Give Peace A Chance: The Presidency of Eugene McCarthy

Oh God, were gonna get a Regan presidency in 1976 arent we? Poor Gipper
I will say that, regardless of who wins, 1976 isn't quite the same poison chalice that it is IOTL, due to different economic circumstances, as well as geopolitics being significantly different in the Middle East by TTL's 1980.

That being said, even our Election of 1980 was actually quite winnable for Jimmy Carter, but that's a different story.
 
Ngl, Smilin' Jim is definitely a cutie:kissingheart:, hope he wins:oops:
Smilin' Jim knows what the people want, and it's his beautiful face.


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Well, it seems the South will take his revenge against McCarthy: maybe a Jackson-Carter ticket?
In Republican field Reagan is powerful but too characterized as conservative, especially after the Northern Strategy. Opposition from Party establishment, as in 1972, is a factor. I think that Rhodes is vague enough to build a consensus coalition and, if Reagan will cause the conservative split with a Schweiker-like choice as running mate, Smiling Jim will be able to play his game.
 
For the incumbent California senator I think you meant George Brown jr. not George Murphy jr.
Also I love the primaries but now I just want the convention results more:'(
 
Well, it seems the South will take his revenge against McCarthy: maybe a Jackson-Carter ticket?
In Republican field Reagan is powerful but too characterized as conservative, especially after the Northern Strategy. Opposition from Party establishment, as in 1972, is a factor. I think that Rhodes is vague enough to build a consensus coalition and, if Reagan will cause the conservative split with a Schweiker-like choice as running mate, Smiling Jim will be able to play his game.
Or an Udall-Bumpers ticket
 
It's possible, as is possible a Udall-Carter ticket, but only if the Convention will be win by Udall: if it will be deadlocked the South will turn against Udall for his association with McCarthy. I can see the titles: "The Connally's Revenge"
 
H
I will say that, regardless of who wins, 1976 isn't quite the same poison chalice that it is IOTL, due to different economic circumstances, as well as geopolitics being significantly different in the Middle East by TTL's 1980.

That being said, even our Election of 1980 was actually quite winnable for Jimmy Carter, but that's a different story.
How so? Carter's approval was in the crapper by then.
 
How so? Carter's approval was in the crapper by then.
The problem with the Carter Presidency is that Jimmy Carter made many easily avoidable mistakes, and generally shot himself in the foot over and over. Often he lost popularity for the sake of pursuing a morally correct policy position (e.g. not pursuing a variety of military options during the Iranian Hostage Crisis, for fear of that the hostages would be killed, even though it would've dramatically boosted his popularity), and other times, he pursued policies that he personally believed were good, but were incredibly agitating for the Democratic base (e.g. deregulating the transportation industry in spite of past support from the Teamster's Union, Carter's crackdown on 'pork barrel' legislation in Democratic districts).

Many of these positions couldn't be changed without dramatically altering Carter's personality, but others could be corrected. Carter could've easily won re-election with an 'ideal' 1978 PoD that would have to be followed by a series of smart decisions, Carter could've won a tight but do-able 1979 PoD, and might've even been able to pull off a 1980 PoD.

1978 PoD (ideal, but unlikely scenario for Carter's re-election): Anwar Sadat pulls out of the Camp David Negotiations. Carter publicly blames Sadat, which gets the Jewish lobby back on his side (IOTL, many Jewish-American organizations, especially in New York, backed Ted Kennedy's primary challenge as they felt the Camp David Accords were a betrayal of Israel). There may be another war in the Middle East, but Carter won't be blamed for it, if anything he'll be praised for trying to prevent it. Domestically, everything continues as IOTL, until the 'Crisis of Confidence' speech. Contrary to popular belief, it was a very well received speech; the problem was Carter immediately squandered all his political capital by having his entire cabinet resign. If he doesn't do that, he could use his momentum with the public to use more monetarist policies to combat inflation than the Democrats in Congress would typically be comfortable with. As for Iran, you could either have the American embassy close up shop after the first attempt at seizing the embassy in February 1979 (thus preventing the successful September 1979 seizure) or have Operation: Eagle Claw succeed by orchestrating the operation with an astrological team involved, who could've advised when it would be best to launch the operation, thereby avoiding the sandstorms that ruined the whole thing IOTL. That being said, if you want to make Carter as popular as possible, a successful operation is better than one not being necessary in the first place. If, ITTL, Ted Kennedy even bothers to run, having the Jewish lobby behind Carter could land him a New York win, and prevent a drawn-out primary challenge. The cherry on top would be Carter not participating in the Presidential debates with Reagan. Although not taking part did hurt him, once he got on the stage with Reagan, the results hurt him even more. With all of these combined, Carter would've been able to win handily. This PoD is far enough back for it to possibly be Carter vs. Bush in the election (rather than Carter vs. Reagan vs. Anderson), but he would've won re-election regardless.

1979 PoD: Similar to the first scenario, but with the PoD being the 'Crisis of Confidence' aftermath rather than Camp David. As in the last scenario, he successfully uses the political capital of the speech, and pulls a successful Eagle Claw. He would still have to duke it out in a prolonged fight with Ted Kennedy, but it should be enough for a close shave, especially if he doesn't debate Reagan. You could say this is the most 'good' result, as you get the Camp David Accord, and a largely bloodless resolution to the hostage crisis. This would be an even tighter win with Carter vs. Bush, but it would still be do-able.

1980 PoD: Operation: Eagle Claw succeeds. This doesn't make the economy any better, but no matter what, it would be a huge boost in the polls. If Carter doubles down on the negative campaigning against Reagan to make him look like an unhinged warmongering anarcho-capitalist, and doesn't debate him, Carter may be able to pull off a squeaker of a win.

Since it's come up, I'll also post this to the recent thread AHC: Carter wins a second term as well.
 
1978 PoD (ideal, but unlikely scenario for Carter's re-election): Anwar Sadat pulls out of the Camp David Negotiations. Carter publicly blames Sadat, which gets the Jewish lobby back on his side (IOTL, many Jewish-American organizations, especially in New York, backed Ted Kennedy's primary challenge as they felt the Camp David Accords were a betrayal of Israel). There may be another war in the Middle East, but Carter won't be blamed for it, if anything he'll be praised for trying to prevent it. Domestically, everything continues as IOTL, until the 'Crisis of Confidence' speech. Contrary to popular belief, it was a very well received speech; the problem was Carter immediately squandered all his political capital by having his entire cabinet resign. If he doesn't do that, he could use his momentum with the public to use more monetarist policies to combat inflation than the Democrats in Congress would typically be comfortable with. As for Iran, you could either have the American embassy close up shop after the first attempt at seizing the embassy in February 1979 (thus preventing the successful September 1979 seizure) or have Operation: Eagle Claw succeed by orchestrating the operation with an astrological team involved, who could've advised when it would be best to launch the operation, thereby avoiding the sandstorms that ruined the whole thing IOTL. That being said, if you want to make Carter as popular as possible, a successful operation is better than one not being necessary in the first place. If, ITTL, Ted Kennedy even bothers to run, having the Jewish lobby behind Carter could land him a New York win, and prevent a drawn-out primary challenge. The cherry on top would be Carter not participating in the Presidential debates with Reagan. Although not taking part did hurt him, once he got on the stage with Reagan, the results hurt him even more. With all of these combined, Carter would've been able to win handily. This PoD is far enough back for it to possibly be Carter vs. Bush in the election (rather than Carter vs. Reagan vs. Anderson), but he would've won re-election regardless.
When are you going to write a timeline on this PoD, (please do!)
 
When are you going to write a timeline on this PoD, (please do!)
McCarthy has a while to go yet, but thanks for the vote of confidence! :)
As for post-GPAC, I've got plenty of TL ideas, which I'll probably end up putting to a public poll. At this time, I'm considering doing a shorter 21st century or late 20th century TL, followed by another Cold War TL once GPAC is finished. On Carter, the idea of doing a TL with a historic President serving longer than IOTL has certainly peaked my interest, but I don't know if Carter would be the focus, and, with all this being said, if I do end up going to 2018 for this TL, then GPAC won't be done for another year, if not longer.

Part of me would also like to do a two-term Gerald Ford TLIAD.
 
Chapter Twenty-Nine - I Only Have Eye For You
“When my brother was nominated in 1960, he said it was ‘with a full and grateful heart and with only one obligation: to devote every effort of body, mind and spirit to lead our party to victory and our nation to greatness.' I believe that Mo Udall has that same devotion to serve the people of the United States of America.”

  • Excerpt from the nominating speech of Speaker of the House Mo Udall for Democratic nominee, delivered by former Senator Bobby Kennedy, at the Democratic National Convention of 1976

The last time the Democratic convention was held in New York City, it had taken 103 ballot votes before coming to a candidate. The Democrats of 1976 were hoping for a significantly shorter convention.

Although Mo Udall had a clear lead individually going into the Democratic National Convention, his nomination was by no means a certainty. All told, there were nine candidates from the primaries who could command delegates. Henry Jackson, as the leading Old Left Democrat, was looking to unify that wing of the party against Udall to gain the nomination, while the various other candidates hoped for a standoff between Udall and Jackson that would necessitate a compromise candidate to fill the gap between them, as was the hope of George Wallace, Robert Byrd, John Connally, and, to a lesser extent, Fred Harris.


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Despite the political maneuvering, there was a professional courtesy that had been lacking in 1968 and 1972, with both factions trying to portray a party that, if not unified, could organize a political convention without riots in the street. With that in mind, retiring House Majority Leader Carl Albert had been chosen as the Keynote Speaker. Albert was the first of many compromises that would be made at the convention, having worked well under Udall during his term as Speaker of the House, while still being more politically aligned with the Lyndon Johnson and Scoop Jackson factions in the House.

Like Johnson before him, McCarthy had been working behind the scenes push through his preferred candidate, Udall. Ironically, the broadened primary system that he had benefited from and subsequently expanded since 1968 severely limited his ability to pressure delegates, as they were all bound to how their states had voted. The best he could do was make sure that Harold Hughes and Fred Harris withdrew for Udall, and see if he could push Dale Bumpers more firmly into the Udall column.


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Favourite Son Governor Dale Bumpers of Arkansas was the only prominent Southerner to support the candidacy of Mo Udall over any of the other candidates at the Democratic Convention.

As for the Old Left, there was both hope and suspicion.Their combined total of delegates could just barely gain the nomination, but if Hughes, Harris, and Bumpers all withdrew for Udall, then he would also be within spitting distance of the nomination. That being said, he wouldn’t be able to clinch it with those numbers alone. For Udall to win, he’d need at least one of the Southern Democrats. Although between two segregationists and the self-avowed enemy of all things related to Gene McCarthy it was unlikely such a dramatic shift would occur, but stranger political alliances had been made before in the Democratic Party.

As the convention began, Udall began the strategy the Old Left suspected he would by aiming for the weakest link of the Southerners, favourite son Jimmy Carter. Although Georgia alone wouldn’t secure the nomination for Udall, it would give the others pause for thought that it would be better to hitch their horse to Udall instead of being two of three that would be left out in the cold. As a ‘New South’ governor, Carter was among other reformers such as Terry Sanford of North Carolina and Reuben Askew of Florida from the South who tried to avoid segregationist rhetoric, and instead focus on moderate fiscal and social positions. The problem was, for Udall at least, that Carter was firmly committed to his own policy positions, stubbornly so. Carter had risked political censure from Washington by supporting the 1972 Draft Connally Movement, and had continued to support keeping Connally on the ticket after the movement failed. Carter served to be a non-starter for Udall, as the policy concessions Carter demanded would’ve cost him the support of his New Left base, as well as the President himself, who, as history had shown, was notoriously volatile during conventions.

As for Jackson, he was trying the same strategy from the other end. Negotiating with the Connally camp, Jackson emphasized strong foreign policy as the unifying factor of all of the candidates of the Old Left. Jackson also appealed to Connally’s Texan pride by harkening back to the ‘glory days’ of Lyndon Johnson. Despite the fact that Johnson never fully forgave Connally for back-stabbing him and Humphrey for Eugene McCarthy of all people, they had begun to mend their rocky relationship by the time of the former President’s death in 1973. Jackson’s intention to roll back the policies of the Crusade Against Poverty and return to the fundamentals of the War on Poverty appealed to Connally both fiscally and personally, as one more way to stick it to McCarthy.

As the ballot vote itself arrived, the candidates were given their nominating speeches. While Jackson had experience on his side with his name being put forward by President Pro Tempore Warren Magnuson, Udall had the illustrious support of Bobby Kennedy as his nominator. For their own parts, Connally was nominated by former Representative J.J. Pickle, Byrd by House Ways and Means Chairman Wilbur Mills, and Wallace by former Kentucky Governor (and long-time AIP Vice Presidential possibility) Happy Chandler.

As the first votes were tallied, the Democrats would have to go to a second ballot for the first time since 1952. As expected, Udall had come impressively close, but simply didn’t have the numbers to push through.

Moving to a second ballot, Jackson was able to make a major coup by officially gaining the support of Connally, who placed last of the candidates still running. Once that happened, the consolidation of the Old Left vote became a certainty.

Although Jackson didn’t agree to change any of his major policy positions, he did agree to continue to run a strong foreign policy, law and order campaign, as well as to continue to de-emphasize his past support for desegregation busing, and come out mildly against it. With that in mind, Byrd made preparations to withdraw on the second ballot. Having been boxed into a corner politically, Wallace also grudgingly agreed; although his ideal scenario would’ve been if Jackson had won without his support, so that the possibility to bolt once more for a third party candidacy remained more readily available, but the combined totals of Jackson, Connally, and Byrd weren’t enough to confirm a victory. With significant hesitation, Wallace also withdrew in favour of Jackson.

With the entirety of the Old Left and almost all the Southerners behind him, Henry Martin ‘Scoop’ Jackson was able to secure the nomination on the second ballot. A part of the agreement with the Southerners, and Connally in particular, Jimmy Carter was selected as Jackson's running mate for the election.


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Presidential nominee Henry Jackson and Vice Presidential nominee Jimmy Carter face the audience, celebrating their convention victory.

With Mo Udall gracefully conceding, and having won a contentious but generally calm convention, Henry Jackson would have to wait the next few weeks to see who he would be facing in the general election.


“Nineteen seventy-six will not be a year of politics as usual. It can be a year of inspiration and hope, and it will be a year of concern, of quiet and sober reassessment of our nation’s character and purpose. It has already been a year when voters have confounded the experts. And I guarantee you that it will be a year when Henry Jackson is elected President of the United States of America!”

  • Excerpt from the acceptance speech of Vice Presidential nominee and former Governor of Georgia, Jimmy Carter, at the Democratic National Convention of 1976
 
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Chapter Thirty - Bring It On Home To Me
“History and experience tells us that moral progress comes not in comfortable and complacent times, but out of trial and confusion.”

  • Republican House Minority Leader Gerald Ford

Following on the heels of the Democratic Convention, the Republicans opened up shop in Kansas City, Missouri. Kansas City hadn’t held a convention for decades, last serving the GOP in 1928 with the nomination of Herbert Hoover.

The Republican candidates were all hoping for a more successful Presidency than that of Herbert Hoover.


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Although he entered into the convention with the lead in the primaries, Ronald Reagan was in an equally tenuous position as he had been in 1972, when the rest of the party had coalesced around Charles Percy and George Romney, with the latter becoming the nominee. In 1976, the situation was similar: even though Reagan had swept the South and the West in the primaries, he had been locked out of the Midwest and North with the exception of Indiana. Without a commanding majority of the primary delegates on his side, it would fall to the other states, and with many states still not holding primaries in the Republican Party, the choice of nominee would ultimately fall down to the unpledged delegates.

The main field of competition would be in the Upper South, and the Midwestern states that hadn’t held primaries, where Reagan and Rhodes surrogates battled it out, while both campaigns worked to prevent the shattering of state delegations that had been won in the primaries. For example, although Rhodes had won Kentucky in the primaries, the delegation leader, Senator Louie Nunn, was a staunch Reagan supporter, and many of the delegates intended to follow his lead and vote for Reagan despite Rhodes having won the state. Reagan was faced with the same problem; although he had won the Florida primary, both former Governor Claude R. Kirk and former Representative William C. Cramer of Florida brought their severe intra-party rivalry to a temporary truce to support Rhodes over Reagan.


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Ronald Reagan arrived at the Republican National Convention with a lead in delegates after having gotten first place in the primaries.

Charles Percy, for his part, had a decision to make. Although he had made gains in New England and the Midwest during the primaries (his biggest catches had been Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and his home state of Illinois), he had also undermined his own credibility by making the strategic decision to withdraw halfway through the primaries to prevent a Reagan win by vote splitting. Of the non-primary states, Percy had the backing of New York, Connecticut, and Maine, but not much else. The remaining Rockefeller Republicans were behind him (namely Malcolm Wilson, John Volpe, Clifford Case, Jacob Javits, John Lindsay, and, of course, George Romney), but their power projection had mostly shrunk to New York. It seemed unlikely that he could position himself as a compromise candidate considering the rightward shift of the Republican Party over the last four years had moved him from a moderate to more of a liberal, but he also had some reservation over withdrawing in Rhodes’ favour. Rhodes was significantly more conservative than George Romney, and yet he was definitely less conservative than Reagan.

Meanwhile, Rhodes and Reagan continued to battle it out behind the scenes while the festivities of the convention officially began. Without much trouble, Reagan had gotten the Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana delegations on his side, but he suffered from shattered delegations in Tennessee and North Carolina, losing about a third in both states. Tennessee was a fierce battleground between Senator Bill Brock for Reagan and Senate Minority Leader Howard Baker for Rhodes, while North Carolina saw bitter infighting between Senator Jesse Helms for Reagan and Governor James Holshouser for Rhodes. Reagan also gained the Virginia, Missouri, and South Carolina slates, without much of a loss of delegates, and made up most of the difference from anti-Percy defections from the conservative wing of the party in the Northern states and New England. Rhodes, on the other hand, made up his defections with gains from the western states. Although the delegations had overwhelmingly gone for Reagan, they were all relatively low-value states, and with about a quarter of them going across the aisle to back Rhodes, they were further diluted. Rhodes’ biggest gains in the west was his ability to gain Alaska, Hawaii, and Kansas with their slates largely intact. Reagan’s biggest gain in the Midwest was when his Michigan ally, Guy Vander Jagt, corralled a third of the Michigan delegation into his column, despite efforts from outgoing House Minority Leader Gerald Ford to keep the state firmly in the Rhodes column.


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Senate Minority Leader Howard Baker, on the Convention floor. Baker was one of the more moderate Southerners who backed James A. Rhodes over Ronald Reagan.

With the amount of political back-and-forth between himself and Rhodes, and Percy keeping a strong grip on his own delegation, Reagan decided to take a leap of faith: instead of risking a loss on a second ballot, he planned to cut Rhodes off at the pass by siphoning off moderate by announcing his Vice Presidential pick before the ballot was held, something that had never been done at a party convention before. Reagan and his aides moved as fast as possible, quickly narrowing it down to two possibilities, either Gerald Ford, or Richard Schweiker. Ford was the first to meet with Reagan, where they discussed policy for two hours. Ultimately, Ford declined the position. Although they shared similar opposition to gun control, government overspending, and busing to desegregate schools, Ford was a proponent of foreign policy detente, the Equal Rights Amendment, and was firmly pro-choice on abortion. Reagan’s meeting with Schweiker went much better; they had more agreement on social issues, and also temperamentally got along well. After some consideration, Schweiker agreed to the arrangement.


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Although Gerald Ford had been his first choice, Richard Schweiker was chosen as Reagan's 'running mate' to try and attract moderate support.

As Reagan began to implement his Vice Presidential gambit, Rhodes and his aides attempted to develop a counter-plan, depending on how it was received. If Rhodes saw Reagan make gains in the Midwest, he would try and recuperate in the South by declaring a Reagan supporter as his prospective choice for Vice President. Rhodes’ shortlist included John Tower, Bill Brock, and Louie Nunn.

It turns out that Bill Brock would come into play, but for different reasons than one would think.

When Reagan declared Richard Schweiker as his running mate, it received a muted reaction from the moderates and liberals that Reagan had hoped to court, and an emotional range between disappointment and blind fury from the conservative wing. In reaction to Scheiwker’s ‘nomination,’ the ultra-conservative Jesse Helms abandon the Reagan ticket as too liberal, and instead organized a ‘Draft Brock’ Movement. Bill Brock had run in the primaries, but dropped out early for Reagan to prevent the vote-splitting that had given Rhodes an early lead, but, because of Helms, made a last-minute rebound. Brock, who was similarly disappointed by Reagan’s running mate gambit, didn’t go out of his way to accept that draft movement, but didn’t decline it either.

Reagan attempted to regain his footing by holding a vote on Rule 16C, to compel Rhodes and Percy to also declare their running mates, but with the Brock Conservatives intransigent, the vote failed.

Although the Brock draft had limited appeal and outreach, it still fractured the Reagan vote in Tennessee, North Carolina, and Mississippi. In Tennessee, Reagan lost nearly half of his support to Brock, and about a third in North Carolina (under pressure from Helms), but Mississippi was the most damaging of all. The Mississippi delegation had been split between Reagan supporters, Brock-turned-Reagan supporters, and a minority of Rhodes supporters, but with the Brock campaign returning to activity, Clarke Reed, the State Chairman of the Mississippi Republican Party, threw in with Brock and his supporters within the delegation. Due to Mississippi’s voting rules, Reed’s command of the delegation threw the entire state to Brock, depriving Reagan of a clear margin.

When the first ballot began, Percy decided it was better to have a Pyrrhic victory than allow the conservative to reunify on a second ballot, and gave the signal to the Illinois delegation to vote for Rhodes, indicating his support without officially withdrawing.

In a stunning reversal, James A. Rhodes won the Republican nomination on the first ballot, winning by less than a hair, with Brock in a distant third.


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A C-Span image of Governor James A. Rhodes, during the 1976 Republican Convention

With the leisure of a Vice Presidential pick at his disposal, Rhodes chose Governor of Virginia Mills Godwin, a Democrat-turned-Republican with near identical economic views to Rhodes, and with former ties to the Byrd Organization.

Giving an eloquent concession speech, Reagan conceded victory and endorsed Rhodes for the candidacy. Rhodes accepted the nomination with a much more rustic speech of his own.


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The results of the first and only ballot of the 1976 Republican National Convention. There was significant crossover in each state delegation, but this map shows for whom the majority of each state voted.


With the candidate chosen and the Republicans turning to a moderate-conservative populist as their nominee, it was finally time to take the fight to the Democrats.


“I didn’t come to this convention to be a ‘yes man’ for any candidate. I came to support good values without compromise, not to win any popularity contests.”

  • Senator Jesse Helms, on the Republican National Convention of 1976
 
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As we're approaching the end of the McCarthy Presidency, I thought I would give you guys the low-down on the course of the TL in the coming weeks.

The Election of 1976 coverage will be the same as the coverage of 1968 and 1972. At that point "Season 1" of GPAC will be over. From there, I intend to pour over a bunch of additional academic databases and sources to get as much information on McCarthy's beliefs as possible, and retroactively go back to implement these, in information that I had extrapolated from what I already knew, but may have gotten wrong. There will be more mild retconning, as well as a few apocryphal chapters I'll be adding, covering things I either had overlooked (thanks again to @SandroPertini98 and @historybuff for all the extra historical information and behind-the-scenes suggestions), or that I had intended to get to but largely ignored, such as the Equal Rights Amendment, and the course of religious fundamentalism ITTL. I'll also add some extended excerpts from speeches made by McCarthy, or even full speeches, as sub-chapters. I will also be going through all the pictures I've used, and standardize the cropping and formatting.

From there, I'll be posting a few sub-chapters on pop culture under McCarthy, a "where are they now" of the figures of OTL's Nixon and Ford Administrations, a "behind the scenes" of my writing process for McCarthy's Presidency, as well as a few brief TLIAD style DBWIs, from the Point of View of the GPAC equivalent of Alternate History.com, discussing such possibilities as: what if Hubert Humphrey had been the Democratic candidate in 1968, what if Richard Nixon had won in 1968, what if McCarthy had been assassinated in 1972, what if the Election of 1972 had been thrown to the House, and what if Charles Percy had been the Republican nominee in 1972? From there, I may take a brief hiatus, before starting posting on "Season 2," which will cover the period from 1977-1985. Season 2 has already been fully planned out, and, if all goes well, will follow the same posting schedule that Season 1 has. Likewise, I already know the broad strokes of what's going to happen in Season 3 (1985-1997), while I remain undecided on the course of Season 4 (1997-2005) and beyond, except for some thematic ideas and long-term butterflies I've already planted the seeds for. Although this is very far away, I may decide to host an in-thread poll to determine who is elected President in 1996.

So that's my 'State of the Timeline Address.' As always, a big thanks to everyone and anyone who bothers to read and/or comment on the silly thought experiment that has been Give Peace A Chance: The Presidency of Eugene McCarthy. All advice, criticism, and pointing out of historical inaccuracies and typos continues to be welcome.
 
Chapter Thirty-One - Part One - Wabash Cannonball
“Jobs and Progress!”

  • “Rhodes for President” 1976 Campaign Slogan
Having faced hard-fought challenges from within their own parties, both James A. Rhodes and Henry ‘Scoop’ Jackson emerged controversial, but victorious. Rhodes, carried an early lead in the polls, but was viewed dimly by both the Reagan conservative wing of the party, by the party’s Washington leadership, and by the Rockefeller Republicans. Rhodes made up the difference through his enduring support in the Midwest and Upper South, as well as a huge polling lead with independents. Just as he had done as Governor of Ohio, Rhodes avoided a platform like the plague, and instead focused on advocacy for more general talking points to rally the base, and appeal to the George Wallace Democrats in the Midwest and South. Rhodes’ main talking points were job-creation and public works programs, reinvigorating national defense, freezing or lowering tax rates, and ending inflation. When asked how he would slow the inflation rate, Rhodes typically called for cuts to the Crusade Against Poverty and War on Poverty, but refused to say which programs in particular would be cut. Rhodes, uncomfortable with being supported by segregationists but unwilling to lose their support, largely ignored social issues. When forced to talk on the subject on the campaign trail, he quickly declared his support for equal rights, while also emphasizing his belief in “state’s rights” and “law and order.”

Although he started far behind in the polls, Jackson wasn’t about to give up. Having angled for the Presidency for years, he was finally within spitting distance. Ironically, Jackson used the same broad campaign plan that McCarthy had eight years earlier: by emphasizing his distance from the sitting President, Jackson advertised his candidacy as “not the same old Democratic Party.” Not to be outdone on foreign policy, Jackson criticized McCarthy nearly as much as Rhodes on having given too much ground to the Soviets. Although Jackson didn’t go so far as reminding everyone of his hawkish views on the Vietnam War (which he had discreetly toned down ever since the war was discredited during McCarthy’s first term), he pushed for greater involvement in the Middle East and Europe, and accused McCarthy of making prioritizing nepotism and political appointments to military and national security offices. Otherwise, Jackson ran as a middle-of-the-road New Deal Democrat, often comparing himself to Harry Truman (and Rhodes to Thomas E. Dewey). On economic issues, Jackson also promised to fight inflation by rolling back parts of the Crusade Against Poverty, but voiced his intention to maintain the War on Poverty, and continue to fight for a strong union presence in the economy. On social issues, Jackson was in a weak position: his reliance on the likes of Byrd, Wallace, and Connally to gain the nomination kept him from moving to the left on social issues, but he had no intention of opposing any civil rights legislation. Although he didn’t dare mention the President’s infidelity out of professional courtesy and personal modesty, Jackson also ran a ‘family values’ campaign, attempting to appeal to social conservative and the Christian left by making frequent appearances with his wife, Helen Hardin, and his two children, Anna Maria and Peter. Rhodes, for his part, had an intensely private family life, with his wife Helen only making a campaign appearance once in a blue moon. When he did have to emphasize family values, Rhodes often appeared with one of his three young adult daughters, Suzanne, Sharon, and Saundra.


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Democratic Presidential nominee Henry 'Scoop' Jackson (centre) with Vice Presidential nominee Jimmy Carter (right), campaigning in Pennsylvania.


Problems continued to emerge for Jackson as the campaign progressed. Although he had the support of Mo Udall, McCarthy forbid the endorsement of Jackson by any of his cabinet, let alone campaign for him. After weeks of needling, Vice President Muskie was able to convince McCarthy to allow him to endorse Jackson ‘in his stead,’ and only National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski willingly broke with the President to endorse Jackson. In retaliation, McCarthy leaked to the press that he personally intended to vote for the People’s Party ticket of Margaret Wright and Benjamin Spock over that of Jackson and Jimmy Carter. Although when publicly asked McCarthy denied it, the President’s remaining die-hard supporters (at that point largely limited to a couple hundred thousand college students, left-leaning farmers and champagne socialists) got the message. The problem was also compounded by concerns by liberals and progressives that Jackson was a Trojan Horse for Wallace to exercise influence on the White House, as Jackson owed him the nomination. Jackson was also hurt by his lack of campaigning chops. Although Jackson was excellent in one-on-one discussions and in small crowds, he came off as stiff and bland when having to address large audiences. Meanwhile, Rhodes lived and breathed campaigning, barnstorming state after state, and only taking a break when the sexagenarian was forced to by his Chief of Staff, Tom Moyer.


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James A. Rhodes with his wife, Helen Rhodes, when first elected Governor of Ohio.


Jackson’s one-on-one skills would have come to the fore in a Presidential debate, but Rhodes refused to take the bait. Presidential debates had been held off and on in the last four elections, in 1960 and 1972, but not in 1964 or 1968, with 1976 joining the latter column. Rhodes was a poor debater and knew it, and didn’t want to risk his platform (or lack thereof) coming off as two-dimensional compared to Jackson’s detailed proposals on missile yield size and margins of inflation and the like. Likewise, Rhodes’ Vice Presidential nominee, Governor Mills Godwin of Virginia, took a back seat compared to the Jackson-Carter campaign. Godwin, a former Democrat and associate of the Byrd Organization, was a clear olive branch to the Dixiecrats and Virginia voters who had voted for the Wallace-Byrd Jr. ticket in 1972. Godwin had since distanced himself from open segregationism, and had moved into an economic populism incredibly similar to that of Rhodes. Entirely competent but not especially notable, Godwin was no threat to Rhodes for ‘stealing the show’ from him. Carter took a more proactive role on the Democratic ticket as a New South (former) Governor, and had a greater appeal outside of the South. Although generally well-liked, Carter was considered a light-weight, and neither he nor Godwin had much of an effect on the campaign as a whole.


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Republican Vice Presidential nominee Governor Mills Godwin of Virginia (right) with Virginia media mogul Frank Batten.

As the election got ever-closer, Rhodes never relinquished his lead in the polls, but Jackson maintained he was a paper tiger, like Dewey had been in 1948. Jackson, in eternal optimism, insisted that the American people wouldn’t vote for someone who would “improvise” his way through the Presidency, and once they were alone in the voting booth, would realize that Henry Scoop Jackson was his own man, who reflected the majority view of the American people. Likewise, Jackson dismissed McCarthy’s implicit endorsement of the People’s Party as being just as insignificant as Henry Wallace’s third party campaign was on Truman’s campaign.

As November came, Rhodes prepared for a comfortable victory, and Jackson prepared for the new greatest upset in American history.


“He’ll Make America Proud!”

  • “Jackson for President” 1976 Campaign Slogan
 

BP Booker

Banned
ational Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski willingly broke with the President to endorse Jackson. In retaliation, McCarthy leaked to the press that he personally intended to vote for the People’s Party ticket of Margaret Wright and Benjamin Spock over that of Jackson and Jimmy Carter.

Im starting to see why LBJ voted for Nixon
 
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