsements
July 14, 2008

CHICAGO, IL - If anyone came to Chicago the past few days looking for a scene of disarray, they will likely have left with disappointment. The choice of Chicago to host the Green National Convention this year combined with California chair Camejo’s rally a few weeks ago will no doubt invite comparisons to the protests and violence at the 1968 Democratic Convention. Even without invoking that tumultuous few days in Chicago’s history, there were undoubtedly those hoping for something similar to four years ago in Milwaukee, when amid a fight between the Nader and Cobb factions, the Green Party ended up nominating… nobody. Anyone looking for a sign of disorder among the Greens this year, however, will be going home empty handed. Delegates from across the country unified in a rousing cheer for the nomination of California’s Pete McCloskey and Georgia’s Cynthia McKinney for what looks to be the strongest Green Party presidential candidacy yet.

The list of events at the Green National Convention included a variety of speaker events, caucus meetings, and workshops. Workshops with the state Green Party caucuses from California, Maine, and New York offered organizational strategy meetings for those states and education for other states’ organizations one how those, particularly Maine and California as the most successful states for the Green Party, can teach and inspire other Green Party state apparatuses. Some of the more odd events for a national party convention included Morning Yoga on July 11 and Morning Meditation on July 13[4]. Other workshops included “What is Central to the Green Message” where various state officials moderated a discussion on whether environmental issues and ecology, social justice, or expanding democracy should be the forefront of the Green Party message and platform going forward and notably a workshop on recent achievements in LGBT activism[5], an important discussion especially for Greens in California where Proposition 8 banning gay marriage in the state will be on the ballot in November. Presidential candidate Pete McCloskey also met with the Green National Committee on the final day of the convention to discuss the party’s overall strategies in the coming months during the general campaign.

The speakers’ list for the convention was a medley of activists, organizers, candidates, and general Green supporters from around the country. For perhaps the first time in the Green Party’s existence, many of the speakers were current officeholders or candidates with a fair shot at election. Rich Whitney, who ran for governor of Illinois two years ago, played the part of local host, hosting the first day’s reception and moderating the presidential candidates’ forum prior to the nomination floor vote. Keynote speakers included two sitting Green state representatives - John Eder of Maine and Jill Stein of Massachusetts - as well as California chairman Peter Camejo and Washington DC councilwoman Ann Wilcox. Even actor Ed Asner spoke at the convention, during which he endorsed Los Angeles area activist Marcy Winograd who is running for Congress in California’s 36th district.

However, one of the biggest surprises of the convention came on the last two days of the convention. California Democratic state senator Gil Cedillo of Los Angeles was one of the keynote speakers at the convention[6], and one of the last before the move to the floor vote for the presidential nomination. With the nomination of McCloskey a foregone conclusion, the keynote speakers were mainly a formality. However, Cedillo not only appeared and spoke at the convention. The state senator for California’s 22nd district also gave Pete McCloskey his first official endorsement by a non-Green officeholder. Cedillo cited the recent fight in the California Green Party in immigrant rights particularly for Mexican-Americans and the repeated pushback he has received from California legislators and statewide officials in both parties on his attempt to pass a bill allowing illegal immigrants to get California state drivers licenses as the main impetus for his endorsement of McCloskey. Not to be outdone, the final day of the convention saw McCloskey receive a second endorsement from a Democratic state legislator. This second endorsement came from Arizona representative Kyrsten Sinema, who while not attending the convention, made a public announcement in Tempe endorsing McCloskey. Sinema’s endorsement is not too much of a surprise to those who know her history. Prior to being elected to the Arizona state house in 2004, she campaigned for Ralph Nader in 2000 and made her first run for her current seat in 2002 as a Green affiliated independent. Sinema came in last of five candidates with 8 percent of the vote in 2002, but received over 30 percent of the vote two years later running as a Democrat in the multimember district. The two endorsements will surely boost McCloskey’s campaign on the heels of the national convention as the party shifts into general election campaign mode.

***

The Wives Have It
July 15, 2008

RALEIGH, NC - History repeats itself. So goes the old saying, and for American politics, that rings true once again this year. The 2008 presidential election is shaping up to be if not a repeat then a rhyme of 1996. Today in Raleigh, North Carolina, presumptive Republican nominee for president George Pataki announced North Carolina Senator Elizabeth Dole as his vice presidential running mate. Dole was a two time Cabinet member, first serving as Secretary of Transportation for Ronald Reagan from 1983 to 1987 and then as Secretary of Labor for George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1990. However, Dole is also the wife of Bob Dole, who ran for president in 1996 against President Bill Clinton. The nomination of Elizabeth Dole as Pataki’s running mate now distinguishes the 2008 presidential election as featuring the wives of not just one but two previous presidential candidates, and the wives to two candidates who faced off against each other at that.

Pataki’s nomination of a woman as his running mate should not come as a surprise to many. After Hillary Clinton secured the Democratic nomination, there were numerous questions among strategists within the Republican Party as well as journalists and pundits over how much the first woman nominated by a major party President would sway voters and whether Pataki should nominate a woman as a response. Indeed, the shortlist released by Pataki’s campaign included four women: Dole, Texas Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, Maine Senator Olympia Snowe, and Alaska governor Sarah Palin. Clinton’s announcement two weeks ago of Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle as her running mate likely only increased that pressure. Daschle’s nomination brings a rural balance to the Clinton campaign, and emphasizes the hopes of recapturing the Plains states such as Minnesota and Wisconsin that Kerry lost in 2004. Now, Pataki’s nomination of Elizabeth Dole serves a dual role. Dole herself brings an element of solid conservative credentials to the more moderate Pataki. Additionally, Dole brings more regional strength than some might expect. Not only does she as a North Carolina Senator boost Pataki in the South, but Elizabeth Dole’s association with her husband appears at least partially intended to counter Daschle’s strength in the Plains and Midwest. That could prove vital in a presidential race that is still polling within the margin of error in many key states including Iowa and North Carolina.

While Pataki was in Raleigh to make the announcement, Hillary Clinton was continuing a series of stops in rural and Rust Belt areas of the country to campaign with Democratic Senate and House candidates. After a series of stops in Muncie, Youngstown, and Erie over the past week, Clinton returned to her home state of New York. The two appearances by the presidential candidates today had similar themes. While Pataki was speaking of Dole’s accomplishments, Clinton spoke at a rally in Montour Falls with Samara Barend, a young activist and second time candidate for New York’s 29th congressional district. Clinton introduced Barend at the rally in front of the old Shepard Niles facility as “an exceptionally bright woman who, while young, has already made a profound difference among communities such as this one.” Barend, 30, caught the eye of Democrats when starting at just 19, she launched and ran a campaign to designate New York State Route 17 as an interstate highway in an effort to bring an economic boon to the struggling Southern Tier area of New York. Barend ran for Congress against the 29th district’s Randy Kuhl in 2004 and now seeks office again against the now two term Congressman. “My opponent has been in politics for almost my entire life,” Barend said at the rally. “It’s time for a new generation of leadership, and this year is our year.” Kuhl defeated Barend in 2004 by 10 percent but Conservative candidate Mark Assini received over 6 percent of the vote then. In 2006, Kuhl narrowly won reelection over navy veteran Eric Massa by 3 percent.

[1] The "that Fourth of July... we had won" quote I made from a composite of quotes from Camejo's memoir talking about the Battle For Telegraph Avenue.
[2] "Rangel's Pet Cause Bears His Own Name", Washington Post, July 15, 2008 and For Rangel, Four Rent-Stabilized Apartments", New York Times, July 11, 2008
[3] Fun fact, the Communist Party offered to support an Adam Clayton Powell candidacy against Rangel after Rangel won the primary in 1970.
[4] The 2008 Green National Convention did actually include a yoga and a meditation session.
[5] The Green message and LGBT activism workshops were also part of the OTL convention.
[6] Cedillo was at least an acquaintance of Peter Camejo from their Chicano activist days.
 
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Just wanted to pop in and thank you for the incredible amount of small details that are really fun to google and look through..
 
New Poll Shows Greens Doing Very Well With Muslims
August 5, 2008

WASHINGTON, DC - While many political commentators have taken note of the rise of the Green Party over the past decade, few have taken a deep look into the demographics that have fueled the party’s relative successes. True, the Green Party has been popular with independents and with younger voters, but those three demographics have had the highest support for third party candidates for the past several decades. Few commentators have mentioned how, for example, liberals are not in fact the main group flocking to third parties as they did in 2000 when 6% of self-proclaimed liberals said they voted for Nader in exit polls. Now, polls are frequently showing that about an equal number of liberals and conservatives are eschewing the Democrats and Republicans for other parties. While it seems obvious that McCloskey would attract liberals while Keyes would attract conservatives, a deeper look can reveal some more useful demographic leanings.

That became all the more apparent with the release of a recent poll conducted by Pew Research in conjunction with the Council on American-Islamic Relations. The nationwide poll of 700 Muslim eligible voters found that while a majority (53 percent) identified as Democrats, a surprising 17 percent of those polled identified with the Green Party. That made the Greens the second highest party identification in the poll, ahead of the 12 percent who identified with the Republican Party. This demonstrates a significant shift toward the Green Party, mainly coming from independents, but also shows that Muslims are still generally gravitating toward the Democratic Party compared to previous polls. Shortly after the September 11 attacks, a poll of American Muslims found 40 percent identified as Democrats, 28 percent as independents, and nearly a quarter as Republicans. A poll during the 2004 campaign found Democrats had made gains with 50 percent identifying with the party, while 31 percent were independents and 12 percent were Republicans[1]. The Pew/CAIR poll shows that while both major parties are holding steady with their support among Muslims, the Greens have made very significant inroads into the demographic.

The poll shows somewhat different findings from previous surveys of the United States’ Muslim population when it comes to who they will vote for president in November. The 2004 poll, taken shortly before election day that year, found 74 percent of Muslim voters were backing Kerry in the election while just 7 percent were backing bush, and a negligible 2 percent were backing the Green Party and either Ralph Nader or David Cobb. The new poll shows a very strong shift to supporting Pete McCloskey in the upcoming election. Just 60 percent of voters polled say they will back Democrat Hillary Clinton in November, a worrisome drop for the Democrats. Comparatively at 26 percent, over a quarter of Muslims now say they will vote for McCloskey, while just 6 percent say they are voting for Pataki. These are very impressive numbers for McCloskey and any third party among any demographic for sure. That the Muslim defection to McCloskey seems to be coming from Democrats is somewhat of a given since most Muslim voters had been leaning Democratic anyway, but the fact that the pending Democratic lock on the Muslim demographic appears to suddenly have broken and Muslims could become a competitive demographic has to shift Democrats’ strategies going forward.

But in these numbers, there is undoubtedly one question that comes to mind. What is making Muslim voters turn away from the Democrats and toward the Green Party? Many on the right and even some Democrats have pointed to McCloskey’s controversial 2000 address to the Institute For Historical Review, a Holocaust denial organization, in which McCloskey allegedly said he did not know whether the IHR was “right or wrong” on the Holocaust, and to his running mate Cynthia McKinney’s involvement with the 9/11 Truth Movement and alleged anti-semitic comments by her supporters during her 2002 Congressional primary. However, Agha Saeed, national chair of the American Muslim Alliance and a Muslim activist in the San Francisco area said there is “a simpler explanation” for why Muslims might choose the Green Party. Saeed recalled that the Greens already had built a rapport among Muslims, citing that during the 2002 California gubernatorial election, a fifth of Muslims in the state identified with the Green Party[2]. Additionally, Saeed pointed out, the Green Party has recently ramped up its support for Muslim nations in calling for the removal of United States troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as calling for the establishment of a separate Palestinian state in the platform adopted at the 2004 national convention. “Muslims who have been spurned by the neoliberal administrations of the Clinton and Bush administrations and by what the prospect of another Clinton administration would mean for American involvement in the Middle East can know they have a party that supports them in the Green Party,” Saeed concluded.

***

Keyes Stumps For Constitution Party Candidates
August 9, 2008

HEMINGFORD, NE - It might be an odd sight among the livestock here at the Box Butte County Fairgrounds, but sure enough, there are plenty of Alan Keyes For President signs.. In a town of just over eight hundred people northwest of Alliance, Nebraska, Constitution Party candidate Alan Keyes is making his presence known as he swings through the rural western Nebraska town for the county fair. Keyes drew a crowd of over three thousand people in the tiny town today, as fairgoers traveled from as far away as Gordon in neighboring Sheridan County to see the Constitution Party candidate speak. He was played onto the stage by the song What If? performed by country rock band Emerson Drive, who return to the Box Butte County Fair after they played the fair in 2003[3]. A presidential candidate may be an unusual presence here in Hemingford, but Keyes fired up the crowd at the rally as he spoke about “restoring the role of God and the Christian faith” to America.

The rally at the Box Butte County Fair caps off a whirlwind three state tour taken by the Constitution Party candidate to boost both his presence in rural conservative areas of the country as well as promote the Constitution Party candidates in the heartland states. A party spokesman said the Constitution Party has seen some of its best prospects in this region of the country, and to that end Keyes had been speaking to voters and introducing candidates in Idaho, Montana, and now Nebraska. In Idaho Keyes made three stops, one in Boise and two others in Emmett and Blackfoot. Keyes’ swing through Idaho was to promote Rex Rammell’s run for senate against Jim Risch, as well as during his stop in Emmett to boost Idaho Constitution Party chair Paul Venable’s run for the Idaho state house. Venable’s district covers from his residence of Parma through northern Canyon County and all of Gem County, where Emmett is the county seat. The visit by the presidential candidate should help boost a troubled state party, which saw a split in the ranks after its 2006 gubernatorial candidate left over the national party’s stance on abortion[4].

Keyes then traveled to Montana, where he visited the small town of Ronan about halfway between Missoula and Kalispell. There he campaigned for the only current state legislator from the Constitution Party, Rick Jore. Jore had served as a Republican in the Montana state house from 1995 to 2001, but lost his seat when he switched to the Constitution Party to run in 2000. After running for the 12th district seat again in 2002 and narrowly losing to Democrat Jeanne Windham in 2004, Jore finally regained the seat in 2006 defeating Windham and becoming the only Constitution Party state legislator. Keyes was in Jore’s hometown of Ronan to help him campaign for state senate, as he is term limited in the state house due to his previous tenure as a Republican. Keyes also traveled to nearby Polson for a brief event with M. Neal Donohue, who is running as a Constitution Party candidate for the neighboring 11th state house district.

This final stop in Nebraska, however, is without a doubt the most significant event of Alan Keyes’ campaign tour through this section of the country. It certainly has drawn the biggest crowds so far. The rural parts of these states, and especially the region of western Nebraska, is some of the most reliably Republican territory in the United States. However, Keyes may gain some traction in this part of the country where George Pataki’s more moderate stances on several social issues could turn away Republican voters. After speaking here in Hemingford, Keyes travels to nearby Alliance to speak with Paul Rosberg and to the southwest corner of the state for a campaign event on the farm of Barry Richards[5]. Rosberg is the founder of the Nebraska Party, the Constitution Party’s affiliate in the state, and is running for Senate against Republican Lee Terry and Democrat Scott Kleeb to replace outgoing senator Chuck Hagel. The Senate race could be interesting particularly because of Kleeb. It is currently rated only a learn Republican, and Kleeb has a strong presence in this part of the state where he nearly won the 3rd district race two years ago. At the rally in Hemingford, I did indeed find a few voters who said they voted for Kleeb in 2006 and, while they supported Keyes for president over Pataki and liked Rosberg, have said they would likely vote once again for Kleeb in the Senate race. Even if the Nebraska Party continues to gain traction here and voters like these do go for Rosberg over Kleeb in November, that some western Nebraskans are not even considering Pataki or Terry should be a worrying sign for the GOP. It might be a worst case scenario for the Republicans on November 4, but like the Emerson Drive song says, “what if this is that one day?”[6]

***

Where Have All The Leftists Gone?
August 18, 2008

SEATTLE, WA - WHerever you go for the next few month, America, you’ll have people telling you you have an important choice to make in November. Your choice between Clinton or Pataki is a matter of life and death, or how they’re both the same and McCloskey and the Greens are the only real option in the election, or what have you. But don’t be fooled. THe media, those Green Party hacks, they’re all trying to tell you the same thing. Vote for their candidate because if you don’t you’re dooming yourself and the country. Well guess what? They’re actually all the same. Every one of them. And I’ll tell you why.

You won’t hear this from most news sources, even from a lot of the ones that try to sell you on them being the leftist or independent voice in America. But really, all the major candidates are basically the same. I’m not just talking about Clinton and Pataki, Democrats and Republicans. We already know they’re two sides of the same coin and any attempt to get you to vote for one over the other out of a “lesser evil” tactic is bullshit. That’s just the thing though. Keyes and the Constitution Party, Barr and the Libertarians, even McCloskey and the Greens! All are the same choice, a vote for the status quo. Because every one of them, all the presidential candidates you will most likely hear about even if you go beyond the mainstream media, they all came from the same mold; the Republican Party.

Pataki is obvious since he’s the Republican nominee. Alan Keyes is probably the worst of them all, and he was in Reagan’s State Department, a Republican. Bob Barr was a former Republican member of Congress from Georgia. Here’s where it gets deceptive though. The Democrats and Greens will both try to sell you on who is further left. Clinton is for universal healthcare and a brighter economy, repairing our country’s reputation abroad, all that. McCloskey is an environmentalist, and the Greens are the real leftists uniting all marginalized groups against the major party system. That’s all just marketing by their capitalist Republican driven candidates. Hillary Clinton, the alleged Democrat supported Republican Barry Goldwater for president in 1964, calling herself a proud Goldwater Girl. And Pete McCloskey, who the Greens chose when they sold out and turned their backs on Nader and the left to embrace capitalist liberalism, he was a Republican Congressman just like Barr! Only McCloskey was a Republican back in the 70s so the Greens are hoping you’ll forget about what party he came from.

What does this mean for you, the voter, an the American Left? It means there is precious few leftist voices in the country today. The Greens used to be okay about it. Nader was a real voice for the left. But the Greens bought into the system. The Left used to have a home in the Democratic Party too, with Jesse Jackson, George McGovern, and the like. But the Democratic establishment saw the Left getting powerful within the party and squashed them, drove them out, and turned to the center with Clinton and now… another Clinton. And before you go saying what about Al Gore, he was never a real friend of the Left. He was always a moderate and being Bill Clinton’s Vice President only made Gore embrace the new centrist Democratic path even more. If you want a real choice for the left, you need to look harder. You could vote for John Crockford and the Peace and Freedom Party, except for one small problem. Thanks to the ballot access laws set up by the Democrats and Republicans, Crockford isn’t going to be on your ballot here in Washington in November, only in California, Colorado, Florida, and Iowa. I guess you could vote for the Party of Socialism and Liberation, but they’re Trotskyists so why would you? They don’t want to actually enact any change. However, you do have an option for one real choice on the Left and a presidential candidate who will make a real difference. That candidate is Stephen Durham of the Freedom Socialist Party[7]. Durham is actually on the ballot - well, sort of. Again, because of the establishment trying to silence the Left voice in Seattle especially after the WTO civil action, they haven’t allowed Durham entirely on the ballot. His name won’t be there, but if you want a real voice for the Left, you can write Stephen Durham in on the write-in line and it WILL count. So this November, if you want to see real change in our political system, don’t vote for any of the establishment parties that wnat to control your vote while maintaining the status quo for the corporations. Write in Stephen Durham for President and stand up for your rights.

***

Spurned Candidates Haunt Democrats In California State Races
August 22, 2008

STOCKTON, CA - For several years, the Democrats could count on the San Francisco Bay Area as a safe region of the country from Congress to the state legislature to most municipal offices. However, with the rise of the Green Party and much of its focus concentrated in the Bay Area, the Bay Area has become more competitive as a challenge not from the right but from the left confronts the entrenched Democrats. What started at the municipal level in cities like Richmond, Oakland, and San Francisco has now escalated to threatening Democrats at higher levels of office. In the races for the state assembly and the state senate, much of the Greens’ creeping up behind Democrats in terms of votes has come from spurned Democrats in the primaries.

Here in Stockton, a former Democrat has jumped ship to the Green Party entirely to run against a Democratic opponent. In 2006, the three way Democratic primary between pilot Steve Filson, wind energy entrepreneur Jerry McNerney, and state senator Mike Machado resulted in Filson winning the primary to challenge Richard Pombo in the 11th Congressional district. In that election, Green candidate Pete McCloskey received McNerney’s endorsement and soared ahead of Filson to take second place in a race that saw the almost evenly split Democrat and Green vote send Republican Pombo back to Congress in a largely Democratic year. Now, Pombo appears to be in trouble as he faces senator Machado without a Green challenger, but McNerney has since switched to the Greens and is running for Machado’s term-limited state senate seat.

McNerney says he had spoken frequently with McCloskey during and shortly after the 2006 campaign about potential plans for another McCloskey run or for McNerney to run himself. He says McCloskey and the California Green Party advised him to run for the state legislature rather than make an attempt at the 11th district, as a split race like 2006 could see voters abandon the Greens in a successive run rather than amplify it. In 2007, McNerney officially joined the Green Party and later that year announced he was running for the state senate in the 5th district. With the Greens seeking to break into the California state legislature as they have in Maine and Massachusetts, this seems like a more achievable goal. Additionally, it likely gives McNerney a sense of revenge. McNerney has previously made statements blaming Machado jumping into the 2006 primary as the reason for his loss to Filson, and the 5th district is Machado’s current senate seat. While Machado is term limited, McNerney is still facing two tough challengers, both members of the state assembly. Democrat Lois Wolk represents the 8th assembly district and Republican Greg Aghazarian represents the 26th district. McNerney has been pounding the pavement frequently from Stockton in the south all the way up to Davis in the north in the hotly contested race. Even Pete McCloskey, who is now the Green’s presidential nominee, has made a few stops in McNerney’s district, even returning to Lodi where McCloskey had originally announced his reentry into politics in 2006. At the moment, McNerney along with Angela Davis in the 19th assembly district race appear to have the best chance of any Greens in winning seats in the California state legislature.

The other race where Democrats are facing issues from a primary loser don’t appear as drastic as McNerney’s party switch. In state senator Carole Migden’s attempt to win reelection in the 3rd district, she faced a challenging primary from Mark Leno but managed to overcome it and win the nomination. However, the fallout from the bitter primary is still some cause for concern for Democrats. Leno, a former state assemblyman who lost renomination in 2006, stalled on questions about an endorsement after losing to Migden. Recently, he made an official statement that he would decline to endorse any candidate in the 3rd district race. Leno had been an influential figure among the gay community in San Francisco and could have made a difference for Migden, and it appears the lack of an endorsement is hurting her. Leno’s decision adds to the difficulties now facing Migden as her approval north of the bay falters. Both Republican Sashi McEntee and Green Norm Solomon are from Marin County, To Solomon’s benefit, Marin has been one of the top voting counties in the state for the Green Party, and to McEntee’s benefit, the north bay area of the 3rd district also includes some of the less liberal Sonoma County. Migden still seems likely to win reelection, but it appears the primary has made the race increasingly tight for the Democrats.


[1] The information on the 2000 and 2004 polls are taken from The Atlantic's 2015 article How Republicans Won And Then Lost The Muslim Vote.
[2] The statistic taken from Peter Camejo's memoir North Star in the section talking about the 2002 California gubernatorial election.
[3] Source: https://www.starherald.com/news/loc...cle_afb35d1d-0424-5c18-bd0c-fca5e1d6080f.html
[4] Ah, the Idaho Constitution Party. They had problems.
[5] Here's an interesting article on Barry Richards. Fun fact, in OTL Richards got 22.5% in Hayes County in his 2006 run for governor on the Nebraska Party.
[6] While Moments is their biggest hit, What If? seemed more fitting. You can listen to it here.
[7] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephen_Durham
 
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