Glory and Dignity - A Congo Timeline
- Thread starter GiantMonkeyMan
- Start date
GiantMonkeyMan
Banned
Thanks, man. Glad you're reading.Great update, GiantMonkeyMan. Glad to see this is back!
At the time of independence, the Congo had roughly a population of around 10 million. There was no detailed census but we can imagine that it was a young nation, given the lack of proper medical care or infrastructure, so a large number of people in the Congo wouldn't have been eligible to vote (considering only men over the age of 21 were allowed to vote). Even so, it's probably a turnout of around 70% of eligible voters which isn't huge considering other post-independence democratic votes in other nations. And within that 1 million votes, there are socialists, nationalists, pan-Africans, federalists, ethnic groupings... it's by no means a homogeneous body of voters. I worried a little about the count because it seems just a little too good to be true but if you take into account the votes in OTL for MNC-Lumumba, MNC-Kalonji and PSA you're already over a million.
Yeah, i was thinking the same, but they share some MNC goals, so some support dont know if its encouraged, but yes, is expected.
GiantMonkeyMan
Banned
Swords, Speeches and Strikes
"That release of pent-up emotions, incongruous and offensive to the Belgians, was an act of revenge for many Congolese. It was an instant success with those attending the ceremony uninvited. Their applause was echoed by the crowd outside." - Colonel Frédérick Vandewalle
The Independence Ceremony was set for the tenth of July, ten days after the election itself and a week after the results had been counted and published. As Lumumba was beginning to learn, a lot can happen in a week. Leopoldville was the site of celebration and jubilation following the election results but the carnival-like atmosphere was soon quelled after a drunken scuffle ended in the death of ABAKO organiser and key activist Gaston Diomi which lead to a small riot on the following day, the 5th of July.
Kasavubu himself called for calm, correctly recognising that he would become the focal opposition leader in the new Parliament, and the majority of the ABAKO members within Leopoldville refrained from any violence but a small number of Bakongolese attacked MNC celebrations and gatherings. The disenfranchised Bakongo felt cheated by the election results, having lost out in Parliament and the Regional Assembly, and felt that their position as the leading party for independence had been eclipsed by the nationalist MNC. Lumumba knew there was little he could do to quell the unrest at this time. He had yet to officially be sworn in as Prime Minister and, after a meeting with Kasavubu, believed that the rioters had little official support and would simmer down by the time the Independence Ceremony would take place but nonetheless it was a blow to his image particularly in the Belgian press who played up suggestions of the King's life in danger from Lumumba's rabble.
Baudouin arrived on the ninth with a parade through the streets. The unrest had settled down, although there was hints of anger boiling under the surface, and the parade preceded without incident until the open topped vehicle that the King and Moise Tshombe rode in slowed down in order to allow Baudouin to stand and salute an assembly of the Force Publique. Ambroise Boimbo, a former soldier himself, rushed forward through the crowd and snatched up the King's ceremonial sword which he held aloft triumphantly before being seized by the gendarme and the sword returned.
It was perhaps the indication of a resentment amongst the people of the Congo towards the Belgians and their ceremonies and pomp and that the Congolese had won their independence and wanted to get on with governing themselves without European interference. The Belgians for their part seemed to remain wilfully ignorant, expecting their former colonial servants to gracefully accept their direction. Initially, the ceremony only called for speeches from the King himself and Tshombe who would be the new head of state but after MNC officially registered their protest the Belgians conceded that perhaps the largest party in the Congo, who attained over a million votes, should have a chance to have their say and so Lumumba was permitted to speak after the new President.
The King began his speech by implying that the situation in the Congo upon independence was "the culmination of the work conceived by the genius of Leopold II. Undertaken by him with tenacious courage and continued with perseverance by Belgium." His speech was paternalistic, white-washing a lot of Congolese history, and whilst the assembled dignitaries inside the hall politely clapped, outside the gathered masses were silent, eagerly awaiting their independence leaders' responses. Tshombe was lacklustre, having never been a great public speaker, claiming that the wealth of the two great nations could only be expanded through new found co-operation and that the "legacy of Belgium will forever remain a part of our beautiful country".
Lumumba powerfully broke the trend of obeisance much to the dismay of the Belgian dignitaries and the delight of the listeners in the streets. He began by saluting the victorious independence struggle and said "We are deeply proud of our struggle, because it was just and noble and indispensable in putting an end to the humiliating bondage forced upon us" which was a far cry from the position of Baudouin who implied that Belgian colonialism was a blessing for the Congolese and Lumumba went on to claim "The Congo's independence is a decisive step towards the liberation of the whole African continent". Lumumba's speech resonated with the ordinary Congolese and outside in the streets and impromptu singing of the "Independence Cha Cha" erupted amongst the applause.
Baudouin had no choice but to sign the documents that ratified Lumumba's government and handed over the reins to Tshombe and he left soon after to return to a more pleasant climate. Lumumba and his supporters quickly set about passing legislature that mitigated the powers of the Regional Assemblies, which had mainly become the domain of federalists and groups pushing for ethnic regional control, and he was largely successful due to a resurgence of Bakongolese unrest in the Léopoldville region and the huge force of allies he had within the Chamber of Representatives.
The unrest prompted the Force Publique to mobilise but at the Thysville military base, down river from Leopoldville, the soldiers mutinied. Although issues of pay were a factor in the mutiny, as white soldiers were paid invariably more than the black soldiers, the main cause for the anger amongst the soldiers was the issue of the white officers who were in charge. The political nature of the mutiny caused many to call it a strike and Lumumba was quick to capitalise on the issue by sweeping away the white officers from command positions and raising black officers in their stead. Lumumba's friend Joseph Mobutu was given command of the forces around Leopoldville and moved to bring order first to the unruly soldiers and then to the unrest throughout the region.
The military went through a period of what Lumumba called 'Africanisation' where the white officers were swept aside or put into advisory positions and the army was renamed the Armee National Congolaise. The position of Chief of Staff went to another of Lumumba's friends, Victor Lundula, and after much debating Lumumba managed to have the role of Commander-in-Chief awarded to the position of Prime Minister, in other words securing the loyalties of the armed forces to himself. The soldiers pay, as well as the pay of other civil servants, was raised and more native Congolese were awarded positions over white Belgians.
The only place where the reform into the ANC caused upset was in the Kasai region where Albert Kalonji came into conflict with the newly promoted Léonard Mulamba. Kalonji had focused his efforts on securing his faction's power in the Regional Assemblies where he thought the majority of the political decision making would take place but had quickly found himself marginalised and power was slipping through his fingers. He had made good contacts amongst the white officers of the armed forces in order to secure his power but now found those contacts officially swept aside. Although his supporters in Kasai wanted to rise up in defiance, Kalonji recognised that with the unrest being quelled by Mobutu's troops and Mulamba threatening to do the same in Kasai that there was very little he could do but ineffectually grumble. Nonetheless, Mulamba soon found himself dealing with similar unrest in his operating territory that Mobutu was dealing with when Lulua and Luba tribal groupings clashed.
The relative success of the soldiers in securing better conditions and pay, and Lumumba's support for their movement, inspired workers in the private sector to begin demanding similar pay increases from the predominantly white-owned business they worked for. Ralph Bunche, a UN official living in Leopoldville, wrote "Strikes continue and spread, encouraged and triggered originally by the successful tactics of the army" and there was no sign of them stopping. The workers wanted the official independence to accompany social improvements but in doing so were challenging the status quo of the neoimperialist interests of the West. The Belgian Ambassador, Jean Van der Bosch, set about looking for candidates to replace Lumumba and he wasn't alone.
[1]
[2]
[1] Albert Kalonji, Kasai Regional Assembly President
[2] Victor Lundula, Chief of Staff
---
Loooong update.
"That release of pent-up emotions, incongruous and offensive to the Belgians, was an act of revenge for many Congolese. It was an instant success with those attending the ceremony uninvited. Their applause was echoed by the crowd outside." - Colonel Frédérick Vandewalle
The Independence Ceremony was set for the tenth of July, ten days after the election itself and a week after the results had been counted and published. As Lumumba was beginning to learn, a lot can happen in a week. Leopoldville was the site of celebration and jubilation following the election results but the carnival-like atmosphere was soon quelled after a drunken scuffle ended in the death of ABAKO organiser and key activist Gaston Diomi which lead to a small riot on the following day, the 5th of July.
Kasavubu himself called for calm, correctly recognising that he would become the focal opposition leader in the new Parliament, and the majority of the ABAKO members within Leopoldville refrained from any violence but a small number of Bakongolese attacked MNC celebrations and gatherings. The disenfranchised Bakongo felt cheated by the election results, having lost out in Parliament and the Regional Assembly, and felt that their position as the leading party for independence had been eclipsed by the nationalist MNC. Lumumba knew there was little he could do to quell the unrest at this time. He had yet to officially be sworn in as Prime Minister and, after a meeting with Kasavubu, believed that the rioters had little official support and would simmer down by the time the Independence Ceremony would take place but nonetheless it was a blow to his image particularly in the Belgian press who played up suggestions of the King's life in danger from Lumumba's rabble.
Baudouin arrived on the ninth with a parade through the streets. The unrest had settled down, although there was hints of anger boiling under the surface, and the parade preceded without incident until the open topped vehicle that the King and Moise Tshombe rode in slowed down in order to allow Baudouin to stand and salute an assembly of the Force Publique. Ambroise Boimbo, a former soldier himself, rushed forward through the crowd and snatched up the King's ceremonial sword which he held aloft triumphantly before being seized by the gendarme and the sword returned.
It was perhaps the indication of a resentment amongst the people of the Congo towards the Belgians and their ceremonies and pomp and that the Congolese had won their independence and wanted to get on with governing themselves without European interference. The Belgians for their part seemed to remain wilfully ignorant, expecting their former colonial servants to gracefully accept their direction. Initially, the ceremony only called for speeches from the King himself and Tshombe who would be the new head of state but after MNC officially registered their protest the Belgians conceded that perhaps the largest party in the Congo, who attained over a million votes, should have a chance to have their say and so Lumumba was permitted to speak after the new President.
The King began his speech by implying that the situation in the Congo upon independence was "the culmination of the work conceived by the genius of Leopold II. Undertaken by him with tenacious courage and continued with perseverance by Belgium." His speech was paternalistic, white-washing a lot of Congolese history, and whilst the assembled dignitaries inside the hall politely clapped, outside the gathered masses were silent, eagerly awaiting their independence leaders' responses. Tshombe was lacklustre, having never been a great public speaker, claiming that the wealth of the two great nations could only be expanded through new found co-operation and that the "legacy of Belgium will forever remain a part of our beautiful country".
Lumumba powerfully broke the trend of obeisance much to the dismay of the Belgian dignitaries and the delight of the listeners in the streets. He began by saluting the victorious independence struggle and said "We are deeply proud of our struggle, because it was just and noble and indispensable in putting an end to the humiliating bondage forced upon us" which was a far cry from the position of Baudouin who implied that Belgian colonialism was a blessing for the Congolese and Lumumba went on to claim "The Congo's independence is a decisive step towards the liberation of the whole African continent". Lumumba's speech resonated with the ordinary Congolese and outside in the streets and impromptu singing of the "Independence Cha Cha" erupted amongst the applause.
Baudouin had no choice but to sign the documents that ratified Lumumba's government and handed over the reins to Tshombe and he left soon after to return to a more pleasant climate. Lumumba and his supporters quickly set about passing legislature that mitigated the powers of the Regional Assemblies, which had mainly become the domain of federalists and groups pushing for ethnic regional control, and he was largely successful due to a resurgence of Bakongolese unrest in the Léopoldville region and the huge force of allies he had within the Chamber of Representatives.
The unrest prompted the Force Publique to mobilise but at the Thysville military base, down river from Leopoldville, the soldiers mutinied. Although issues of pay were a factor in the mutiny, as white soldiers were paid invariably more than the black soldiers, the main cause for the anger amongst the soldiers was the issue of the white officers who were in charge. The political nature of the mutiny caused many to call it a strike and Lumumba was quick to capitalise on the issue by sweeping away the white officers from command positions and raising black officers in their stead. Lumumba's friend Joseph Mobutu was given command of the forces around Leopoldville and moved to bring order first to the unruly soldiers and then to the unrest throughout the region.
The military went through a period of what Lumumba called 'Africanisation' where the white officers were swept aside or put into advisory positions and the army was renamed the Armee National Congolaise. The position of Chief of Staff went to another of Lumumba's friends, Victor Lundula, and after much debating Lumumba managed to have the role of Commander-in-Chief awarded to the position of Prime Minister, in other words securing the loyalties of the armed forces to himself. The soldiers pay, as well as the pay of other civil servants, was raised and more native Congolese were awarded positions over white Belgians.
The only place where the reform into the ANC caused upset was in the Kasai region where Albert Kalonji came into conflict with the newly promoted Léonard Mulamba. Kalonji had focused his efforts on securing his faction's power in the Regional Assemblies where he thought the majority of the political decision making would take place but had quickly found himself marginalised and power was slipping through his fingers. He had made good contacts amongst the white officers of the armed forces in order to secure his power but now found those contacts officially swept aside. Although his supporters in Kasai wanted to rise up in defiance, Kalonji recognised that with the unrest being quelled by Mobutu's troops and Mulamba threatening to do the same in Kasai that there was very little he could do but ineffectually grumble. Nonetheless, Mulamba soon found himself dealing with similar unrest in his operating territory that Mobutu was dealing with when Lulua and Luba tribal groupings clashed.
The relative success of the soldiers in securing better conditions and pay, and Lumumba's support for their movement, inspired workers in the private sector to begin demanding similar pay increases from the predominantly white-owned business they worked for. Ralph Bunche, a UN official living in Leopoldville, wrote "Strikes continue and spread, encouraged and triggered originally by the successful tactics of the army" and there was no sign of them stopping. The workers wanted the official independence to accompany social improvements but in doing so were challenging the status quo of the neoimperialist interests of the West. The Belgian Ambassador, Jean Van der Bosch, set about looking for candidates to replace Lumumba and he wasn't alone.
[1] Albert Kalonji, Kasai Regional Assembly President
[2] Victor Lundula, Chief of Staff
---
Loooong update.
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Just realized this was back. Nice work. An absolute majority for the MNC does seem a bit high given the ideological and ethnic fragmentation that you acknowledge, but on the other hand (a) they were the best organized, and (b) the party mergers will increase their vote share. 51 percent for Lumumba also gives him a lot of legitimacy, which is something the Belgians and the CIA will have to take into account (but probably won't) when they consider moving against him.
I see Lumumba still made The Speech (and I still can't understand, both in OTL and TTL, why one of Baudouin's speechwriters didn't tell him that praising Leopold II would be a bad idea). Mobutu's going to be trouble no matter what job he has, but hopefully with him in a more subordinate position and Lumumba stronger, he can be contained.
I see Lumumba still made The Speech (and I still can't understand, both in OTL and TTL, why one of Baudouin's speechwriters didn't tell him that praising Leopold II would be a bad idea). Mobutu's going to be trouble no matter what job he has, but hopefully with him in a more subordinate position and Lumumba stronger, he can be contained.
GiantMonkeyMan
Banned
Thanks, mate. Good to have you aboard.
The Congo is very urbanised, around 1/5 people living in the cities, with a wide variety of jobs (bus drivers, clerks, factory workers etc) but outside the cities the most work is found in the mines or the fields.
Thanks for commenting and subscribing!
Some aspects are similar to OTL such as Ambroise Boimbo stealing the King's sword, which was too good a story not to include. The main differences lie in Lumumba's position of strength relative to OTL. He's got a cabinet of (supposedly loyal) allies and some of his more bothersome 'allies' such as Kalonji have put their efforts into a political path to power that Lumumba has effectively neutered in the Regional Assemblies. CONAKAT, a party that is largely influenced by Katangan separatists, has also been tied into the national government for better or worse. Tshombe's found himself outside his native support base and effectively forced into carrying out Lumumba's nationalist agenda.
Another thing to note is that the position of 'Commander-in-Chief' in OTL went to Lundula (and then Mobutu after Kasavubu declared Lumumba's government void when it turned to the USSR for aid) and not Lumumba himself. Lumumba in this timeline has effectively given himself control over the army (though it's loyalty is still in question).
One thing that made me feel that the high vote count of the MNC was plausible was the example of things like the ANC in South Africa. In this timeline the MNC effectively became the party of independence and built up a strong cadre of supporters in time for the election. There are various factions pulling either way and threats of a split that foreign interests will definitely exploit.
I kept Lumumba's speech because I felt that the man had been saving these words for the Belgians for a long time and he didn't want to pass up the opportunity to snub the colonials. Baudouin's naivety and his terrible speech writer were the factors that justified Lumumba's vitriol.
----
Anyway, not so much an update as a quick glimpse into the make-up of Lumumba's government and some of their political leanings.
Chamber of Representatives -
Prime Minister: Patrice Lumumba (MNC - Nationalist)
Deputy Prime Minister: Antoine Gizenga (MNC - Socialist)
Minister of Finance: Barthélemy Mujanay (MNC - Nationalist)
Minister of the Interior: Pierre Mulele (MNC - Socialist)
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Christophe Gbenyé (MNC - Nationalist)
Minister of Education and Fine Arts: Antoine-Roger Bolamba (MNC - Federalist)
Minister of Agriculture: Joseph Lutula (MNC - Nationalist)
Minister of Labour: Joachim Masena (MNC - Socialist)
Minister of Mining Affairs: Godefroid Munongo (CONAKAT - Federalist)
Minister of Health: Grégoire Kamanga (MNC - Socialist)
Minister of Communication: Rémy Mwamba (MNC - Nationalist)
Minister of Land Affairs: Alexandre Mahamba (MNC - Federalist)
Minister of Defence: Joseph Mbuyi (MNC - Nationalist)
Minister of Trade: Edmond Rudahindwa (MNC - Nationalist)
Minister of Justice: Maurice Mpolo (MNC - Nationalist)
Minister of Culture: Jean Yumba (MNC - Federalist)
Minister of Social Affairs: Pierre Sumialot (MNC - Nationalist)
Senate -
President: Moise Tshombe (CONAKAT - Federalist)
Vice President: Joseph Okito (MNC - Nationalist)
Regional Assemblies -
Léopoldville Regional President: Joseph Iléo (MNC - Federalist)
Katanga Regional President: Évariste Kimba (CONAKAT - Federalist)
Orientale Regional President: Joseph Yav (MNC - Federalist)
Equateur Regional President: Justin Bomboko (MNC - Federalist)
Kasai Regional President: Albert Kalonji (MNC - Federalist)
Kivu Regional President: Anicet Kashamura (CEREA - Nationalist)
Delegate to the UN: Cyrille Adoula (MNC - Nationalist)
Just for reference...
Nationalist - A broad term for those who want to see the Congo as a united and strong nation. Nominally anti-Belgium but not necessarily anti-West. Generally the ideology of the emerging middle class in the cities.
Federalist - A broad term for those who want power devolved to the regional powers whether within a single nation or as separate states. Primarily anti-Soviet but not necessarily pro-West. Generally the ideology of the tribal leaders.
Socialist - A mixture of wannabe marxists and maoists who think they speak for the peasantry and the proletariat (and sometimes actually do). More 'Third Way' than pro-Soviet but definitely anti-West.
That people might have the same ideology doesn't mean they are natural allies. Just as examples of how varied it could be, Tshombe and Kalonji are rivals and not friends and Jean Yumba is a vehement supporter of Lumumba personally (having received his position due to being personally appointed by the man).
Nice Update.
Good thing the Thysville mutiny was brought under control. I hope Congolese Government doesn't try anything rash in regards to European owned businesses, and opts for gradual reform.
If the Congo can prevent the European exodus from occurring (or at least reduce its scope), I think the country will be better off in the long run. If the European exodus doesn't occur, the judicial apparatus won't be severely damaged like OTL (given that Europeans utterly dominated it the judicial system in the Congo in 1960). Prevent the exodus will also keep a lot of financial capital and wealth within the Congo, which could be quite useful in developing the country.
Since the Thysville mutiny has been contained better than OTL, the likelihood of the exodus is diminished quite a bit. If the Congolese government doesn't try anything rash in regards to European owned businesses, and takes adequate steps to protect the group (while also implementing gradual reforms), the Congo could be in a much better position.
The question is, will Lumumba be willing to take this gradualist approach? I lean towards no, but GiantMonkeyMan knows more about him than I do.
Good thing the Thysville mutiny was brought under control. I hope Congolese Government doesn't try anything rash in regards to European owned businesses, and opts for gradual reform.
If the Congo can prevent the European exodus from occurring (or at least reduce its scope), I think the country will be better off in the long run. If the European exodus doesn't occur, the judicial apparatus won't be severely damaged like OTL (given that Europeans utterly dominated it the judicial system in the Congo in 1960). Prevent the exodus will also keep a lot of financial capital and wealth within the Congo, which could be quite useful in developing the country.
Since the Thysville mutiny has been contained better than OTL, the likelihood of the exodus is diminished quite a bit. If the Congolese government doesn't try anything rash in regards to European owned businesses, and takes adequate steps to protect the group (while also implementing gradual reforms), the Congo could be in a much better position.
The question is, will Lumumba be willing to take this gradualist approach? I lean towards no, but GiantMonkeyMan knows more about him than I do.
GiantMonkeyMan
Banned
Unrest is inevitable and the Belgians haven't quite got the message that things aren't just going to continue as they once were. It won't spiral out of control as it did in OTL but Lumumba is still going to push for reforms at a pace that the Europeans won't enjoy and white settlers are still going to feel threatened enough to consider getting on the plane back home.
It's a turbulent time and all the various ministries in the Congo will have a lot on their hands but interestingly the various ministers who hold these positions are likely to be involved in a wide range of projects not just those regarding their appointed position due to the fluidity of Congolese politics in this era.
Thank you for trying to foster discussion, Essam. Similarly, Lumumba to me is a figure worthy of respect. I do wonder if perhaps he has become something more due to what he could have been, a missed opportunity for post-Colonialism.
Thanks for the interest, Jape. I've been working on an update on and off but various RL commitments have been taxing. I had originally written out several chapters in advance but upon rereading them I felt that things were becoming too easy, if you know what I mean, and didn't want to loose site of realism and so have gone back to rewrite some of the content from scratch. Hopefully I'll have something up within a few weeks.
GiantMonkeyMan
Banned
"The only kind of dignity which is genuine is that which is not diminished by the indifference of others." - Dag Hammarskjöld
ONUC
The strikes spread from Leopoldville like a bush fire and soon three hundred diamond miners downed tools in Tshikapa, Kasai, demanding a fair share of the wealth they produced. Scuffles broke out and the white managers of the mines were kidnapped and held hostage until the workers' demands were met. Kalonji ordered Major-General Mulamba to mobilise the ANC to break the strike and free the white settlers but Mulamba refused citing the fact that Prime Minister Lumumba was the Commander-in-Chief, something Kalonji took as Lumumba conspiring against him. In truth, Mulamba just felt that the men under his command were already near mutinous and needed an excuse not to test their loyalty just yet.
Nonetheless, Kalonji found himself pressured by the mine owners, Forminière, and searched for another way to get the wealth rolling again and so he turned to the Belgians. Belgian soldiers had been camped near Luluabourgh preparing to withdraw from the nation altogether when they were diverted quickly to Tshikapa whilst the negotiations with the miners were still ongoing. After a brief fire fight in which twenty two Congolese miners were killed, more than double that wounded and one of the white managers on death's door, the striking workers dispersed, their leaders arrested, and later the majority returned to work lest they starved.
When the news of the massacre reached Leopoldville, a section of the Bakongolese, already having ritualised unrest, gathered to march on the European sector of the capital city. The ANC checkpoints either weren't in place or rebellious soldiers joined the rioters in their disorder. Belgian soldiers had already deployed, joining a militia composed of white settlers in beating back the Congolese. The Belgians then seized the airport and key checkpoints between the European section of the city and the runway including the train station. To Lumumba, this was the Belgians refusing to bend with history and clinging on to their seat of power. To the Belgians, they were simply protecting their citizens and their interests still within the Congo. Regardless, the official treaties had been broken.
After being contacted by Moise Tshombe, Évariste Kimba who was the regional President of the Katanga Province similarly contacted Belgian forces deployed in the region and asked them to garrison Jadotville, particularly the copper mines and refineries in the area. The workers in Katanga had yet to engage in any serious industrial action but Tshombe knew the tenuous nature of the current government and wanted to ensure that the mines, the key source of wealth, was in his hands in order to secure the backing of foreign interests. It was to this atmosphere that Lumumba posted official complaints to Dag Hammarskjöld, the Secretary-General of the UN.
The UN Security Council put forward Resolution 144 which was voted in nine votes to none with two abstentions (France and the Republic of China). The Resolution called on the Belgians to withdraw their forces and gave Dag Hammarskjöld the authority to act in oversight of the task. He created the Opération des Nations unies au Congo or ONUC and introduced more personnel from member states to assist in maintaining peace in the region. By the time the new year rolled around, nine thousand UN personnel were in the Congo, the largest of which came in the form of five battalion sized forces contributed by Ireland, India, Ethiopia, Sweden and Canada.
Mercenaries in Leopoldville
---
Short one. Just wanted to get it out of the way but now the UN is more involved.
ONUC
The strikes spread from Leopoldville like a bush fire and soon three hundred diamond miners downed tools in Tshikapa, Kasai, demanding a fair share of the wealth they produced. Scuffles broke out and the white managers of the mines were kidnapped and held hostage until the workers' demands were met. Kalonji ordered Major-General Mulamba to mobilise the ANC to break the strike and free the white settlers but Mulamba refused citing the fact that Prime Minister Lumumba was the Commander-in-Chief, something Kalonji took as Lumumba conspiring against him. In truth, Mulamba just felt that the men under his command were already near mutinous and needed an excuse not to test their loyalty just yet.
Nonetheless, Kalonji found himself pressured by the mine owners, Forminière, and searched for another way to get the wealth rolling again and so he turned to the Belgians. Belgian soldiers had been camped near Luluabourgh preparing to withdraw from the nation altogether when they were diverted quickly to Tshikapa whilst the negotiations with the miners were still ongoing. After a brief fire fight in which twenty two Congolese miners were killed, more than double that wounded and one of the white managers on death's door, the striking workers dispersed, their leaders arrested, and later the majority returned to work lest they starved.
When the news of the massacre reached Leopoldville, a section of the Bakongolese, already having ritualised unrest, gathered to march on the European sector of the capital city. The ANC checkpoints either weren't in place or rebellious soldiers joined the rioters in their disorder. Belgian soldiers had already deployed, joining a militia composed of white settlers in beating back the Congolese. The Belgians then seized the airport and key checkpoints between the European section of the city and the runway including the train station. To Lumumba, this was the Belgians refusing to bend with history and clinging on to their seat of power. To the Belgians, they were simply protecting their citizens and their interests still within the Congo. Regardless, the official treaties had been broken.
After being contacted by Moise Tshombe, Évariste Kimba who was the regional President of the Katanga Province similarly contacted Belgian forces deployed in the region and asked them to garrison Jadotville, particularly the copper mines and refineries in the area. The workers in Katanga had yet to engage in any serious industrial action but Tshombe knew the tenuous nature of the current government and wanted to ensure that the mines, the key source of wealth, was in his hands in order to secure the backing of foreign interests. It was to this atmosphere that Lumumba posted official complaints to Dag Hammarskjöld, the Secretary-General of the UN.
The UN Security Council put forward Resolution 144 which was voted in nine votes to none with two abstentions (France and the Republic of China). The Resolution called on the Belgians to withdraw their forces and gave Dag Hammarskjöld the authority to act in oversight of the task. He created the Opération des Nations unies au Congo or ONUC and introduced more personnel from member states to assist in maintaining peace in the region. By the time the new year rolled around, nine thousand UN personnel were in the Congo, the largest of which came in the form of five battalion sized forces contributed by Ireland, India, Ethiopia, Sweden and Canada.
Mercenaries in Leopoldville
---
Short one. Just wanted to get it out of the way but now the UN is more involved.
So no outright secession in Katanga and UN troops on the ground in time to prevent that from happening. Hopefully Hammarskjold can broker a peace.
The bad blood between Kalonji and Lumumba sounds ominous, though.
The bad blood between Kalonji and Lumumba sounds ominous, though.
GiantMonkeyMan
Banned
It's a chaotic time but some of the worst moments of OTL have been avoided thusfar.
It's weird because upon looking back at history I've come to despise the hollow temple the UN proved to be in this era yet the more I think about how I want this timeline to progress, the more I feel the UN is going to fulfil a vital role in stabilising the Congo. The conflict between Kalonji and Lumumba is an ongoing one between the central government and the regional assemblies and will prove to be, alongside the conflict between the coloniser and the colonised, the most important factor of this period of Lumumba's tenure.
GiantMonkeyMan
Banned
Consolidation
Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone's head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children. - Amilcar Cabral
The new year brought new summits to climb for the fledgling state. Six months in power and Lumumba still had to face the challenge of unrest and economic difficulties but the ONUC mission into the Congo had effectively brought the boiling tempers down to an underlying simmer. Initially, ONUC had been under the command of American Ralphe Bunche but Rajeshwar Dayal from India soon took over as the representative of the Secretary General as there was a feeling amongst most of the African states in the UN that the USA had ulterior motives other than assisting the democratically elected MNC government.
The largest engagement that the UN soldiers participated in during their initial deployment was in Leopoldville itself where Lieutenant-General Kebbede Guebre from Ethiopia deployed his troops to halt an armed procession of rioters that were trying to attack the European quarter. Congolese troops under the command of Joseph Mobutu participated alongside the UN troops in the engagement and it was the first case in an unofficial partnership between both forces that served both to quell unrest and also give hands-on training experience for the ANC with experienced troops supporting. The Leopoldville engagement ended with fifteen rioters dead, two Congolese soldiers and one Ethiopian and, after the UN and ANC troops began a system of patrols, was the last large-scale unrest in the capital for some time.
Ultimately, the goal of ONUC wasn't as a peace-keeping force but as a support for all aspects of the new regimes' stability, not limited to military engagements. Medical staff from India set up professional clinics in Leopoldville, Stanleyville and Elizabethville to provide sustained medical care and these clinics would soon be upgraded to training hospitals that provided quality education for native Congolese doctors, nurses and other medical staff. Smaller clinics would be established in other towns and cities but the start of a comprehensive health system would be educated from these three cities.
Jaochim Masena, Congolese Minister of Labour, put forward legislation to create the Société Nationale des Chemins de fer Congolaise, the National Congolese Railway Company, a state owned company that was used to alleviate unemployment by expanding Congolese rail track across the nation. Part of ONUC's mission statement had been to assist the Congolese state in ensuring all its employees had the necessary education to fulfil their roles to a satisfactory standard which Masena argued would include all the workers employed by the SNCC. Workers were gifted a rudimentary education alongside their training on the job and ONUC engineers supervised the building of multiple rail and land bridges throughout the Congo.
Hammarskjöld felt that the UN were exceeding their mandate in this manner but Dayal and Lieutenant-General Guebre, who had taken on the role of commander of the military wing of the expedition, agreed that it was a necessary use of the UN's resources. Similar educational support was offered for Congolese civil servants, many of whom were out of their depths after being surreptitiously handed the positions that the Belgian colonial administration had previously held. Coupled with the investment of the Congolese state into primary and secondary education by Antoine-Roger Bolamba, the workings of a comprehensive education system within the Congo was starting to take place.
It was during this relative period of stability and development that the more radical of the MNC's members began putting through legislation that worried foreign interests. Radio Nationale Congolaise, a public radio network, was set up as a daily news and music channel but essentially became a propaganda machine for Lumumba's government, organised by Rémy Mwamba. Buses and ferries over a certain capacity were taken into public ownership with routes and fares being standardised and expanded. Maurice Mpolo was integral in standardising court proceedings and, along with Lumumba, set out to rid the justice system, that they had inherited from the colonial era, of corruption as well as setting up a state legal aid system for the poorest in the country to benefit from.
An Ethiopian Soldier as part of the ONUC mission
All these things had the Belgians worried, the mining companies in particular looked at the nationalisation of the ferries and the creation of a national rail company as a potential threat to their monopoly over the transportation of resources. It seemed more and more that the threat of Lumumba was imminent. Whilst the Belgian soldiers in the north of the country withdrew in quick order, having been replaced either by reorganised ANC troops or UN soldiers, in the south, particularly in Katanga, Belgian forces remained based. Tshombe gave tacit approval for the CONAKAT controlled regional assembly to pass local laws inviting Belgian troops to retain their garrisons and through Katanga, mining companies could bypass the SNCC track in the north by utilising the Benguela Railway through Angola.
The Belgians in Kasai were forced to withdraw due to the international incident at the Tshikapa mines but Kalonji encouraged and facilitated the hiring of a paramilitary force on behalf of Forminiere. It wasn't the only paramilitary force to emerge in this relative lull period with other mining companies hiring mercenary troops to provide private protection and as strike breaking forces where the state troops proved disorganised or too loyal to the Lumumba regime. On the other end of the spectrum, a force of left wing radicals were organised by Laurent Kabila, a youth organiser for the MNC in Katanga, and attacked Belgian forces in the southern province but after two engagements leaving half the radicals scattered or dead, Kabila fled northward to evade capture and the group disbanded.
The presence of the Belgians in the south had Lumumba worried but despite complaints to the UN and to Belgium itself, excuses were made and the troops lingered on well past the agreed dates of withdrawal. ONUC forces deployed into Kasai but Tshombe managed to convince Dayal that there was no need to deploy southwards as the local government had legally requested the Belgians maintain their presence. Lumumba begged to differ but technicalities and the bureaucracy of the UN prevented any adequate response.
It was during the January planting season that another conflict made itself apparent. Whilst new laws had granted farm workers better conditions on European owned farms and orchards, still protected by local laws were the tribal chiefs who were guaranteed tribute from farm workers in various capacities. This state of affairs cut drastically into the livelihoods of the peasants who had been promised reforms but were still trapped under the yolk of exploitative landowners. Lumumba saw this as an opportunity to kill two birds with one stone by cutting the power of the traditional tribal leaders and the local governments at the same time. It was in March 1961 when he drew up legislation with his deputy Gizenga and Joseph Lutula, the Minister of Agriculture, that would prove popular with the emerging middle class sensibilities and the peasant workers it directly affected but was a direct challenge to the old order. A challenge some were willing to face.
The Indian medical detachment prepares to leave via ship to reach the Congolese port city of Boma
----
All is quiet on the colonial front... at the moment. It's only been eight-nine months and a lot has happened but Lumumba and his government haven't been directly challenging the old order until this last piece of legislation regarding land reform, instead enjoying the benefits of the ONUC resources to stabilise their control. Tell me what you think.
Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone's head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children. - Amilcar Cabral
The new year brought new summits to climb for the fledgling state. Six months in power and Lumumba still had to face the challenge of unrest and economic difficulties but the ONUC mission into the Congo had effectively brought the boiling tempers down to an underlying simmer. Initially, ONUC had been under the command of American Ralphe Bunche but Rajeshwar Dayal from India soon took over as the representative of the Secretary General as there was a feeling amongst most of the African states in the UN that the USA had ulterior motives other than assisting the democratically elected MNC government.
The largest engagement that the UN soldiers participated in during their initial deployment was in Leopoldville itself where Lieutenant-General Kebbede Guebre from Ethiopia deployed his troops to halt an armed procession of rioters that were trying to attack the European quarter. Congolese troops under the command of Joseph Mobutu participated alongside the UN troops in the engagement and it was the first case in an unofficial partnership between both forces that served both to quell unrest and also give hands-on training experience for the ANC with experienced troops supporting. The Leopoldville engagement ended with fifteen rioters dead, two Congolese soldiers and one Ethiopian and, after the UN and ANC troops began a system of patrols, was the last large-scale unrest in the capital for some time.
Ultimately, the goal of ONUC wasn't as a peace-keeping force but as a support for all aspects of the new regimes' stability, not limited to military engagements. Medical staff from India set up professional clinics in Leopoldville, Stanleyville and Elizabethville to provide sustained medical care and these clinics would soon be upgraded to training hospitals that provided quality education for native Congolese doctors, nurses and other medical staff. Smaller clinics would be established in other towns and cities but the start of a comprehensive health system would be educated from these three cities.
Jaochim Masena, Congolese Minister of Labour, put forward legislation to create the Société Nationale des Chemins de fer Congolaise, the National Congolese Railway Company, a state owned company that was used to alleviate unemployment by expanding Congolese rail track across the nation. Part of ONUC's mission statement had been to assist the Congolese state in ensuring all its employees had the necessary education to fulfil their roles to a satisfactory standard which Masena argued would include all the workers employed by the SNCC. Workers were gifted a rudimentary education alongside their training on the job and ONUC engineers supervised the building of multiple rail and land bridges throughout the Congo.
Hammarskjöld felt that the UN were exceeding their mandate in this manner but Dayal and Lieutenant-General Guebre, who had taken on the role of commander of the military wing of the expedition, agreed that it was a necessary use of the UN's resources. Similar educational support was offered for Congolese civil servants, many of whom were out of their depths after being surreptitiously handed the positions that the Belgian colonial administration had previously held. Coupled with the investment of the Congolese state into primary and secondary education by Antoine-Roger Bolamba, the workings of a comprehensive education system within the Congo was starting to take place.
It was during this relative period of stability and development that the more radical of the MNC's members began putting through legislation that worried foreign interests. Radio Nationale Congolaise, a public radio network, was set up as a daily news and music channel but essentially became a propaganda machine for Lumumba's government, organised by Rémy Mwamba. Buses and ferries over a certain capacity were taken into public ownership with routes and fares being standardised and expanded. Maurice Mpolo was integral in standardising court proceedings and, along with Lumumba, set out to rid the justice system, that they had inherited from the colonial era, of corruption as well as setting up a state legal aid system for the poorest in the country to benefit from.
An Ethiopian Soldier as part of the ONUC mission
All these things had the Belgians worried, the mining companies in particular looked at the nationalisation of the ferries and the creation of a national rail company as a potential threat to their monopoly over the transportation of resources. It seemed more and more that the threat of Lumumba was imminent. Whilst the Belgian soldiers in the north of the country withdrew in quick order, having been replaced either by reorganised ANC troops or UN soldiers, in the south, particularly in Katanga, Belgian forces remained based. Tshombe gave tacit approval for the CONAKAT controlled regional assembly to pass local laws inviting Belgian troops to retain their garrisons and through Katanga, mining companies could bypass the SNCC track in the north by utilising the Benguela Railway through Angola.
The Belgians in Kasai were forced to withdraw due to the international incident at the Tshikapa mines but Kalonji encouraged and facilitated the hiring of a paramilitary force on behalf of Forminiere. It wasn't the only paramilitary force to emerge in this relative lull period with other mining companies hiring mercenary troops to provide private protection and as strike breaking forces where the state troops proved disorganised or too loyal to the Lumumba regime. On the other end of the spectrum, a force of left wing radicals were organised by Laurent Kabila, a youth organiser for the MNC in Katanga, and attacked Belgian forces in the southern province but after two engagements leaving half the radicals scattered or dead, Kabila fled northward to evade capture and the group disbanded.
The presence of the Belgians in the south had Lumumba worried but despite complaints to the UN and to Belgium itself, excuses were made and the troops lingered on well past the agreed dates of withdrawal. ONUC forces deployed into Kasai but Tshombe managed to convince Dayal that there was no need to deploy southwards as the local government had legally requested the Belgians maintain their presence. Lumumba begged to differ but technicalities and the bureaucracy of the UN prevented any adequate response.
It was during the January planting season that another conflict made itself apparent. Whilst new laws had granted farm workers better conditions on European owned farms and orchards, still protected by local laws were the tribal chiefs who were guaranteed tribute from farm workers in various capacities. This state of affairs cut drastically into the livelihoods of the peasants who had been promised reforms but were still trapped under the yolk of exploitative landowners. Lumumba saw this as an opportunity to kill two birds with one stone by cutting the power of the traditional tribal leaders and the local governments at the same time. It was in March 1961 when he drew up legislation with his deputy Gizenga and Joseph Lutula, the Minister of Agriculture, that would prove popular with the emerging middle class sensibilities and the peasant workers it directly affected but was a direct challenge to the old order. A challenge some were willing to face.
The Indian medical detachment prepares to leave via ship to reach the Congolese port city of Boma
----
All is quiet on the colonial front... at the moment. It's only been eight-nine months and a lot has happened but Lumumba and his government haven't been directly challenging the old order until this last piece of legislation regarding land reform, instead enjoying the benefits of the ONUC resources to stabilise their control. Tell me what you think.