So he's basically a bit of an opportunist then, correct? Well, hopefully he doesn't do any damage or something
Give Peace A Chance: The Presidency of Eugene McCarthy
- Thread starter The Lethargic Lett
- Start date
So he's basically a bit of an opportunist then, correct? Well, hopefully he doesn't do any damage or something
'A bit of an opportunist' is a very polite way to describe Newt Gingrich.
Fantastic TL so far! I have a bit of an out of left field question, but because of the Lockheed Scandal in Japan and their 1982-1983 decline, what would that mean for Tokyo Disneyland? Does Japan turn down a Disney park out of fear of whispers of corruption, or does the new park start, though with a rockier opening in 1983 as IOTL?
I'm glad you're enjoying it!
The Lockheed Scandal happened IOTL, and didn't seem to have any effect on the creation of Tokyo Disneyland that I could find. Construction began on it in 1979, so while opening sales will likely be affected, it's still open for business around the same time as IOTL. When I eventually turn my attention to pop culture, I may change the details of Disney once examining the butterflies under a magnifying glass, but for now, things are the same for Tokyo Disneyland.
Who's Laxalt's cabinet rn? I always love the descriptions of the cabinet you do after election, but I hope we get one for Laxalt before he goes, assuming he doesn't win reelection which seems likely.
Now that you mention it, now would be a good time to do a full Laxalt cabinet. I didn't do it when he first became President so that the fate of Rhodes wouldn't be spoiled if they were browsing the chapter threadmarks, but with the cabinet shuffle, I think I'll post it along with the next chapter, which will be coming out today or tomorrow.
The Laxalt Cabinet and Staff
The Laxalt Cabinet and Staff
President Paul Laxalt (NV, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
Going into the 1984 election, President Laxalt feels he has done the best he could have with the hand he was dealt. Having passed conservative economic stimulus, Laxalt is at odds with the Democratic controlled Congress on exactly how to end what the media is calling the Great Recession. On top of that, Laxalt's discontinuation of pork barrel spending and guaranteed employment has caused a rift between the party's more traditional conservatives on one side, and the Rhodesite conservatives and moderates on the other. Laxalt hopes to unify the party at the Republican National Convention, win election in his own right, and define the 1980s as the decade of conservatism.
Vice President Richard Nixon (CA, Moderate Republican, Realpolitik)
Nominated by President Laxalt and voted into the office by Congress, Richard Nixon is the longest serving Vice President in American history. Representing continued stability in the Laxalt Administration, Nixon has kept his head down with the schism between Laxalt and the Rhodesites. Nixon still holds significant sway over foreign policy, but not nearly to the extent of his time as Secretary of State during the Rhodes Administration. Nixon is determined to stay in the presidential administration, and is entirely willing to play both sides to guarantee it.
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (MA, Moderate Republican, Realpolitik)
Part of the agreement between Laxalt and Nixon to move from the State Department to the Vice Presidency was that Nixon's ally, National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger, would become Secretary of State. Kissinger is seen as a proxy of Nixon's, and continues to support Nixon's foreign policy objectives, such as Iraq's invasion of Iran, and supporting anti-Soviet dictatorships around the world. For the time being, these are also the goals of President Laxalt.
Secretary of Treasury Claude R. Kirk Jr. (FL, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
Claude Kirk is the only prominent Rhodes loyalist who has remained in the Laxalt Administration. Kirk was instrumental in passing Laxalt's economic stimulus plans to address the Great Recession. Kirk is still a major proponent of Rhodes-style liberal corporatism, and is the only remaining voice from within the cabinet still actively calling for the Jobs For America Act.
Secretary of Defense Barry Goldwater (AZ, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
With Laxalt in the Oval Office, former Senator Barry Goldwater has been re-appointed as Secretary of Defense to replace Alexander Haig. Goldwater had served as Rhodes' Secretary of Defense in his first term, but was replaced by Haig going in to Rhodes' second term. Goldwater was chosen both for his close ties to President Laxalt, and because Congressional Republicans couldn't afford to lose one of their ranking members while already being in a weak position.
Attorney General Bill Saxbe (OH, Moderate Republican, Dove-Leaning)
Bill Saxbe was one of the Rhodes cabinet members who stayed on into the Laxalt Administration for the sake of unity and continuation following the Rhodes Assassination. Saxbe has been encouraged by Laxalt to continue enforcement of the War on Drugs, a program the Attorney General is increasingly concerned is going beyond its mission statement and legal responsibilities.
Secretary of the Interior Don Samuelson (ID, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
Samuelson is another member of Rhodes' cabinet who has stayed on with Laxalt. Samuelson follows Rhodes' (and Laxalt's) philosophy of resource extraction projects and an expanding industrial economy.
Secretary of Agriculture William R. Poage (TX, Conservative Democrat, Hawk)
William Poage intended to retire at some point in Rhodes' second term, but his plans were thrown into chaos following the Rhodes Assassination and resignation of several other cabinet members. The aging Agriculture Secretary is bound by his sense of duty to stay on the cabinet with many of its members resigning in protest of Laxalt's policies, and is half-heartedly going through the rest of the term.
Secretary of Commerce Dave Thomas (OH, Conservative Independent, Realpolitik)
Dave Thomas, like Poage, is antsy to leave the cabinet, but has stayed on out of a sense of responsibility. The Founder of Wendy's, Dave wants to get back to his burgers, and re-enter the private sector at the soonest possibility, especially with the Great Recession hurting all businesses.
Secretary of Labor Thomas Watson Jr. (CT, Moderate Independent, Realpolitik)
The retired President of the International Business Machines Corporation (IBM), Thomas Watson revolutionized the computer industry, developing hardware and software, and reaping the rewards in early investments into the idea of office computers. Watson also divided the company into different divisions in a decentralizing move that allowed for much greater logistical flexibility and specialization of sales. Watson replaces Jacob Javits as Secretary of Labor, who resigned in protest along with fellow cabinet members Alexander Haig, Charles Percy, and Hyman Minsky.
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Robert H. Michel (IL, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
Another Rhodes appointee who has stayed on, Michel is one of the few members of the cabinet who prefers the policies of the new President to the late one. Having been used as the hatchet man by the Rhodes Administration for years, Michel is thankful the pure hatred and vitriol he's gotten is now mostly directed towards the President.
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Edward Brooke (MA, Rockefeller Republican, Hawk-Leaning)
The former Senator for Massachusetts as well as that state's first African American Senator, Edward Brooke co-wrote the Fair Housing Act along with Democratic Senator Walter Mondale. Later, he would call for stronger enforcement and provisions of the act. Brooke was also a supporter of many prominent Great Society programs, but was cautious of McCarthy's more stringent Crusade Against Poverty. Although convinced of guaranteed employment by the Rhodes Administration, Brooke has joined the Laxalt Administration to replace Jacob Javits, who resigned in protest of Jobs For America not being enacted.
Secretary of Transportation Ray Lee Hunt (TX, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
Ray Lee Hunt, the famous oil tycoon, has stayed on as Secretary of Transportation. With Laxalt now the President, Hunt is more in agreement with the Oval Office when it comes to opposing unions and unionization, and has been given a freer hand to help legislate 'right to work' laws. Hunt has particularly targeted the Teamsters.
Secretary of Employment Milton Friedman (IL, Libertarian Republican, Realpolitik)
The well-known Chicago School economist Milton Friedman is the second man to hold the title of Secretary of Employment. A laissez-faire capitalist and enemy of Keynesianism, Friedman is not a supporter of guaranteed employment. Rather, Friedman supports deregulating the economy and instituting a flat tax rate and negative income tax (among other policies) to promote economic growth and private sector employment. Friedman has described himself as a Classical Liberal, and a Republican for reasons of expediency rather than principle.
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Supreme Allied Commander Europe Bernard W. Rogers (KS, Moderate Independent, Hawk)
Bernard Rogers has been working for the past few years to whip the United States Army back into shape after low funding and lower morale in the 1970s. Rogers has returned America to previous stance of military readiness, and preparedness for confrontation with the Soviet Union in Europe.
Director of the Federal Bureau of Intelligence Mark Felt (DC, Conservative Independent, Hawk)
The successor to the legacy of J. Edgar Hoover, Mark Felt has fully cooperated with the hawkish foreign policy of Rhodes, Nixon, and Laxalt, though the purview of the FBI remains largely in domestic affairs. Felt has kept his head down compared to Hoover, and has attempted to improve the image of the FBI following the McCarthy Presidency, where the FBI was threatened with abolition before the McLaughlin Scandal. The FBI, and America's other secret services remain largely unaccountable organizations, but Felt has done a much better job of collaborating with Congress and the President in exchange for making sure things stay that way.
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First Lady Carol Laxalt
Despite becoming First Lady under tragic circumstances, Carol Laxalt has made the best of it. Carol frequently holds White House events, and is a much more public and well known figure than First Lady Helen Rhodes. Carol remains in close contact with the Rhodes family, although invitations over to the White House for family and friends dinners have been declined.
White House Chief of Staff Tom Loranger (NV, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
Tom Loranger was Paul Laxalt's Chief of Staff back when he was just the Senator for Nevada. Loranger continued in the same role as the Vice President's Chief of Staff, and now serves as White House Chief of Staff. Loranger has had the unenviable task to wrangle the transition from a White House staff that had been entirely transplanted from Ohio, to one that more reflected Nevada and Washington D.C.
White House Senior Advisor Wayne Pearson (NV, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
Wayne Pearson has served as Paul Laxalt's senior campaign advisor since Laxalt's incredibly narrow loss to Howard Cannon in Nevada's 1964 Senate election. Pearson continued to advise Laxalt during his successful runs for Governor of Nevada, Senator for Nevada, and his later upstart primary challenge for the Vice Presidency.
White House Press Secretary Ronald Reagan (CA, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
The former Governor of California and three-time presidential contender, Ronald Reagan has been a stalwart supporter of his good friend Paul Laxalt, before his becoming President and afterward. The irony is not lost on Reagan that he was a strong supporter of Laxalt's vice presidential campaign in 1980, only for Laxalt to become President from it later. Referred to as the "First Friend," Reagan was chosen as press secretary following the Rhodes Assassination in the hopes that his sunny disposition would allay fears. Although some have begun to question his mental faculties, Reagan fully intends to stick by Laxalt through thick and thin, a sentiment the President has returned.
White House Chief Speechwriter Pat Buchanan (VA, Conservative Republican, Isolationist)
The career of Pat Buchanan has been closely tied to that of Richard Nixon. Working as a speechwriter and opposition researcher for the Nixon campaign in 1968, Buchanan returned to writing editorials after Nixon lost, but returned to working for Nixon in 1977, when Nixon became Secretary of State. Buchanan was the leader of the 'White House Gardeners,' a group of smear merchants and opposition researchers organized by Nixon at the behest of President Rhodes during his 1980 re-election campaign. Now, with Nixon having moved to the Vice Presidency and with an aligning ideology with President Laxalt (except in the realm of foreign policy), Buchanan has been appointed as Chief Speechwriter.
Director of the Council of Economic Advisors Alan Greenspan (NY, Libertarian Republican, Hawk)
A long-time Wall Street investor and corporate executive, Alan Greenspan is a proponent of monetarist policies, Chicago School economics, and a laissez-faire, free market capitalist system. Like many members of the Rhodes and Laxalt Administrations, Greenspan has long-standing ties to Nixon, but is politically more aligned with Laxalt than the now-Vice President.
National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft (UT, Moderate Republican, Realpolitik)
An associate of Henry Kissinger and the previous Deputy National Security Advisor, Brent Scowcroft has moved up to the position of National Security Advisor while Kissinger has become Secretary of State. Often overshadowed by Nixon and Kissinger, Scowcroft is a less well-known, if effective, foreign policy specialist. Scowcroft is also more considerate of national sovereignty than Nixon and Kissinger, and is somewhat more akin to Democratic foreign policy specialist Zbigniew Brzezinski.
Director of the Environmental Conservation Agency James G. Watts (WY, Conservative Republican, Hawk)
One of the most controversial members of the Rhodes and Laxalt cabinets, James G. Watts has almost entirely eliminated the Agency that he has been running for the last seven years. The Environmental Conservation Agency no longer exists, for all intents in purposes, and acts more as a toothless environmental lobbying group than a government organization that enforces regulations.
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Chapter Fifty-Five - Against All Odds
“As of now, no one is in control of the White House. That is why I’m declaring my candidacy for the Republican nomination for President this election.”
By the end of 1983, there had been a significant widening of the Democratic field, as well as a much smaller, but just as important widening of the Republican field. Alexander Haig officially announced he was running for President, in the first primary challenge against a sitting President since 1968, when Eugene McCarthy famously succeeded in toppling Lyndon Johnson. Haig centred his candidacy around being the true successor to the legacy of James Rhodes, rather than Paul Laxalt, who had only become President by the virtue (or rather the sin) of being Vice President at the time. Haig was loudly supported by Rhodes supporters on the grassroots level, but was more quietly supported by the Rhodesite faction of the Republican Party. Most didn’t publicly endorse him, out of respect for the office of the President, if not the man who inhabited it. Although the likes of House Minority Leader Bill Gradison, and Senate Minority Whip Ted Stevens, and obviously preferred Haig over Laxalt, they all used vague statements and double-talk in Haig’s favour rather than outworldly saying so. Some notable exceptions who openly supported Haig were former Vice President Mills Godwin, Governor of Ohio (and former Rhodes protege) George Voinivich, and the other cabinet members who resigned along with Haig: Charles Percy, Jacob Javits, and Hyman Minsky.
The situation almost changed with Richard Nixon.
Having made peace with the fact that he would never become President barring an unfortunate accident on the part of Laxalt, Nixon jealously held on to every bit of power he had. The State Department was still stocked with Nixon loyalists, and he himself refused to be sidelined in his role as Vice President. Remaining intensely active in the realm of foreign policy, Nixon attempted to smooth over tensions with America’s allies who had seen the value of their currencies jettisoned by the Laxalt Administration in order to prop up the American dollar, and continued to oversee American involvement in the Iran-Iraq War, where Saddam Hussein’s advance began to stall with a flood of Soviet aid into Iran. Yet, despite Nixon’s prominence, Laxalt still considered removed him from the ticket come 1984. Anticipating the coming primary battle with Haig, Laxalt entertained the idea of replacing Nixon with a Rhodesite candidate. Ted Stevens, Claude Kirk Jr, and George Voinivich were all considered before Laxalt took it up with Nixon. Pushing on their long-standing personal relationship and the fragility of international affairs, as well as reminding Laxalt of his Rhodesite credentials by way of his close working relationship with the late President, Nixon convinced Laxalt to keep him on the ticket as Vice President. Unbeknownst to Laxalt, Nixon had also prepared what his inner circle called the ‘nuclear option:’ the collected pre-emptive opposition research that Pat Buchanan had gathered on Laxalt during his vetting process for Vice President in 1980. In the event of being forced off the ticket, Nixon had been entirely prepared to use it.
"The Third Coming of Nixon." President Laxalt decided that the elder statesman and grizzled veteran of American politics would be kept on the Republican ticket as the Vice Presidential nominee for the 1984 election.
Meanwhile, the first wave of Democrats to enter the race (Reverend Jesse Jackson, Senator Gary Hart, Senator Bella Abzug, and former Governor Reubin Askew) tried to keep the media’s attention as more joined the fray. Senator Alex Seith, the inheritor of the Henry Jackson legacy, was running as the leading Neoconservative of the Democratic Party; Senator Ernest Hollings, who had dropped out early in the 1980 primaries, was attempting a comeback; Senator Dale Bumpers, one of Eugene McCarthy’s staunchest supporters in the South, was finally making his own run for President; Senator Raul Castro had formed an exploratory committee, but seemed less interested than others in running for President; Senator Alan Cranston, another McCarthy supporter, called for the freezing of the development of nuclear weapons; John Glenn, a rare example of an Ohio Democrat after the reign of Rhodes, was running as a moderate above the fray of politics, and last but not least was Frank Church, one of McCarthy’s key allies, who was running a standard liberal campaign, but with particular emphasis on finally reigning in America’s secret service agencies.
During the Democratic Iowa Caucuses, ‘Uncommitted’ was the most chosen result on the ballot, followed by Frank Church. Church was the frontrunner in late 1983, and was the highest polling Democrat at the time, but he had to suddenly end his campaign in January of 1984 after being hospitalized due to a pancreatic tumour. Church instead endorsed fellow McCarthy ally Dale Bumpers. Bumpers, with the Church endorsement then went on to win the Maine caucuses. In a portent of things to come, Bumpers also won the New Hampshire and Vermont primaries. Striking a balance between the moderates and Neoconservatives on one side and the ‘incorrigible leftists’ on the other, Bumpers portrayed himself as a ‘reasonable liberal’ and a ‘pragmatic progressive.’ Moving west, Seith won the Wyoming primary, with Glenn in a very close second.
Hayseed: Senator Dale Bumpers of Arkansas (left) took an early lead in the Democratic primaries after the endorsement of dropped out frontrunner Frank Church.
The March 14 primaries dramatically changed the Democrats’ pecking order: In what was expected to be a landslide for Bumpers, he was instead locked out of the South. Askew won his home state of Florida, while Jackson stunned pundits with upsets in Alabama and Georgia, winning with an unexpected coalition of white Christian conservatives, and generally more progressive black voters. Bumpers recouped his losses in the South by winning the rest of New England, while Askew dropped out after also being locked out of the South. Later into March, Bumpers would win in the Puerto Rico primary and the Minnesota caucuses, but Seith would come back with high value wins in Michigan and his home state of Illinois. By the end of March, Hart and Glenn would also drop out, leaving Alex Seith as the only remaining candidate of the party’s moderate and Neoconservative wings.
Back on the Republican side of things, Laxalt and Haig were locked in a death struggle for the soul of the party. Laxalt continued to define his campaign by his accomplishments during his short presidency, claiming that economic recovery was well on the way after his stimulus package. Laxalt also worked to portray Haig as a reckless loose cannon who was damaging the Republican Party at a time when unity was paramount. Haig worked a very Rhodes-esque campaign, sticking exclusively to bread and butter issues and guaranteed employment. Haig promised the passage of the Jobs For America Act within the first hundred days of his Administration, attacked Laxalt for raising taxes, and guaranteed the return of large public works projects (i.e. pork barrel spending). Although Laxalt was winning more than double the states than Haig, the Haig victories in Vermont, Massachusetts, and Illinois were high profile enough to keep the challenge against the President alive. Haig’s momentum kept going into April, winning Wisconsin, Pennsylvania (his home state), and Vermont, but with Laxalt winning Kansas and Louisiana. May was the make-or-break period for Laxalt. In the most competitive primary thus far, Laxalt won Texas by a razor-thin margin. Laxalt continued to pull ahead by winning Nebraska, Georgia, and Indiana. Haig kept his campaign alive by winning West Virginia, Maryland, and Michigan, but Laxalt won every single state of May’s Super Tuesday: Arkansas, Idaho, Kentucky, Nevada, Oregon, and Tennessee.
President Paul Laxalt struggled to shake off Alexander Haig's primary challenge throughout early 1984.
The Democrats were equally combative in April and May. With the vote split on the left, Seith won the New York primary (as well as in Kansas), causing Abzug to drop out. Receiving negligible polling, Cranston also dropped out, leaving it a three way race between Seith, Bumpers, and Jackson. Seith continued his campaign as the successor of the recently deceased Henry Jackson. Seith ran as an economic moderate and social moderate, with a hawkish foreign policy. Seith touted his support for both Democratic and Republican stimulus legislation, but declared that “the government should get off our back and on our side,” calling for business-friendly legislation and targeted economic growth through federal spending. Seith emphasized his bi-partisanship and ability to work across the aisle, and quietly dismissed busing desegregation, instead calling for schools to voluntarily desegregate. Although Seith was appealing to the white middle class and officially had the backing of the unions, he had trouble connecting with blue collar workers as the primaries went on and economic conditions worsened. Seith’s proposals came to be seen as ‘four years too late,’ being too moderate when the country was in a mood for big change. Bumpers also tried to position himself as a more moderate candidate, but was much more liberal than what he let on on the campaign trail. Bumpers proudly recalled how he was the county lawyer of the first county in the South to desegregate after Brown v. Board of Education, but dismissed questions from ‘concerned parents’ about his support for school busing desegregation with a vague folksy charm. Whenever questions were raised about his highly dovish voting record, he’d talk about his commitment to America’s allies abroad. When a fiscal conservative asked why he supported single-payer healthcare, or free tuition for trade colleges, or raising taxes on corporations, he’d spin a yarn about growing up in rural Arkansas during the Great Depression, and how the New Deal had helped raise his community out of poverty. On the other hand, Jackson made no qualms about his left wing positions. Jackson called for a Rainbow Coalition made of African Americans, Jewish Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, Arab Americans, Native Americans, the youth, disabled veterans, small farmers, and gays and lesbians to work towards New Left, and Christian Left (or at least religious left) policies. Affirmative action programs, universal basic income, and expanded social programs were all called for as a means of self-help in minority communities, as well as electoral reform and a Consistent Life Amendment that would abolish the death penalty and ban abortions. Jackson also attempted to poach union support from Seith by calling for greater workplace democracy and legally recognizing trade unions as uniquely beneficial organizations for worker’s rights. On the international stage, Jackson called for co-operation with the Second and Third World to address the legacy of imperialism and colonialism, and pressed suggestions for unified non-aligned political systems in Europe and Africa. While Jackson had created a formidable organization, it was unwieldy and disorganized at times, with occasional conflicting interests. Jackson also didn’t help things with his occasional crude, off-the-cuff remarks, such as referring to New York City as “Hymie Town,” causing a severe split in the Rainbow Coalition between Jewish Americans and Jackson’s other supporters, from which Jackson never fully recovered.
Despite having no prior political experience, Reverend Jesse Jackson channeled the nascent Christian Left and economic insecurity following the Great Recession to propel himself to greater-than-expected political success.
Bumpers won the rest of the April primaries, taking Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania. Jackson started off strong in May, winning the District of Columbia, Louisiana, Maryland, and North Carolina. Bumpers won Tennessee, Indiana, Ohio, and Oregon, while Seith’s momentum began to slow, winning only Idaho and Nebraska. In Texas, although Bumpers won, Jackson had been leading in earlier caucusing, and many Hispanic members of the delegation were sympathetic towards him. Bumpers unsurprisingly won in his home state of Arkansas, but also took Nevada and Kentucky, which had been polling towards Seith earlier in the race.
June was a messy finale for both parties. As the primaries moved further west, Laxalt was finally able to create an insurmountable lead over Haig. Ultimately, Haig’s support was limited to the Midwest and New England (with the exceptions of North Dakota and Alaska), and Laxalt was able to take the entirety of the South and West. Working with Cesar Chavez, Jackson made an effort to canvass the southwest border states to get the Hispanic vote. However, with the decline of Chavez’s United Farm Workers, Jackson saw limited success, but did manage to win New Mexico. Bumpers won the rest of the day, taking California, Montana, New Jersey, West Virginia, and the two Dakotas. With the primaries concluded, and following other caucuses, Dale Bumpers, nearly unknown before the primaries, was the clear winner and presumptive nominee going into the Democratic Convention.
In the meantime, President Laxalt would have to glue his party back together going into his own convention.
“Many, to their sorrow, have had trouble taking Bumpers serious… Dandy Dale, the man with one speech, a shoeshine, and a smile.”
- Excerpt from the presidential campaign announcement of Former Secretary of Defence Alexander Haig, 1983
By the end of 1983, there had been a significant widening of the Democratic field, as well as a much smaller, but just as important widening of the Republican field. Alexander Haig officially announced he was running for President, in the first primary challenge against a sitting President since 1968, when Eugene McCarthy famously succeeded in toppling Lyndon Johnson. Haig centred his candidacy around being the true successor to the legacy of James Rhodes, rather than Paul Laxalt, who had only become President by the virtue (or rather the sin) of being Vice President at the time. Haig was loudly supported by Rhodes supporters on the grassroots level, but was more quietly supported by the Rhodesite faction of the Republican Party. Most didn’t publicly endorse him, out of respect for the office of the President, if not the man who inhabited it. Although the likes of House Minority Leader Bill Gradison, and Senate Minority Whip Ted Stevens, and obviously preferred Haig over Laxalt, they all used vague statements and double-talk in Haig’s favour rather than outworldly saying so. Some notable exceptions who openly supported Haig were former Vice President Mills Godwin, Governor of Ohio (and former Rhodes protege) George Voinivich, and the other cabinet members who resigned along with Haig: Charles Percy, Jacob Javits, and Hyman Minsky.
The situation almost changed with Richard Nixon.
Having made peace with the fact that he would never become President barring an unfortunate accident on the part of Laxalt, Nixon jealously held on to every bit of power he had. The State Department was still stocked with Nixon loyalists, and he himself refused to be sidelined in his role as Vice President. Remaining intensely active in the realm of foreign policy, Nixon attempted to smooth over tensions with America’s allies who had seen the value of their currencies jettisoned by the Laxalt Administration in order to prop up the American dollar, and continued to oversee American involvement in the Iran-Iraq War, where Saddam Hussein’s advance began to stall with a flood of Soviet aid into Iran. Yet, despite Nixon’s prominence, Laxalt still considered removed him from the ticket come 1984. Anticipating the coming primary battle with Haig, Laxalt entertained the idea of replacing Nixon with a Rhodesite candidate. Ted Stevens, Claude Kirk Jr, and George Voinivich were all considered before Laxalt took it up with Nixon. Pushing on their long-standing personal relationship and the fragility of international affairs, as well as reminding Laxalt of his Rhodesite credentials by way of his close working relationship with the late President, Nixon convinced Laxalt to keep him on the ticket as Vice President. Unbeknownst to Laxalt, Nixon had also prepared what his inner circle called the ‘nuclear option:’ the collected pre-emptive opposition research that Pat Buchanan had gathered on Laxalt during his vetting process for Vice President in 1980. In the event of being forced off the ticket, Nixon had been entirely prepared to use it.
"The Third Coming of Nixon." President Laxalt decided that the elder statesman and grizzled veteran of American politics would be kept on the Republican ticket as the Vice Presidential nominee for the 1984 election.
Meanwhile, the first wave of Democrats to enter the race (Reverend Jesse Jackson, Senator Gary Hart, Senator Bella Abzug, and former Governor Reubin Askew) tried to keep the media’s attention as more joined the fray. Senator Alex Seith, the inheritor of the Henry Jackson legacy, was running as the leading Neoconservative of the Democratic Party; Senator Ernest Hollings, who had dropped out early in the 1980 primaries, was attempting a comeback; Senator Dale Bumpers, one of Eugene McCarthy’s staunchest supporters in the South, was finally making his own run for President; Senator Raul Castro had formed an exploratory committee, but seemed less interested than others in running for President; Senator Alan Cranston, another McCarthy supporter, called for the freezing of the development of nuclear weapons; John Glenn, a rare example of an Ohio Democrat after the reign of Rhodes, was running as a moderate above the fray of politics, and last but not least was Frank Church, one of McCarthy’s key allies, who was running a standard liberal campaign, but with particular emphasis on finally reigning in America’s secret service agencies.
During the Democratic Iowa Caucuses, ‘Uncommitted’ was the most chosen result on the ballot, followed by Frank Church. Church was the frontrunner in late 1983, and was the highest polling Democrat at the time, but he had to suddenly end his campaign in January of 1984 after being hospitalized due to a pancreatic tumour. Church instead endorsed fellow McCarthy ally Dale Bumpers. Bumpers, with the Church endorsement then went on to win the Maine caucuses. In a portent of things to come, Bumpers also won the New Hampshire and Vermont primaries. Striking a balance between the moderates and Neoconservatives on one side and the ‘incorrigible leftists’ on the other, Bumpers portrayed himself as a ‘reasonable liberal’ and a ‘pragmatic progressive.’ Moving west, Seith won the Wyoming primary, with Glenn in a very close second.
Hayseed: Senator Dale Bumpers of Arkansas (left) took an early lead in the Democratic primaries after the endorsement of dropped out frontrunner Frank Church.
The March 14 primaries dramatically changed the Democrats’ pecking order: In what was expected to be a landslide for Bumpers, he was instead locked out of the South. Askew won his home state of Florida, while Jackson stunned pundits with upsets in Alabama and Georgia, winning with an unexpected coalition of white Christian conservatives, and generally more progressive black voters. Bumpers recouped his losses in the South by winning the rest of New England, while Askew dropped out after also being locked out of the South. Later into March, Bumpers would win in the Puerto Rico primary and the Minnesota caucuses, but Seith would come back with high value wins in Michigan and his home state of Illinois. By the end of March, Hart and Glenn would also drop out, leaving Alex Seith as the only remaining candidate of the party’s moderate and Neoconservative wings.
Back on the Republican side of things, Laxalt and Haig were locked in a death struggle for the soul of the party. Laxalt continued to define his campaign by his accomplishments during his short presidency, claiming that economic recovery was well on the way after his stimulus package. Laxalt also worked to portray Haig as a reckless loose cannon who was damaging the Republican Party at a time when unity was paramount. Haig worked a very Rhodes-esque campaign, sticking exclusively to bread and butter issues and guaranteed employment. Haig promised the passage of the Jobs For America Act within the first hundred days of his Administration, attacked Laxalt for raising taxes, and guaranteed the return of large public works projects (i.e. pork barrel spending). Although Laxalt was winning more than double the states than Haig, the Haig victories in Vermont, Massachusetts, and Illinois were high profile enough to keep the challenge against the President alive. Haig’s momentum kept going into April, winning Wisconsin, Pennsylvania (his home state), and Vermont, but with Laxalt winning Kansas and Louisiana. May was the make-or-break period for Laxalt. In the most competitive primary thus far, Laxalt won Texas by a razor-thin margin. Laxalt continued to pull ahead by winning Nebraska, Georgia, and Indiana. Haig kept his campaign alive by winning West Virginia, Maryland, and Michigan, but Laxalt won every single state of May’s Super Tuesday: Arkansas, Idaho, Kentucky, Nevada, Oregon, and Tennessee.
President Paul Laxalt struggled to shake off Alexander Haig's primary challenge throughout early 1984.
The Democrats were equally combative in April and May. With the vote split on the left, Seith won the New York primary (as well as in Kansas), causing Abzug to drop out. Receiving negligible polling, Cranston also dropped out, leaving it a three way race between Seith, Bumpers, and Jackson. Seith continued his campaign as the successor of the recently deceased Henry Jackson. Seith ran as an economic moderate and social moderate, with a hawkish foreign policy. Seith touted his support for both Democratic and Republican stimulus legislation, but declared that “the government should get off our back and on our side,” calling for business-friendly legislation and targeted economic growth through federal spending. Seith emphasized his bi-partisanship and ability to work across the aisle, and quietly dismissed busing desegregation, instead calling for schools to voluntarily desegregate. Although Seith was appealing to the white middle class and officially had the backing of the unions, he had trouble connecting with blue collar workers as the primaries went on and economic conditions worsened. Seith’s proposals came to be seen as ‘four years too late,’ being too moderate when the country was in a mood for big change. Bumpers also tried to position himself as a more moderate candidate, but was much more liberal than what he let on on the campaign trail. Bumpers proudly recalled how he was the county lawyer of the first county in the South to desegregate after Brown v. Board of Education, but dismissed questions from ‘concerned parents’ about his support for school busing desegregation with a vague folksy charm. Whenever questions were raised about his highly dovish voting record, he’d talk about his commitment to America’s allies abroad. When a fiscal conservative asked why he supported single-payer healthcare, or free tuition for trade colleges, or raising taxes on corporations, he’d spin a yarn about growing up in rural Arkansas during the Great Depression, and how the New Deal had helped raise his community out of poverty. On the other hand, Jackson made no qualms about his left wing positions. Jackson called for a Rainbow Coalition made of African Americans, Jewish Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, Arab Americans, Native Americans, the youth, disabled veterans, small farmers, and gays and lesbians to work towards New Left, and Christian Left (or at least religious left) policies. Affirmative action programs, universal basic income, and expanded social programs were all called for as a means of self-help in minority communities, as well as electoral reform and a Consistent Life Amendment that would abolish the death penalty and ban abortions. Jackson also attempted to poach union support from Seith by calling for greater workplace democracy and legally recognizing trade unions as uniquely beneficial organizations for worker’s rights. On the international stage, Jackson called for co-operation with the Second and Third World to address the legacy of imperialism and colonialism, and pressed suggestions for unified non-aligned political systems in Europe and Africa. While Jackson had created a formidable organization, it was unwieldy and disorganized at times, with occasional conflicting interests. Jackson also didn’t help things with his occasional crude, off-the-cuff remarks, such as referring to New York City as “Hymie Town,” causing a severe split in the Rainbow Coalition between Jewish Americans and Jackson’s other supporters, from which Jackson never fully recovered.
Despite having no prior political experience, Reverend Jesse Jackson channeled the nascent Christian Left and economic insecurity following the Great Recession to propel himself to greater-than-expected political success.
Bumpers won the rest of the April primaries, taking Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania. Jackson started off strong in May, winning the District of Columbia, Louisiana, Maryland, and North Carolina. Bumpers won Tennessee, Indiana, Ohio, and Oregon, while Seith’s momentum began to slow, winning only Idaho and Nebraska. In Texas, although Bumpers won, Jackson had been leading in earlier caucusing, and many Hispanic members of the delegation were sympathetic towards him. Bumpers unsurprisingly won in his home state of Arkansas, but also took Nevada and Kentucky, which had been polling towards Seith earlier in the race.
June was a messy finale for both parties. As the primaries moved further west, Laxalt was finally able to create an insurmountable lead over Haig. Ultimately, Haig’s support was limited to the Midwest and New England (with the exceptions of North Dakota and Alaska), and Laxalt was able to take the entirety of the South and West. Working with Cesar Chavez, Jackson made an effort to canvass the southwest border states to get the Hispanic vote. However, with the decline of Chavez’s United Farm Workers, Jackson saw limited success, but did manage to win New Mexico. Bumpers won the rest of the day, taking California, Montana, New Jersey, West Virginia, and the two Dakotas. With the primaries concluded, and following other caucuses, Dale Bumpers, nearly unknown before the primaries, was the clear winner and presumptive nominee going into the Democratic Convention.
In the meantime, President Laxalt would have to glue his party back together going into his own convention.
“Many, to their sorrow, have had trouble taking Bumpers serious… Dandy Dale, the man with one speech, a shoeshine, and a smile.”
- Time Magazine on Senator Dale Bumpers, the presumptive Democratic nominee of 1984
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Chapter Fifty-Six - There's No Stopping Us
“As it happens, you’re looking at the entire Franklin County Bar Association.”
Democrats flocked to Sacramento in July for the Democratic Convention, confident of their chances in the upcoming election. The general consensus of Democrats was that any of the candidates could beat President Laxalt, but Dale Bumpers was considered a particularly inoffensive candidate. Mostly because nobody knew who he was.
Dale Bumpers was long-established in Arkansas politics, but always tried to portray himself as a fresh face. Growing up in small-town Arkansas during the Great Depression, Bumpers was raised poor in a household that idolized Franklin Roosevelt. Dale’s father, William Bumpers, had always aspired to join the House of Representatives, but never had the financial means to mount a campaign. Dale’s mother was puritanically religious, and opposed to politics in all its forms.
Returning from the marine corps following the Second World War, Bumpers was one of the millions of veterans who benefitted from the G.I. Bill. In 1948, at the same time that Eugene McCarthy was planning his first run for the House of Representatives and helping Hubert Humphrey purge the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party of Communists and Socialists, Bumpers was in law school in Illinois. Moving back to Arkansas, Bumpers became the one and only member of his county’s bar association, at the same time he tried (and mostly failed) to run the family general store. Advising the school board, Bumpers called for the immediate and strict enforcement of the ruling of Brown v. Board of Education, with Franklin County becoming the first to desegregate the school system in the South in a unanimous vote. Besides a failed run for the House of Representatives in 1962, Bumpers tried for the office of Governor of Arkansas, in an effort to bring a more reform-minded leadership to the South, and to block the Democrats from nominating infamous segregationist Orval Faubus in his latest run for Governor. Narrowly getting second place in the primaries, Bumpers easily beat Faubus in the run-off, and went on to defeat the unpopular incumbent Republican, Winthrop Rockefeller. Running an uneventful state administration, Bumpers used his control of the Arkansas delegation to keep the ‘Wonder State’ firmly in McCarthy’s column during the schismatic 1972 Democratic Convention; the only Southern state to do so. Jumping from the Governor’s House to a Senator’s office in 1974, Bumpers easily beat Charles T. Bernard. Bernard, a Republican, was appointed by Rockefeller to replace Senator J. William Fulbright, who had left the Senate in 1969 to become President McCarthy’s Secretary of State [1]. Despite consistently voting for liberal causes and being a strong supporter of President McCarthy to the final days of his presidency, Bumpers comfortably won re-election in 1980, with fifty-five percent of the vote [2]. Although only mildly interested in running for President in earlier years (he was a favourite son in 1972, 1976, and 1980), Bumpers seemed motivated by the Great Recession to finally commit to a campaign.
Bumpers is a firm believer in the idea that the thing the South craves more than anything else is respect. He believes that the reason the people of Arkansas were willing to flip from an infamous segregationist, to a Republican, to a McCarthy Democrat as the Governor of the state was because each offered a unique dignity and notoriety that put Arkansas on the map, albeit for very different reasons. He believes that the average Southerner isn’t necessarily racist, but if the sources of respectability say that you’re more respectable if you’re above the Blacks, they’ll take it to heart. Likewise, if the source of respectability says that the path to respectability is through greater education, promoting prosperity, and equality for all, they would equally believe that. Bumpers’ critics to his left say that his understanding of the South’s attitudes on race are dangerously naive, and that his votes against labour reform indicated that he bends moderate if he gets pushback, while his critics to the right claim that he uses obfuscation and a moderate voting record around election seasons to cover up the fact that he’s another McCarthy; a wolf in sheep’s clothing.
Regardless, there wasn’t much his critics could say at the convention, as Bumpers had won enough primaires to keep it from going to a second ballot. The convention itself had a jubilant mood, more in line with a coronation than the beginning of a campaign. Richard S. Arnold, Bumpers’ legislative assistant and campaign Chief of Staff, scurried across the convention floors to tie up loose ends, with his assistant Bill Clinton, nipping at his heels. With the surprising death of Frank Church, Arnold worked to secure the Iowa delegates, if only for symbolic reasons. Arnold also hoped to secure the endorsement of Reubin Askew and the Florida delegation, to provide a united front against Jesse Jackson, who had most of his support in the South.
Richard S. Arnold, a lawyer with aspirations for the bench, was Bumpers' legislative assistant and campaign Chief of Staff.
In fact, while Bumpers and his supporters put on confident aires in public, there were concerns over the amount of control that religious left evangelicals could exert on the party’s platform. In 1980, Jimmy Carter had been the primary representative of the Sojourner Movement, and even then, the policies the Sojourner’s proposed were significantly to the left of what Carter had been comfortable with. Now, Jesse Jackson had removed any inhibitions the Sojourners had felt about moderating their position. Jesse Jackson met with Sojourner Movement Chairman Jim Wallis, Delegate Walter Fauntroy, and former President Eugene McCarthy to discuss what to put forward into the platform. McCarthy stood by particular Catholic inspirations of Christian Socialism, namely introducing the Worker-Priest Initiative to the United States and ending the means of “depriving the laborer” by introducing universal housing, universal healthcare, and permanently tying the minimum wage to a living wage, then tying that to inflation. While Jackson, and Fauntroy didn’t disagree with McCarthy, they felt more emphasis needed to be put on social justice and the Rainbow Coalition as a universal brotherhood of man. Jackson wanted to emphasize the importance of community self-hope, guaranteed civil rights, and local action for political change, preferably organized through his activist organization Operation PUSH. Wallis suggested that instead of proposing dozens of amendments and proposals to the party platform, they put the issue of a ‘Consistent Life Amendment’ front and centre to ban abortion. Previously, the proposed Consistent Life Amendment had included banning capital punishment, but the Supreme Court ruling of Gregg v. Georgia had narrowly upheld the unconstitutionality of the death penalty [3]. Instead, the new version of the Consistent Life Amendment banned abortions, and re-affirmed the ban on the death penalty. The evangelicals eventually came to a consensus where the Consistent Life Amendment would be their main priority to add to the platform, that Operation PUSH and the Rainbow Coalition would be publicly promoted but remain officially separate from the Democratic Party, and that they would ally with more traditional liberals to put some of McCarthy’s proposals into the platform.
"Battling" Bella Abzug, the Senator for New York, was narrowly re-elected in 1982 in a Democratic wave year. She continued to be a leading New Leftist in the Senate, and was a staunch opponent of the growing influence of religion in politics. Despite agreeing with the Sojourners on economic issues, they were bitterly opposed on most social policy.
The Consistent Life Amendment received significant pushback from the party’s traditional liberals, as well as from Bumpers himself. Bumpers strongly believed in the separation of church and state, was equally uncomfortable with the idea of constitutional amendments, and encouraged the traditional liberals to fight the proposed amendment from being entered into the platform. The traditional liberals, previously known as McCarthy Liberals or McCarthy Democrats, had gotten an outdated name with Eugene’s move to the evangelical left. Instead, the likes of Mo Udall, Alan Cranston, and Bella Abzug were known as New Left Democrats, while Alex Seith, Tom Foley, and their mix of moderates and Neoconservatives came to be known more consistently as the Old Left Democrats. Evangelicals in the Democratic Party were usually called Sojourners, or the Christian Left. More particularly, South Sojourners were those like Jimmy Carter who were fairly moderate religious types, while North Sojourners were the unabashed religious leftists like Jesse Jackson and Walter Fauntroy. After significant back-and-forth, a compromise platform was introduced where the Democrats would continue to leave abortion to the states, while officially declaring support for the Supreme Court’s ruling in Gregg v. Georgia. Other matters that the New Left and Sojourners agreed on, such as universal healthcare, a dovish foreign policy, government housing, and an increased minimum wage, were also put into the platform.
Finally, Bumpers had to consider his options for the Vice Presidential nominee. Going in to the convention, the media had raised concerns that Bumpers was a bit of a political light-weight, and an ‘unserious’ candidate. Bumpers wanted to counteract that image by choosing someone experienced, well-known, and respected by the base. That eliminated Jackson himself, having no political experience. Bumpers was personally inclined to choose a political ‘first’ who was also a New Leftist. California Governor Tom Bradley (who would be the first African American Vice Presidential nominee) [4], New Mexico Governor Toney Anaya (the first Latin American), or Maryland Representative Barbara Mikulski (the first woman) were all considered. One option was Governor Bob Casey of Pennsylvania [5]. Casey was a social conservative and economic populist that frequently associated with the Sojourners. The fact that he came from a swing state was also promising, but there were concerns about his flip-flopping on the death penalty campaign trail, and Bumpers disliked his support for the Consistent Life Amendment. Another possibility was Walter Mondale, who had re-entered the Senate after working as a cabinet member and ambassador. Although Mondale had a reputation as a New Leftist due to his associations with McCarthy Administration, he was more moderate than many of the other vice presidential options, and could be appealing to those initial Frank Church voters who gave Bumpers his early lead.
Ultimately, Bumpers decided on Tom Bradley; he couldn’t resist the poetry of the lawyer of the first county to desegregate running with the first African American vice presidential nominee. Bradley was a solid candidate: his impressive keynote speech at the convention caught the people’s attention, he was on the more moderate end of the New Left, and he would help keep Jackson and the Rainbow Coalition in line as active supporters of the campaign.
Tom Bradley made history by being Los Angeles' first Black Mayor, California's first Black Governor, and the first Black Vice Presidential nominee of a major party.
In July of 1984, Dale Bumpers and Tom Bradley made history. At the next month’s Republican National Convention, Paul Laxalt and Richard Nixon would make history for a very different reason.
“I may have been prejudiced against lawyer members of Congress, having run against one or two and having been threatened politically by a few others, and also because my own professional background was academic, principally in the liberal arts. Good lawyers, I asserted in campaigns, can be found in the yellow pages of the telephone books. Good historians, or political and social philosophers, or reverends, are not so easily found or classified.”
[1] IOTL, Fulbright remained in the Senate until he was beaten in a primary challenge by Bumpers. Something that Fulbright never really forgave him for.
[2] This is a bit lower than Bumpers’ margin of nearly sixty percent IOTL, due to his closer ties with an unpopular President.
[3] With the Supreme Court having a more left wing makeup, instead of Gregg v. Georgia ending the moratorium on the death penalty passed by Furman v. Georgia, the court narrowly rules to enforce the moratorium as a ban.
[4] ITTL, as was expected, Bradley was narrowly elected Governor of California in 1982.
[5] With the support of McCarthy, Casey was able to win the 1978 Democratic primary for Governor of Pennsylvania, and is currently serving his second term.
- Excerpt from the acceptance speech of Senator Dale Bumpers, at the 1984 Democratic National Convention in Sacramento
Democrats flocked to Sacramento in July for the Democratic Convention, confident of their chances in the upcoming election. The general consensus of Democrats was that any of the candidates could beat President Laxalt, but Dale Bumpers was considered a particularly inoffensive candidate. Mostly because nobody knew who he was.
Dale Bumpers was long-established in Arkansas politics, but always tried to portray himself as a fresh face. Growing up in small-town Arkansas during the Great Depression, Bumpers was raised poor in a household that idolized Franklin Roosevelt. Dale’s father, William Bumpers, had always aspired to join the House of Representatives, but never had the financial means to mount a campaign. Dale’s mother was puritanically religious, and opposed to politics in all its forms.
Returning from the marine corps following the Second World War, Bumpers was one of the millions of veterans who benefitted from the G.I. Bill. In 1948, at the same time that Eugene McCarthy was planning his first run for the House of Representatives and helping Hubert Humphrey purge the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party of Communists and Socialists, Bumpers was in law school in Illinois. Moving back to Arkansas, Bumpers became the one and only member of his county’s bar association, at the same time he tried (and mostly failed) to run the family general store. Advising the school board, Bumpers called for the immediate and strict enforcement of the ruling of Brown v. Board of Education, with Franklin County becoming the first to desegregate the school system in the South in a unanimous vote. Besides a failed run for the House of Representatives in 1962, Bumpers tried for the office of Governor of Arkansas, in an effort to bring a more reform-minded leadership to the South, and to block the Democrats from nominating infamous segregationist Orval Faubus in his latest run for Governor. Narrowly getting second place in the primaries, Bumpers easily beat Faubus in the run-off, and went on to defeat the unpopular incumbent Republican, Winthrop Rockefeller. Running an uneventful state administration, Bumpers used his control of the Arkansas delegation to keep the ‘Wonder State’ firmly in McCarthy’s column during the schismatic 1972 Democratic Convention; the only Southern state to do so. Jumping from the Governor’s House to a Senator’s office in 1974, Bumpers easily beat Charles T. Bernard. Bernard, a Republican, was appointed by Rockefeller to replace Senator J. William Fulbright, who had left the Senate in 1969 to become President McCarthy’s Secretary of State [1]. Despite consistently voting for liberal causes and being a strong supporter of President McCarthy to the final days of his presidency, Bumpers comfortably won re-election in 1980, with fifty-five percent of the vote [2]. Although only mildly interested in running for President in earlier years (he was a favourite son in 1972, 1976, and 1980), Bumpers seemed motivated by the Great Recession to finally commit to a campaign.
Bumpers is a firm believer in the idea that the thing the South craves more than anything else is respect. He believes that the reason the people of Arkansas were willing to flip from an infamous segregationist, to a Republican, to a McCarthy Democrat as the Governor of the state was because each offered a unique dignity and notoriety that put Arkansas on the map, albeit for very different reasons. He believes that the average Southerner isn’t necessarily racist, but if the sources of respectability say that you’re more respectable if you’re above the Blacks, they’ll take it to heart. Likewise, if the source of respectability says that the path to respectability is through greater education, promoting prosperity, and equality for all, they would equally believe that. Bumpers’ critics to his left say that his understanding of the South’s attitudes on race are dangerously naive, and that his votes against labour reform indicated that he bends moderate if he gets pushback, while his critics to the right claim that he uses obfuscation and a moderate voting record around election seasons to cover up the fact that he’s another McCarthy; a wolf in sheep’s clothing.
Regardless, there wasn’t much his critics could say at the convention, as Bumpers had won enough primaires to keep it from going to a second ballot. The convention itself had a jubilant mood, more in line with a coronation than the beginning of a campaign. Richard S. Arnold, Bumpers’ legislative assistant and campaign Chief of Staff, scurried across the convention floors to tie up loose ends, with his assistant Bill Clinton, nipping at his heels. With the surprising death of Frank Church, Arnold worked to secure the Iowa delegates, if only for symbolic reasons. Arnold also hoped to secure the endorsement of Reubin Askew and the Florida delegation, to provide a united front against Jesse Jackson, who had most of his support in the South.
Richard S. Arnold, a lawyer with aspirations for the bench, was Bumpers' legislative assistant and campaign Chief of Staff.
In fact, while Bumpers and his supporters put on confident aires in public, there were concerns over the amount of control that religious left evangelicals could exert on the party’s platform. In 1980, Jimmy Carter had been the primary representative of the Sojourner Movement, and even then, the policies the Sojourner’s proposed were significantly to the left of what Carter had been comfortable with. Now, Jesse Jackson had removed any inhibitions the Sojourners had felt about moderating their position. Jesse Jackson met with Sojourner Movement Chairman Jim Wallis, Delegate Walter Fauntroy, and former President Eugene McCarthy to discuss what to put forward into the platform. McCarthy stood by particular Catholic inspirations of Christian Socialism, namely introducing the Worker-Priest Initiative to the United States and ending the means of “depriving the laborer” by introducing universal housing, universal healthcare, and permanently tying the minimum wage to a living wage, then tying that to inflation. While Jackson, and Fauntroy didn’t disagree with McCarthy, they felt more emphasis needed to be put on social justice and the Rainbow Coalition as a universal brotherhood of man. Jackson wanted to emphasize the importance of community self-hope, guaranteed civil rights, and local action for political change, preferably organized through his activist organization Operation PUSH. Wallis suggested that instead of proposing dozens of amendments and proposals to the party platform, they put the issue of a ‘Consistent Life Amendment’ front and centre to ban abortion. Previously, the proposed Consistent Life Amendment had included banning capital punishment, but the Supreme Court ruling of Gregg v. Georgia had narrowly upheld the unconstitutionality of the death penalty [3]. Instead, the new version of the Consistent Life Amendment banned abortions, and re-affirmed the ban on the death penalty. The evangelicals eventually came to a consensus where the Consistent Life Amendment would be their main priority to add to the platform, that Operation PUSH and the Rainbow Coalition would be publicly promoted but remain officially separate from the Democratic Party, and that they would ally with more traditional liberals to put some of McCarthy’s proposals into the platform.
"Battling" Bella Abzug, the Senator for New York, was narrowly re-elected in 1982 in a Democratic wave year. She continued to be a leading New Leftist in the Senate, and was a staunch opponent of the growing influence of religion in politics. Despite agreeing with the Sojourners on economic issues, they were bitterly opposed on most social policy.
The Consistent Life Amendment received significant pushback from the party’s traditional liberals, as well as from Bumpers himself. Bumpers strongly believed in the separation of church and state, was equally uncomfortable with the idea of constitutional amendments, and encouraged the traditional liberals to fight the proposed amendment from being entered into the platform. The traditional liberals, previously known as McCarthy Liberals or McCarthy Democrats, had gotten an outdated name with Eugene’s move to the evangelical left. Instead, the likes of Mo Udall, Alan Cranston, and Bella Abzug were known as New Left Democrats, while Alex Seith, Tom Foley, and their mix of moderates and Neoconservatives came to be known more consistently as the Old Left Democrats. Evangelicals in the Democratic Party were usually called Sojourners, or the Christian Left. More particularly, South Sojourners were those like Jimmy Carter who were fairly moderate religious types, while North Sojourners were the unabashed religious leftists like Jesse Jackson and Walter Fauntroy. After significant back-and-forth, a compromise platform was introduced where the Democrats would continue to leave abortion to the states, while officially declaring support for the Supreme Court’s ruling in Gregg v. Georgia. Other matters that the New Left and Sojourners agreed on, such as universal healthcare, a dovish foreign policy, government housing, and an increased minimum wage, were also put into the platform.
Finally, Bumpers had to consider his options for the Vice Presidential nominee. Going in to the convention, the media had raised concerns that Bumpers was a bit of a political light-weight, and an ‘unserious’ candidate. Bumpers wanted to counteract that image by choosing someone experienced, well-known, and respected by the base. That eliminated Jackson himself, having no political experience. Bumpers was personally inclined to choose a political ‘first’ who was also a New Leftist. California Governor Tom Bradley (who would be the first African American Vice Presidential nominee) [4], New Mexico Governor Toney Anaya (the first Latin American), or Maryland Representative Barbara Mikulski (the first woman) were all considered. One option was Governor Bob Casey of Pennsylvania [5]. Casey was a social conservative and economic populist that frequently associated with the Sojourners. The fact that he came from a swing state was also promising, but there were concerns about his flip-flopping on the death penalty campaign trail, and Bumpers disliked his support for the Consistent Life Amendment. Another possibility was Walter Mondale, who had re-entered the Senate after working as a cabinet member and ambassador. Although Mondale had a reputation as a New Leftist due to his associations with McCarthy Administration, he was more moderate than many of the other vice presidential options, and could be appealing to those initial Frank Church voters who gave Bumpers his early lead.
Ultimately, Bumpers decided on Tom Bradley; he couldn’t resist the poetry of the lawyer of the first county to desegregate running with the first African American vice presidential nominee. Bradley was a solid candidate: his impressive keynote speech at the convention caught the people’s attention, he was on the more moderate end of the New Left, and he would help keep Jackson and the Rainbow Coalition in line as active supporters of the campaign.
Tom Bradley made history by being Los Angeles' first Black Mayor, California's first Black Governor, and the first Black Vice Presidential nominee of a major party.
In July of 1984, Dale Bumpers and Tom Bradley made history. At the next month’s Republican National Convention, Paul Laxalt and Richard Nixon would make history for a very different reason.
“I may have been prejudiced against lawyer members of Congress, having run against one or two and having been threatened politically by a few others, and also because my own professional background was academic, principally in the liberal arts. Good lawyers, I asserted in campaigns, can be found in the yellow pages of the telephone books. Good historians, or political and social philosophers, or reverends, are not so easily found or classified.”
- Excerpt from the nominating speech for Jesse Jackson, delivered by former President Eugene McCarthy, at the 1984 Democratic National Convention in Sacramento
[1] IOTL, Fulbright remained in the Senate until he was beaten in a primary challenge by Bumpers. Something that Fulbright never really forgave him for.
[2] This is a bit lower than Bumpers’ margin of nearly sixty percent IOTL, due to his closer ties with an unpopular President.
[3] With the Supreme Court having a more left wing makeup, instead of Gregg v. Georgia ending the moratorium on the death penalty passed by Furman v. Georgia, the court narrowly rules to enforce the moratorium as a ban.
[4] ITTL, as was expected, Bradley was narrowly elected Governor of California in 1982.
[5] With the support of McCarthy, Casey was able to win the 1978 Democratic primary for Governor of Pennsylvania, and is currently serving his second term.
If I were alive ITTL I'd have voted for
McCarthy-Conally in '68
Romney-Hatfield in '72
Rhodes-Godwin in '76
Rhodes-Laxalt in '80
Bumpers-Bradley in '84
It could just be that you've used deliberately ambiguous language to avoid giving away the result of the election, but I can't help but wonder if the subtle hammering home of Bradley as the first African-American nominated for the Vice-Presidency is a hint that Bumpers gets bumped.
I mean, I wouldn't put anything past Nixon and whatever Magic Dossier he whips out on the campaign trail.
Thanks! I aim to please.
The next chapter should be up shortly (tomorrow if all goes well). There were some delays due to extenuating circumstances involving construction and phone lines getting cut.
Chapter Fifty-Seven - State of Shock
“The way the media covered him, one would think that Nixon had finally snapped, that he had gone bitter, that he wasn’t thinking straight at the 1984 convention. He knew exactly what he was doing. He knew the winds of change were coming, he knew Laxalt was dead in the water, and he wasn’t going to stick around to go down with the ship.”
Although President Paul Laxalt had defeated the primary challenge of former Secretary of Defence Alexander Haig, he was still in a weak position going into the Republican National Convention. The broken promise of guaranteed employment and the Jobs For America Act loomed over the convention, especially with the convention doubling as a memorial event for Jim Rhodes. Laxalt himself had to be all things for all people, trying to reconcile with the Rhodesites while still rewarding the conservatives who stood by him throughout the primaries. Held in Louisville, Kentucky, Laxalt hoped to rebrand himself and reunify the Republican Party to both the state that Rhodes had lost, and the country as a whole.
Going into the convention, it was clear that there were three primary factions within the Republican Party: The New Right, the Rhodesites, and the Moderates. The New Right, descended from Barry Goldwater’s presidential campaign, was theoretically the most powerful group within the GOP, but were prone to infighting. Economically conservative, socially conservative, and hawkish, the New Right had eclipsed the other Republican groups once Laxalt had become President. Notable figures included the likes of President Laxalt, White House Press Secretary Ronald Reagan, Representative Phil Crane, and, of course, Secretary of Defence Barry Goldwater. Before them, the Rhodesites, if not the largest, had been the most prominent part of the Republican Party. Having taken on cult of personality elements after their namesake’s assassination, the Rhodesites were generally defined as being economically right-populist, disinterested in social issues, and completely opportunistic on foreign policy. Alexander Haig had become the leading Rhodesite with his primary challenge against Laxalt, and also had the support of House Minority Leader Bill Gradison and Senate Minority Whip Ted Stevens. Meanwhile, the Moderates were in a distant third in size and influence. Having found common cause with the Rhodesites for most of Rhodes’ time in office, the Moderates began to distance themselves from the rest of the Republican Party following the Great Recession. Putting balanced budgets and stable, responsible government above all other concerns, the Moderates were supporters of austerity in most areas and mild stimulus in others, as well as being socially moderate to liberal. They were also generally hawkish, although not nearly to the extent of the New Right. With the Rockefeller Republicans having effectively died out, the Moderates were the most liberal branch left, and were represented by the likes of Senators Bob Dole and George Bush, as well as Representative Newt Gingrich.
Former Secretary of Defense and Republican primary challenger Alexander Haig gives a speech at the 1984 Republican National Convention.
Smaller factions in the Republican Party included the Libertarians, who were fiscally conservative and socially liberal (although their two leading members, Representatives Jack Kemp and Ron Paul, were both pro-life), and the Evangelical Right. The Evangelical Right had been discredited with their opposition to the implemented Equal Rights Amendment, and while many in the New Right had overlapping policy positions, they kept quiet about any possible associations. Since the withdrawal of Jerry Falwell from politics, the Evangelical Right’s most well-known member within the Republican Party was Senator Jesse Helms. Since the rise of the Sojourner Movement as a known political force in 1976, many Evangelical Right voters had migrated to the South Sojourner faction of the Democratic Party.
Despite internal differences, the convention started out strong with an opening address by Louie Nunn, the Senator for Kentucky. Nunn frequently flitted between the Rhodesite and conservative camps, although he had been a Reagan supporter in 1976, where a splintering of the conservative delegations at that year’s Republican convention narrowly edged Rhodes into the nomination. Nunn, generally being a supporter of Jobs For America, but being unwilling to make it the hill he would politically die on, was a good compromise for first billing. Laxalt also had to prove himself to the moderates who voted for Haig, not necessarily because they were Rhodesites, but because they felt the President was too conservative. Although this was clearly a minority position in the Republican Party, the resignation of several of Laxalt’s more moderate cabinet members emboldened the party’s remaining Rockefeller Republicans to push for greater influence over the platform. Laxalt was willing to consider some moderation in the platform, but he firmly stood by his legislative agenda of his administration. He particularly called attention to his foreign policy, which was nearly universally supported by Republicans in its hawkishness: The B-1 bomber, although criticized as a white elephant by Democrats, had made it to mass production, the Sentinel II ABM system had come online, neutron bombs had been deployed to Western Europe (despite anti-nuclear protests), America’s allies had been re-armed with American weapons, and Iraq was continuing its war with Iran with US backing. His domestic policy was harder to justify. Although the general consensus by economists was that Rhodes’ economic irresponsibility and book cooking set the stage for the Great Recession, this couldn’t be mentioned without alienating the Rhodesites. Instead, Republicans loyal to Laxalt continued to blame Johnson and McCarthy for causing the runaway inflation that made the Great Recession possible, while the most hostile of Rhodesites blamed Laxalt for triggering the recession by departing from Rhodes’ foolproof economic program when it was at its most delicate state.
The party’s platform was designed to try and reconcile as many differences as possible. While Laxalt couldn’t well back down on delaying Jobs For America now, it was added to the platform as a high priority once the Great Recession was resolved. To deal with the recession itself, Laxalt’s stimulus legislation was commended for stopping the initial crash, and middle class policies were promoted, such as greater small business grants and regulatory exemptions. Additionally, although Laxalt and the Moderates weren’t comfortable with it, lowering taxes to Rhodes-era levels were added to the platform to appease the New Right and Rhodesites, even if it would result in a deficit. Although taking a more conservative tone than the previous two election platforms, the escape hatch of “leaving it up to the states” was used for most social issues. With a liberal Supreme Court, there wasn’t much to be done on issues like the death penalty and abortion, leaving the economy the front-and-centre issue of the election and platform.
Kentucky Senator Louie Nunn, a politician with one foot in the New Right camp and the other in the Rhodesite camp, gave the opening speech of the 1984 Republican National Convention, in the city of Louisville, in his home state.
Laxalt also had to reach a final decision on the Vice Presidency.
Nixon had been uniquely qualified to become Vice President following the Rhodes Assassination: he was a generally well liked unifying figure to Republicans, despite his presidential losses, and he was a non-threatening figure to confirm through Congress to Democrats, because of his presidential losses. By staying in the spotlight as Rhodes’ Secretary of State, Nixon seemed like the natural choice of continuity in a time of uncertainty. There was also a mutual respect; Nixon had campaigned for Laxalt in the Nevadan’s senatorial and gubernatorial campaigns. Going into the election year, Laxalt had intended to keep Nixon on the ticket, but Haig’s primary challenge had changed the political landscape.
Haig’s challenge put the issue of guaranteed employment front-and-centre for Republicans, and while Nixon was acceptable as Vice President to New Rightists, Rhodesites and Moderates alike, he was nobody’s first choice. The New Right considered Nixon living proof that a moderate Republican could no longer win, and that the GOP needed to stick to firm conservative principles in order to appeal to the electorate. While they appreciated his work with Laxalt, they felt he had undue influence on foreign policy, and that the President shouldn’t have to share his power, even in an informal agreement. Rhodesites were most sympathetic to Nixon’s foreign policy conduct, but they had been disappointed that Nixon hadn’t resigned with most of the other Rhodesite cabinet members, or at the very least publicly come out in favour of guaranteed employment. Finally, the Moderates felt that Nixon’s time had passed, and while he had served his nation well, it was time for him to step out; if Laxalt wanted to rebrand, then a two-time loser wasn’t the best name to have on the ticket alongside him.
Putting off the decision throughout the primaries, Laxalt reluctantly acquiesced to his advisors that Nixon should be replaced on the ticket by the time of the convention. The question was, who would replace him. On the New Right side, Senator Jack Eckerd of Florida was considered, as was Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana, Representative Lynn Morley-Martin, and Laxalt’s personal friend, Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah. A few Moderates were briefly considered, such as Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut, Senator William Hudnut III of Indiana, and Representative Olympia Snowe of Maine, but it was clear from Haig’s primary challenge that only one of the staunchest of Rhodesites would bridge the gap in the party. Haig himself was unacceptable to Laxalt, but Senate Minority Whip Ted Stevens of Alaska, House Minority Leader Bill Gradison of Ohio, and former Governor George Voinivich of Ohio were the final three names. While Voinivich was amenable, he had lost re-election to Democrat Dick Celeste in 1982, and it wouldn’t do to replace a loser with another loser for the vice presidential slot. As for Gradison, he didn’t want to distract himself from his House leadership position so soon after attaining it, which left Stevens. Stevens had the most demands of the three for Laxalt, namely a guarantee that Jobs For America would eventually be passed if Laxalt were to be elected, and greater public works/pork barrel spending. Laxalt agreed, and the ticket was ready.
Staunch Rhodesite Senator Ted Stevens, seen here with former Speaker of the House Gerald Ford, was chosen as the 1984 Republican vice presidential nominee.
But, there was still the matter of Nixon.
Meeting with his sitting Vice President, Laxalt admitted he shouldn’t have guaranteed that he would remain on the ticket so early into the electoral season. He went through his reasoning and what all the polling suggested: that a fresh vice presidential selection would enliven the party, and could make the narrow difference in a close election. It was also unlikely that Nixon could make a return as Secretary of State, as Laxalt would need more direct control of his new foreign policy priorities going into a new term. Nixon agreed that the strategy was sound, and that he would do the exact same thing in Laxalt’s position. It was requested that Nixon give a gracious speech, understand that his time had come, and go into a well-deserved retirement.
As the preparations for Laxalt to accept the nomination went underway, Nixon would give his retirement speech, then Stevens would be nominated by acclamation, before Laxalt officially accepted the presidential nomination.
Nixon did indeed mount the podium, receiving respectful applause from the convention, and mild heckling from the Haig delegates. Nixon began by talking about his long professional career, his work with Eisenhower, his campaigning for Republicans across the United States throughout the 1960s, and the great pride he felt being nominated twice for the presidency by his party. He commemorated the late President Rhodes, and their close working relationship. He discussed the weight of responsibility he felt, taking on the Vice Presidency for a third term during the Rhodes-Laxalt transition.
That’s when things started taking a turn for the worse.
Nixon declared he would not accept the nomination for Vice President again, not because he was retiring, but because he could no longer serve in good conscious under a President who had abandoned the legacy left by Rhodes, and done so little to resolve the Great Recession.
The convention exploded. The Haig delegates were in a hysteria, wildly applauding Nixon, and feeling sorry they ever doubted him. Conservatives drowned out Nixon with booes, while most others were in either a stunned silence or started loudly talking amongst themselves.
Richard Nixon became the first Vice President in American history to actively denounce the man he served under.
In an attempt to salvage the situation after being embarrassed on national television, Laxalt was quickly voted into the nomination, but with Haig getting noticeably more votes than what he had won in the primaries. Harsh feelings might have turned the New Right against Stevens’ nomination, but the Haig delegates carried the acclamation on their own.
President Paul Laxalt had tried to frame the convention as the birth of a new Republican Party, but instead it became a pall he would never shake loose.
“People who vote for this today are voting against me, and I will not forget.”
- Excerpt from ‘The Man Who Wouldn’t Quit: The Inside Story of How Richard Nixon Shaped America’ by Pat Buchanan
Although President Paul Laxalt had defeated the primary challenge of former Secretary of Defence Alexander Haig, he was still in a weak position going into the Republican National Convention. The broken promise of guaranteed employment and the Jobs For America Act loomed over the convention, especially with the convention doubling as a memorial event for Jim Rhodes. Laxalt himself had to be all things for all people, trying to reconcile with the Rhodesites while still rewarding the conservatives who stood by him throughout the primaries. Held in Louisville, Kentucky, Laxalt hoped to rebrand himself and reunify the Republican Party to both the state that Rhodes had lost, and the country as a whole.
Going into the convention, it was clear that there were three primary factions within the Republican Party: The New Right, the Rhodesites, and the Moderates. The New Right, descended from Barry Goldwater’s presidential campaign, was theoretically the most powerful group within the GOP, but were prone to infighting. Economically conservative, socially conservative, and hawkish, the New Right had eclipsed the other Republican groups once Laxalt had become President. Notable figures included the likes of President Laxalt, White House Press Secretary Ronald Reagan, Representative Phil Crane, and, of course, Secretary of Defence Barry Goldwater. Before them, the Rhodesites, if not the largest, had been the most prominent part of the Republican Party. Having taken on cult of personality elements after their namesake’s assassination, the Rhodesites were generally defined as being economically right-populist, disinterested in social issues, and completely opportunistic on foreign policy. Alexander Haig had become the leading Rhodesite with his primary challenge against Laxalt, and also had the support of House Minority Leader Bill Gradison and Senate Minority Whip Ted Stevens. Meanwhile, the Moderates were in a distant third in size and influence. Having found common cause with the Rhodesites for most of Rhodes’ time in office, the Moderates began to distance themselves from the rest of the Republican Party following the Great Recession. Putting balanced budgets and stable, responsible government above all other concerns, the Moderates were supporters of austerity in most areas and mild stimulus in others, as well as being socially moderate to liberal. They were also generally hawkish, although not nearly to the extent of the New Right. With the Rockefeller Republicans having effectively died out, the Moderates were the most liberal branch left, and were represented by the likes of Senators Bob Dole and George Bush, as well as Representative Newt Gingrich.
Former Secretary of Defense and Republican primary challenger Alexander Haig gives a speech at the 1984 Republican National Convention.
Smaller factions in the Republican Party included the Libertarians, who were fiscally conservative and socially liberal (although their two leading members, Representatives Jack Kemp and Ron Paul, were both pro-life), and the Evangelical Right. The Evangelical Right had been discredited with their opposition to the implemented Equal Rights Amendment, and while many in the New Right had overlapping policy positions, they kept quiet about any possible associations. Since the withdrawal of Jerry Falwell from politics, the Evangelical Right’s most well-known member within the Republican Party was Senator Jesse Helms. Since the rise of the Sojourner Movement as a known political force in 1976, many Evangelical Right voters had migrated to the South Sojourner faction of the Democratic Party.
Despite internal differences, the convention started out strong with an opening address by Louie Nunn, the Senator for Kentucky. Nunn frequently flitted between the Rhodesite and conservative camps, although he had been a Reagan supporter in 1976, where a splintering of the conservative delegations at that year’s Republican convention narrowly edged Rhodes into the nomination. Nunn, generally being a supporter of Jobs For America, but being unwilling to make it the hill he would politically die on, was a good compromise for first billing. Laxalt also had to prove himself to the moderates who voted for Haig, not necessarily because they were Rhodesites, but because they felt the President was too conservative. Although this was clearly a minority position in the Republican Party, the resignation of several of Laxalt’s more moderate cabinet members emboldened the party’s remaining Rockefeller Republicans to push for greater influence over the platform. Laxalt was willing to consider some moderation in the platform, but he firmly stood by his legislative agenda of his administration. He particularly called attention to his foreign policy, which was nearly universally supported by Republicans in its hawkishness: The B-1 bomber, although criticized as a white elephant by Democrats, had made it to mass production, the Sentinel II ABM system had come online, neutron bombs had been deployed to Western Europe (despite anti-nuclear protests), America’s allies had been re-armed with American weapons, and Iraq was continuing its war with Iran with US backing. His domestic policy was harder to justify. Although the general consensus by economists was that Rhodes’ economic irresponsibility and book cooking set the stage for the Great Recession, this couldn’t be mentioned without alienating the Rhodesites. Instead, Republicans loyal to Laxalt continued to blame Johnson and McCarthy for causing the runaway inflation that made the Great Recession possible, while the most hostile of Rhodesites blamed Laxalt for triggering the recession by departing from Rhodes’ foolproof economic program when it was at its most delicate state.
The party’s platform was designed to try and reconcile as many differences as possible. While Laxalt couldn’t well back down on delaying Jobs For America now, it was added to the platform as a high priority once the Great Recession was resolved. To deal with the recession itself, Laxalt’s stimulus legislation was commended for stopping the initial crash, and middle class policies were promoted, such as greater small business grants and regulatory exemptions. Additionally, although Laxalt and the Moderates weren’t comfortable with it, lowering taxes to Rhodes-era levels were added to the platform to appease the New Right and Rhodesites, even if it would result in a deficit. Although taking a more conservative tone than the previous two election platforms, the escape hatch of “leaving it up to the states” was used for most social issues. With a liberal Supreme Court, there wasn’t much to be done on issues like the death penalty and abortion, leaving the economy the front-and-centre issue of the election and platform.
Kentucky Senator Louie Nunn, a politician with one foot in the New Right camp and the other in the Rhodesite camp, gave the opening speech of the 1984 Republican National Convention, in the city of Louisville, in his home state.
Laxalt also had to reach a final decision on the Vice Presidency.
Nixon had been uniquely qualified to become Vice President following the Rhodes Assassination: he was a generally well liked unifying figure to Republicans, despite his presidential losses, and he was a non-threatening figure to confirm through Congress to Democrats, because of his presidential losses. By staying in the spotlight as Rhodes’ Secretary of State, Nixon seemed like the natural choice of continuity in a time of uncertainty. There was also a mutual respect; Nixon had campaigned for Laxalt in the Nevadan’s senatorial and gubernatorial campaigns. Going into the election year, Laxalt had intended to keep Nixon on the ticket, but Haig’s primary challenge had changed the political landscape.
Haig’s challenge put the issue of guaranteed employment front-and-centre for Republicans, and while Nixon was acceptable as Vice President to New Rightists, Rhodesites and Moderates alike, he was nobody’s first choice. The New Right considered Nixon living proof that a moderate Republican could no longer win, and that the GOP needed to stick to firm conservative principles in order to appeal to the electorate. While they appreciated his work with Laxalt, they felt he had undue influence on foreign policy, and that the President shouldn’t have to share his power, even in an informal agreement. Rhodesites were most sympathetic to Nixon’s foreign policy conduct, but they had been disappointed that Nixon hadn’t resigned with most of the other Rhodesite cabinet members, or at the very least publicly come out in favour of guaranteed employment. Finally, the Moderates felt that Nixon’s time had passed, and while he had served his nation well, it was time for him to step out; if Laxalt wanted to rebrand, then a two-time loser wasn’t the best name to have on the ticket alongside him.
Putting off the decision throughout the primaries, Laxalt reluctantly acquiesced to his advisors that Nixon should be replaced on the ticket by the time of the convention. The question was, who would replace him. On the New Right side, Senator Jack Eckerd of Florida was considered, as was Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana, Representative Lynn Morley-Martin, and Laxalt’s personal friend, Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah. A few Moderates were briefly considered, such as Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut, Senator William Hudnut III of Indiana, and Representative Olympia Snowe of Maine, but it was clear from Haig’s primary challenge that only one of the staunchest of Rhodesites would bridge the gap in the party. Haig himself was unacceptable to Laxalt, but Senate Minority Whip Ted Stevens of Alaska, House Minority Leader Bill Gradison of Ohio, and former Governor George Voinivich of Ohio were the final three names. While Voinivich was amenable, he had lost re-election to Democrat Dick Celeste in 1982, and it wouldn’t do to replace a loser with another loser for the vice presidential slot. As for Gradison, he didn’t want to distract himself from his House leadership position so soon after attaining it, which left Stevens. Stevens had the most demands of the three for Laxalt, namely a guarantee that Jobs For America would eventually be passed if Laxalt were to be elected, and greater public works/pork barrel spending. Laxalt agreed, and the ticket was ready.
Staunch Rhodesite Senator Ted Stevens, seen here with former Speaker of the House Gerald Ford, was chosen as the 1984 Republican vice presidential nominee.
But, there was still the matter of Nixon.
Meeting with his sitting Vice President, Laxalt admitted he shouldn’t have guaranteed that he would remain on the ticket so early into the electoral season. He went through his reasoning and what all the polling suggested: that a fresh vice presidential selection would enliven the party, and could make the narrow difference in a close election. It was also unlikely that Nixon could make a return as Secretary of State, as Laxalt would need more direct control of his new foreign policy priorities going into a new term. Nixon agreed that the strategy was sound, and that he would do the exact same thing in Laxalt’s position. It was requested that Nixon give a gracious speech, understand that his time had come, and go into a well-deserved retirement.
As the preparations for Laxalt to accept the nomination went underway, Nixon would give his retirement speech, then Stevens would be nominated by acclamation, before Laxalt officially accepted the presidential nomination.
Nixon did indeed mount the podium, receiving respectful applause from the convention, and mild heckling from the Haig delegates. Nixon began by talking about his long professional career, his work with Eisenhower, his campaigning for Republicans across the United States throughout the 1960s, and the great pride he felt being nominated twice for the presidency by his party. He commemorated the late President Rhodes, and their close working relationship. He discussed the weight of responsibility he felt, taking on the Vice Presidency for a third term during the Rhodes-Laxalt transition.
That’s when things started taking a turn for the worse.
Nixon declared he would not accept the nomination for Vice President again, not because he was retiring, but because he could no longer serve in good conscious under a President who had abandoned the legacy left by Rhodes, and done so little to resolve the Great Recession.
The convention exploded. The Haig delegates were in a hysteria, wildly applauding Nixon, and feeling sorry they ever doubted him. Conservatives drowned out Nixon with booes, while most others were in either a stunned silence or started loudly talking amongst themselves.
Richard Nixon became the first Vice President in American history to actively denounce the man he served under.
In an attempt to salvage the situation after being embarrassed on national television, Laxalt was quickly voted into the nomination, but with Haig getting noticeably more votes than what he had won in the primaries. Harsh feelings might have turned the New Right against Stevens’ nomination, but the Haig delegates carried the acclamation on their own.
President Paul Laxalt had tried to frame the convention as the birth of a new Republican Party, but instead it became a pall he would never shake loose.
“People who vote for this today are voting against me, and I will not forget.”
- Senate Minority Whip Ted Stevens on the ultimately successful motion to table the Jobs For America Act
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