Part IV: True Leaders Never Rest
(Gaul, 51-49 BCE)
Pardon one offence and you encourage the commission of many. – Publilius Syrus
When Vercingetorix returned home hailed “favoured by the gods”, his immense political momentum allowed him to get crowned High King of the Arverni and tributary peoples, but not without creating some jealousy, and internal factionalism was as much a threat to stability as inter-tribes feud were. In November 52, on his way to a meeting with the other leaders, Vercingetorix is ambushed by a small mob armed with daggers and clubs. He received some grievous wounds but managed to fend off his assailants long enough for help to arrive. As the mob dispersed, Vercingetorix recognized among the would-be murderers his uncle Gobannitios. Gobannitios wasn’t just at odd with the new Arverni monarch, he had lost a tremendous amount of power, revenue, and political influence in the process. The attack was clumsy and desperate, and the consequences, dire. Tracked down, Gobannitios and his co-conspirators ended up tried and sentenced either to exile or to death; the former fleeing to Britain and the latter being executed during the festivities given in Vercingetorix’ honour.
The remnant of the old regime died that day. The aristocrats filling the newly vacated places in the tribal oligarchy being mainly former brothers in arms, Vercingetorix’ position is now undisputed, but he realized there must be a better choice than simply wearing a crown he wouldn’t be able to keep for long like his father. Instead of ruling alone, he reforms the collective rule for a more accurate representation of the peoples: not one but five vergobrets will continue to administrate Arverni day to day affairs with him. Not only are they named independently, but they will have a veto power, albeit limited, regarding taxation and waging war abroad. The magistrates’ tenures were limited to one year, noncumulative with other functions, and non-transferable to family and kin (1). One of their critical responsibility would be to co-opt the High King’s successor. This, however, was only a semblance of check and balance to placate the conservative aristocracy. In practice, Vercingetorix’ political supremacy had become so absolute that no-one would seriously challenge him.
In addition, a general assembly, twice a year, would help mediate problems between tribes of the Arverni sphere of influence: border disputes, land claim, reparations, and settlement agreement. Allies, formal and informal, are invited to participate: strengthening the ties and maintaining cohesion was of utmost importance for Vercingetorix, as Rome took last time great advantage of the divisions and jealousies, and that the tide of battle turned once a relative unity was achieved.
This assembly, the Conglennos (2), sat initially outside Nemossos. Next to the direct constituents of the Arverni confederacy, several interested parties send delegations: the Carnutes and the Bituriges, who suffered greatly during the war, Veneti refugees looking for asylum, factions within the Senones interested into moving their allegiance to Vercingetorix, and trusted brothers in arms from the Pictones, Santones, Petrocorii, Lemovici, and Ruteni paying their respects. Potential trading partners showed up as well: Namnetes from Armorica, and the Vivisci from Aquitania (3). Around 500 envoys in total gathered for this first experimental session in March 51 BCE, which was not without creating a few organisational problems: benches had to be carved in the flank of a hill and keeping any form of order was a thankless task: Serra reported that a small riot over a stolen stool adjourned the meeting the afternoon of the first day. Still, the experiment was a success in several ways: the tribe leaders renewed their pledge to the coalition against the common foe and were convinced to come back for the next Conglennos. The idea echoed better among the southern peoples, who have been more exposed to Roman and Greek example of utility of collaborative institutions, while northerners were more skeptical for the moment, but those gatherings were the starting point of several notable evolutions of the Gallic society over the next century. Culturally speaking, it was the reinforcement of the emerging idea of a common identity as ‘the people living in Gaul’ surpassing the usual tribal identity.
On a personal note, Vercingetorix married that year a Senone woman named Ollovia he met during the war, just after the battle of Alesia, if the chronicles of Serra are to be believed. Appearing quiet in public, Ollovia was active in behind-the-scene diplomacy. Daughter of an old noble line said to date back to the invasion of Italy, she worked patiently over the years to weave ties between her home tribe and the Arverni. In April 50, she would give birth to twins: Edorix and Carantia.
Possible site of the early Conglennos
While the Arverni succeed in reviving their regional hegemony, the future of the original alliance with the rest of Gaul is uncertain at best. The Aeduis leadership was divided, with a still important pro-Roman party who wanting to sue for peace, and their prestige fading fast, eclipsed by the resurrected Arverni star. Consequently, several members of their own confederation were slowly drifting from them. A few years ago, their influence was still reaching along the Sequana and Liger rivers, way into Armorica. Now, the Senones and the Parisii started thinking they may be better on their own, and the Aulerci were building their own sphere of influence (4). In Belgica, Commios was busy expanding the reach of the Atrebates, clashing with the Treveri and Remi in the East, and what’s left of the Nervii in the North.
At this rate, Vercingetorix may not count as many warriors next time the Romans come knocking. He then laid down the groundwork of another idea he estimated necessary: maintaining a core of soldiers ready for war at any time, paid and equipped from the common coffers. So far, the Gallic model of warfare revolved around an elite caste of warriors coming from the aristocracy, able to afford the best horses, weapons and armours, bringing a personal retinue armed on their coin, the
Ambacto, and supported by masses of lightly armed freemen. Thus, his proposal introduced the notion of professional army; where each tribal client would contribute with recruits, weapons, or both. This was a rather novel but not alien idea, met with some resistance at first before being accepted in later years as a necessity during future confrontations with the Romans.
Meanwhile, back in Rome, Pompey used his political weight to have the proconsulship of Gaul assigned to his ally and father in law Metellus Scipio. A scandalized Cato denounced the dangerous impunity of Pompey and his casual disregard for the law, but the general invoked an “exceptional situation” similar to the riot of 52 (5) and famously declared “There’s only one Pompey and he can’t be here and there”. The truth was Metellus Scipio insisted personally to obtain this command as a personal favour from Pompey. An ambitious man but a mediocre commander, he still had the initial good sense to carry out Pompey’s recommendations: securing the Rhodanos valley to prevent raiding parties going downstream and make life difficult for any serious invading force. He marched north with four legions left to him by Pompey and quartered in Vienna, the oppidum of the Allobroges people, who were still mostly pro-roman so far, in late April 51. Tempted to re-ally with Rome, the Aeduis were finally convinced that the Romans were coming to punish their defection. The Gauls mustered an initial army of 45000 commanded by Vercingetorix, Sedullos and Viridomaros to meet the invaders at Lugodunon (6). The weather was exceptionally bad, and visibility mediocre, facilitating concealed movements: the two armies attempted to surprise each other and engaged along broken and irregular lines. The issue of the battle was indecisive, until the Aedui commander Viridomaros fell in combat and his death disorganized the Gallic left flank. By the time Vercingetorix brought them back under control; his centre had broken in two and was losing coordination. The situation is untenable: he ordered a retreat before it turned to disaster.
When the rain finally ceased, a fog started rolling over the Rhodanos valley: one could barely see more than an armlength away. We defeated them, yet we couldn’t run them down: it’s like the gods wanted Vercingetorix to live another day. - Septimus Valerius
During the fight, Petreius noticed the increasing level of discipline displayed by the Gauls: led by veterans of the war against Caesar, their retreat was orderly, covered by well-placed groups of archers, and their superior cavalry managed to counter any pursuit. Four days later, Vercingetorix linked with Vercassivellaunos and Moritasgos and reinforcement from the Senones, Carnutes, Sequani, and Tricasses tribes, allowing him to retake control of Lugodunon, left under-guarded, and managed again to take by surprise the Roman forces sent to track him. Retreating South to escape encirclement, Petreius advised to wear out the Gauls, by harassing and tempting them into attacking fortified Roman positions where he could inflict them a maximum of losses. But Scipio, stubborn and impatient, preferred against better advice to immediately counter attack: he sent Trebonius toward Bibracte to intimidate the Aeduis, but Vercingetorix, knowing their loyalty was wavering, organised an efficient counter-raid with the help of Sequani cavalrymen, ambushing the Romans on their way and forced them to give up on their mission. Another Roman detachment is similarly defeated when trying to create another bridgehead north of the Rhodanos.
During the following months, both sides would poke at each other with raids and skirmishes. The Romans are well entrenched on the banks of the Rhodanos, but made little progress beyond the river, and Metellus Scipio’s multiple blunders put him at odd with both Petreius and local allies. On the Gallic side, chronic lack of supplies and coordination prevented the maintenance of a large army that could inflict a decisive defeat to the Romans. In October 51, the eyes of Rome turned elsewhere: the Parthian Empire was about to overrun Roman Syria; Antioch is besieged by Osakes, and troops courageously led by Caius Cassius Longinus held the line but failed to breach the encirclement. Pressured by the
Publicani, (7) the Senate declared the situation a highest priority than Gaul, where the fortifications built were deemed sufficient to contain the threat. Gaius Antonius, younger brother of Marcus, petitioned Pompey to be allowed to lead reinforcement to Syria and redeem the family name. The latter accepted to make him his legate, sending two of his legions with him, leaving two to Metellus Scipio to defend Roman Gaul, and sending the last one back to Spain. The Parthians are finally booted out of Syria mid-Summer 50, but at a great cost for the whole region. Alone in Gaul, Metellus Scipio dreamed to reap similar glory, but since Caesar’s demise, the Senate now watched very closely any attempt to wage war abroad without authorization, and Scipio was reminded strongly he was not cleared to engage: another ‘folly’ would not be tolerated.
The next two years would see the action moving West, with a daring raid on Romans positions near Tolosa conducted by Vercassivellaunos that led to unrest within the local Tectosages and the rise of a pro-Arverni movement. After the fifth Conglennos, in February 49, an embassy is sent to Rome, “in the name of all Celtaes and Belgaes” (8) offering a truce and what was essentially a return to the status quo ante bellum. Vercingetorix gave here his first shot at international diplomacy, following the pressing desire from members of the Conglennos to normalize relationships: many tribes benefited from commerce with the Romans before the war, and wished to regain those ties. The Senate chose Marcus Junius Brutus, who had become a staunch opponent to Pompey, to conduct the negotiations: he would meet the Gauls in Vienna. On the other side, the Gallic mission is led by Teutomarix, an Arverni druid supporter of Vercingetorix, who laid down the offer: for peace, the Gauls would return all the hostages and the
Aquilae emblems, in exchange of a modest ransom and the hostages Caesar sent to Rome at the beginning of the war, mainly relatives of defeated chieftains, even the British ones (9).
Teutomarix was the best man Vercingetorix could send. An educated man who had traveled in Roman territory before the war, he could speak Latin without the help of an interpreter and knew enough of their customs and institutions to navigate the meeting. He knew, for instance, that Caesar’s conquest was for his own gain, and appealed to a legalistic standpoint. Meanwhile, Brutus was happy with the offer. Pompeians supporters expected him to fail badly, but instead he brought back what Pompey the Great couldn’t: the
Aquilae, at bargain price. After a somewhat animated debate, the Senate approved Brutus’ decision, considering the illegal nature of the war reminded by Cicero (10) and a large party still worried about the Parthian menace and the recent loss of influence in Asia.
Scipio was sorely disappointed, commenting how the Senate “reached a new low” by treating with barbarians who, in his mind, openly defied Rome. But his poor management of the situation and inability to break through costed him his credit: initially present during the negotiation, he was quickly put aside by Brutus, in complete disregard for his proconsular rank. Brutus later trumpeted in Rome that he cowed the Gauls into stopping their aggression with his words where Scipio (and through him Pompey) have been ineffective with their swords.
The Romans ex-hostages returned to Rome quasi incognito, and if it wasn’t for their senatorial status and family wealth, they would have been scorned (11). Any hope for a political career or a new command of any significance was lost, for Rome didn’t give second chances.
(1) Those provisions already existed before, but the rules were often flouted.
(2) Meaning 'the gathering'. Credit to The Professor for finding the name. (The aerial picture is the amphitheater of Cirencester)
(3) While living in Aquitania, the Vivisci were Gauls, and not Aquitanians. They had some long forgotten common ancestry with the Bituriges.
(4) The Aulerci were already a grouping of four tribes: the Cenomani, Diablintes, Eburovices, and Branovices, the latter having been under Aeduis influence for a long time.
(5) After the murder of Clodius Pulcher by Annius Milo, Rome erupted in city-wide riots. To restore order, Pompey was temporary and exceptionally given the title of “sole consul” (as an alternative to dictatorship) for a few months, later he ended the rest of his mandate as a regular consul, along with Metellus Scipio.
(6) Local name of Lugdunum, at the time a very small settlement a bit north of OTL Lyon, oppidum of the Segusiavi.
(7) Public contractors. They managed a lot of things for the Roman State, from construction projects to supplying the legions. In the late Republic, they even collected taxes on behalf of the Senate, for a share of the total. Syria and the other wealthy eastern provinces made them rich and highly influential in politics.
(8) “In the name of the Arverni and their friends” would be a more accurate title. Neither the Aeduis or the Belgaes were consulted on this.
(9) Several British tribes had blood links with the continent through population migrations. Their involvement with the Veneti prompted Caesar’s punitive expedition in 55 BCE.
(10) The fact that his brother Quintus is among the hostages may have influenced him a bit.
(11) Rome had a long-standing tradition of “come back victorious, or don’t come back at all”. Rank and file soldiers captured in war were usually purely and simply abandoned to their fate. These men were an exception in a sense that they had powerful and rich families willing and able to pay ransom and reintegrate them in the Roman society.
