From the Ashes of the Old: The British Republic

Chapter One: Prelude to Revolution

To Mark the 150th Anniversary of the British Republic in 1998, the BBC embarked on a landmark project to charter the first thirty of the Republic that had such an impact on all our lives. Dominic Sandbrook, the Head Historian and Lead Writer of "From the Ashes of the Old" commented that this was the "most important study of documents and testimonies from one of the most important events in history" - here is the Republics story;

In 1800, it was recorded that for the first time, 7 million persons in England could read and write. The Parliamentary Econocracy, in which a variety of economic elites provided the core of a proto-democracy, was relatively unchanged, despite challenges from Radicals of the day, such as Charles James Fox, who demanded a "Radical Reform" of the electoral system. The Government, usually headed from the Old Lords, would place victors in some constituencies, in order to engross their support in the Commons. Sir Robert Neale said "[During the Reign of the First Elizabeth] It was not sufficient for candidates to belong to the more substantial families...They usually had to show some initiative and will." It was now regarded that the Unreformed Constitutional Monarchy was poisoned by laziness and monopoly.

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The House of Commons, meeting at Westminster Palace, discussing the outbreak of war with Austria and France

Despite this, the advent of newspaper as a mass medium had a significant impact of peoples freedoms and ability to think politically. Reducing the tax stamp on newspapers from four pence to one penny in 1806, before being abolished entirely in 1812. This was because of an unrepentant regime of forced closures of untaxed newspapers become too much of a burden with a war being fought on the Continent. This led to newspapers being emancipated, with some issues, like the London Worker's Courier, printing up to five editions a day (morning, midday, evening and up to two extra editions). A lack of efficient censorship led to harrowing stories of the War of the Fifth Coalition leaking to a bewildered and scared public. Criticisms of the Government of Spencer Perceval were aired freely and the Government, fearing any reprisal of a economically ruined British People, could do very little. Campaigns such as compensation for angered incarcerated citizens and greater green spaces now had a national stage, and won wide support. By 1814 there were over 200 newspapers, employing 1,200 men in England - their views ranged from broadly patriotic, like the The Times, the newspaper of record, to extremely revolutionary like the Worker's Courier in London or the Manchester Represent.

From 1806, the Continental System imposed by Napoleon had caused massive damage to the British Economy and caused a decline of around 47% in export trade. Britain's status as a carrier state was under threat, and British businessmen, who according to Napoleon, formed the basis of the 'Nation of Shopkeepers' were most at risk with rising prices and diminishing quality of goods. After defeating the Napoleonic Empire at the Wars of the Sixth Coalition, Britain finally allowed the embargo to end in 1814, but not without the near fatal collapse of British trade with Europe. Now with Economic forces picking up, the Congress of Vienna allowed the Government of Perceval to control both Regency (who had now taken over the King's responsibilities) and the people, who had started to show revolutionary intent. At the time of the 1812 Election, called by Perceval, the Prime Minister managed to pass the Regency Bill, in which the power of the Regency, who was said to be Whig and Reform leaning, was curbed. Perceval remained in power in which an uneasy coalition of Foxite Liberals and Peelites were excluded. He took advantage of the situation with the King to secure further his own power. He decided to take on the revolutionaries within his own country, growing from the newspapers and barons of the media that had grown in a short space of time. It was to have disastrous consequences for the United Kingdom…
 
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I really like this timeline already. A premise stolen from my brain ever since I read 1848 the year of revolution.
 
I really like this timeline already. A premise stolen from my brain ever since I read 1848 the year of revolution.

Cheers, I really wanted to do it. One note for you though! The point of divergence ITL is so subtle I forgot to add in a crucial sentence to the first update - the reducing of the Newspaper stamp allows issues to have a near national Soapbox. John Bellingham, therefore, is allowed his compensation through newspaper support and never assassinates Perceval (who will become a Timeline figure)
 
Cheers, I really wanted to do it. One note for you though! The point of divergence ITL is so subtle I forgot to add in a crucial sentence to the first update - the reducing of the Newspaper stamp allows issues to have a near national Soapbox. John Bellingham, therefore, is allowed his compensation through newspaper support and never assassinates Perceval (who will become a Timeline figure)

That does seem like a useful thing to bring up here. But yeah. I get the pod is farther back, pretty much all of the pods for a successful republican revolution in Britain.
 
Chapter Two: Perceval and Metternich

Upon the green lands one is calm, everything is still. But this stillness is not the stillness of content, but the stillness of Fear.

Thomas Attwood, 1817.

Prince Klemens von Metternich, Austrian Chancellor and head European diplomat at this time, met with Mr Perceval in Vienna before the Congress of Vienna to discuss the situation in the Prime Minister's homeland. "Sir, any plan made in Moderation is harmed inconceivably by Extremes - that has been the British problem! You want the people to be under control, you must prepare for the day they are not." Metternich pleaded. A short time later, the Congress of Vienna met to piece back the ruins of Europe, like a broken China pot. They did so very successfully. Henry Kissinger would later speak of it in his book A World Restored as the greatest diplomatic triumph in the 19th Century. Many historians agree this is not the case. It did, however, preserve the map of Europe and allow all World Powers to meet in one area. Although not technically a Congress, there were no sessions or meetings, Vienna did allow Metternich to grasp a key role on European Diplomacy. He intervened in the Polish-Saxon Question, and prevented war between Prussia and a jealous Russia. Perceval also made himself very well known at the conference, discussing matters of Revolution and Liberalism with the group. There was a large consensus among the world's powers that as a force to be controlled, Liberalism would be best served through reaction and censorship. At home, many Tories considered the explosion in Newspapers and the Printing Press to be a ticking time bomb. At this point, the Upper and Business Class only were interested in their Business, rather than Democracy and the Ballot Box. For the gentry, Liberalism meant the Guillotine and the destruction of a thousand years of consolidation.

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Europe after the Congress of Vienna, France had most of her territory gained in Napoleonic Conquests stripped away.

The Congress allowed Prussia and Russia to gain territorial advantage. Prussia was transformed through gains in the German Confederation and through gains of industrialised regions to become a regional power. This made the German question, a question of a single, united German state something that all the European powers wanted to know the definite question. Perceval was in favour of a Conservative solution of a controlled confederate unification over a number of years. This would limit the power of any German state but give the Germans a way into the World Power status as a single entity. As long as France would be controlled through the brokering of alliances in Europe, very little would happen. Metternich told him that the situation in his country will hamper the stability of Europe. If Britain falls to Liberalism or Unilateral Democracy, Metternich argued, the whole balance of world power could disintegrate. Metternich convinced Perceval that a state of censorship was best until revolutionary tides subsided. Perceval returned to London on the 20th June 1815 - two days after the triumphant victory of the Waterloo Battle - to a heroes welcome in Parliament. "Today is the day that we forge ahead with the restoration and the conservation of the Parliamentary way of life we lead in this country." He said. "We have lived on the tipping point of Revolution for too long. Today is the day His Majesty's Government moves us away from this point and to the safety of the patriotic way of life." He ended the speech with words that would signal the greatest reaction by a British Government since the Civil War. "For King, For Country, For Protection!" he shouted to cheering Government bench.

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Parliament waiting as Perceval prepares to make his speech.

Perceval allowed an Act, the Censorship Act 1815 to pass through Commons and Lords with uneasy speed, allowing Newspapers to be processed daily through six regional Press Offices. It would take up to five or six days for articles of a general type to be processed, and 12 hours for topical articles. The act also gave the Crown the ability to close newspapers with a days notice. He followed this up with secret deals allowing a large number of placemen to selected as candidates in a number of borough constituencies. Perceval traded off large scale tax reforms (allowing a number of landed gentleman to pay the minimum rate of tax to be eligible for Parliament) in return for the Gentleman's loyalty. This secured him a eye-watering majority in Parliament and the ability to control the majority in the Commons and Lords. He called an election for 1816 and was returned with a Parliament that was largely dominated by Tories and Anti-Reform Whigs. Foxites, Grenvillites and Reformist Whigs found themselves either in seats that had been abolished or changed, or having been replaced by placemen. The Lords also became a chamber that fulfilled Earl Grey's description - "a lapdog of Reaction".

He appointed a cabinet including Henry Bathurst, and fresh from Victory at Waterloo, the Duke of Wellington - both known for reaction and being staunchly anti-Reform. Within the first years of Parliament, the Special Measures Act 1817 allowed Parliament to declare Zones as Special Measures Areas, and allowed the Army to control them centrally. Increase the power of the Censorship Act, Perceval allowed all national post to be centrally censored, a direct copy of the policy Metternich had pursued in Austrian Italy. Britain became a place of supreme fear, hidden under a rosy exterior. Lord Palmerson, by this time moved to Paris, said of it in a letter to his aides in the Foreign Office "Britain is like a hermetically sealed boiler. It seems to be still and working, but it will explode soon." The letter never reached it's destination.

Soon Britain was working like a Police state, Perceval and his Allies in Parliament were sure that there was no force or revolutionary tide that could unhand them. He said in a letter to Metternich in 1818 "People assume that preservation is inaction, but preservation is the most arduous action I have faced."
 
Chapter Three: First Sparks of the Bonfire

On one night, Britain was infected with our disease, they caught the fever, the English masses awoke.

Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure, 1845.

In 1821, Spencer Perceval had a meeting with his cabinet to discuss the passing of the Protection of the Realm Bill through Parliament that had, by their calculations, received support from 368 members of the House, with 54 wishing to vote against it. He got into his carriage and went to Downing Street to stay the night there, planning to meet his Wife, Jane, in the morning. Meanwhile, from a tavern at one end of Parliament Square, a man received a package at the bar, he walked out and intercepted a message from a women who said ‘Percy is in his cell’. This was confirming that the Prime Minister was the man who was in the carriage inside. He pulled a short fuse from the package and threw it towards the cart. It exploded, killing three and injuring three more. Perceval was in the carriage behind the cart exploded. He was not harmed. Britain was whipped into a furore of terror. A few days later, an anonymous letter dropped at the door of the Daily Record, the only legal newspaper in Britain contained a letter from the self styled “British Republican Brotherhood” - claiming responsibility for the attack. What had began as a routine act to build up a Political Police presence was now a proto anti-terror attack. The Protection of the Realm Act or PORA, allowed a Political Police force, known as the Checkers, to arrest without warrant and act on intelligence to counter anti-Government activity. Their reign was ruthless and their reign was final.

Later, in 1823, Perceval used a conference with the King, now William IV, to extend Parliament’s term for nine years, instead allowing an appointment of an extra 150 members of the House, appointed by a convention of him and the King. Wanting further representation in the House, William asked for all factions to be represented. Perceval responded by bringing in further Whigs into his Government and renaming the Government ‘the Emergency National Commission’. This could have the power to internally appoint new laws, and rule by Emergency Decree. The King responded with a request for an Election to be held before any rule changes could take place. Perceval reluctantly agreed. He organised an election with new boundaries and with a significant Checker force allegedly spying on the British People (the actual numbers of Checkers on the streets were minimal). This led to a suppression of voter and candidate. Perceval was once again returned, and upon the election results being announced, 662 of the members of the House sat with the ENC. The ENC imposed a taxes on Brewers and imposed a restrictive curfew on the masses. The BRB inner-circles claimed this was exactly what they wanted, a movement towards further repression, to radicalise the British Public.

Such repression was harsh. The Special Measures were expanded to all of London, an area encompassing about a million people. Military Police, guided by the Checker force, patrolled the streets of London, breaking up political meetings. Republicans, as per the Decree on Protection from Republicanism, were moved to the now-cleared Military village of Old Sarum, and were forced to hastily built ghettos, which still elected two members of Parliament, both Tory. There were only three electors in the village, two of which, ironically were the MP’s. All interns were held under the PORA. The composition of the village, ironically, became more and more radical. The fertility of the soil and the fact that groups of Republicans, despite being only in the hundreds and being joined by those who were moderates and who were in the majority (Liberals who wanted a reformed, slimmed House of Commons) began organising the beginning of a commune in Old Sarum. The Checkers and the Military concentrated on keeping them in, letting them starve and die inside, and many did. But as moderates were released and more moderates thrown in, Revolution spread back into the country.

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Old Sarum became riddled with disease and the committees that had formed to command their affairs, that had naturally formed by the interns to rule the camp had become far too revolutionary in their composition. Perceval decided in January 1827 to intervene and begin to control the camp. He sent 300 Checkers and Army men into the camp to attempt to arrest and deport the ringleaders and disperse the camps fledgling democracy. To their surprise, the camps comrades fought back, and pushed the men back, to the wall of the camp. It became known that men had started smuggling rifles into the camp through sympathetic army units. The Army was now in question as a force, and the Government began to consider replacing ranks with Checkers men.

By 1827, the Brotherhood had 4,000 men associated, and had began an extreme campaign of restaurant bombing, attacking high society. As the Brotherhood press, which was passed hand to hand through secret Press Clubs, portrayed the King as a spineless collaborator of the Upper-Classes and Perceval. Perceval commanded this with random raids on these Press Clubs, despite his failing health. He resigned, leaving power to the Duke of Wellington in 1830, leaving two years of the Duke’s term of office. In his book in 2000, Hans-Ulrich Wehler said ”this was the moment that British Kingdom finally began to decline”
 
Chapter Four: The Union and The Congress

Him and only him could lead to the overthrow of not just a Monarchy, but also a way of life. He is the single greatest revolutionary of our many generations.

Silvio Pellico, 1852

When Thomas Attwood died, withered and scarred by revolution, his funeral attracted the near hysterical reception at the Conventional Hall, in the centre of his adopted home of Birmingham. Built in the aftermath of 1850 and the necessary reconstruction of much of the North, he was a mythical European figure of romantic republicanism. The son of a Coal Magnate and a Bank Manager, Attwood established his political and economic beliefs in the early 1800’s, establishing himself as a leading economist in theory of the Fiat Currency, the idea that a paper based currency with no connection to Gold supplies, was the way forward.

He was initially, as a middle-class businessman and economist, unaffected by PORA, the Press Club raids and Sarumite Uprising of 1827. He decided to teach classes in the Birmingham Economic Society, which was founded as a registered non-political academic society, which was unregulated by the harshest effects of the repression that plagued the 1810’s and 1820’s. As the Duke of Wellington ascended to the top of the ENC in 1830, he heard troubling rumours of a liberal Economic Society formed in Manchester, which was heard to be drawing up a ‘People’s Charter’ – a code of conduct for a democratic era. Without delay, he persuaded the upper echelons of the ENC, now more of an oligarchy than a government that the MEC should be dealt with and the cities of Manchester, Birmingham and Leeds should be put under the conditions of the Special Measures Act. This led to the four biggest industrial powerhouses into a state of Martial law. The Era, known as the Second Great Reaction, saw the leaders and debaters of these Economic Societies, along with suspected members of the growing BRB, moved to Trim in County Meath – the Borough Represented by First Lord of the Treasury, The Duke himself. Attwood was one of the men arrested and moved.

After a two-month interment, Attwood returned almost a beaten man. His comrades in the society who’d been left by the Checkers and the ENC Government portrayed the man as a hero to their students. He spoke to an audience of his friends in his home in Birmingham of the putrid conditions and the utter wasteland that Trim represented. At this time, the Checkers and Armed Police were stationed outside his door and he was under near constant surveillance. It was at this time, a further member of the society, untouchable due to his past as a Member of Parliament, Francis Burdett, suggested the official amalgamation of the all the Economic Societies under a single, political union. He said Attwood would be the perfect man to lead this struggle against the repressive ENC and restore democracy under another monarch, replacing William IV with his brother and seemingly moderate replacement, the Viceroy of Hanover. From this date, Attwood and Burdett were conspiring to treason.

In Westminster, the Duke of Wellington saw out the end of the parliamentary term, and William IV dissolved Parliament. The ENC finally broke up in 1832 and was succeeded by an association of politicians known as the British Congress, which, once again using placemen and a skewed electoral system, was re-elected with 710 Members of the Commons to 59 opposed to its reign. At this time, also, several members of the House of Lords were effectively barred from entering Parliament due to the ‘Alignment Against the Crown Act’, which placed several Lords, including Earl Grey, under House Arrest. Earl Bathurst was appointed to lead the Government very much in the image of the Duke and Perceval.

The Response in the Great Northern Cities was that of anger – several riots took place, most notably in Huddersfield, where the Special Measures Act was used to brutal effect, with Checkers massacring 45 people in the main square, injuring a number reported as anywhere from 100 to 400. Travelling through on his way to Leeds was Fergus O’Connor, a man radicalized by his time visiting Trim and secretive member of the BRB, who witnessed the atrocities at first hand.

’There were men trying to move their wives and children to safer areas, who were rounded up and taken away. I have never such witnessed a sight like it, and on these shores I never wish to see it again.

From the Diary of Fergus O’Connor, March 15 1832

On his arrival in Leeds, he spread the news to his comrades at the Northern Economic and Democratic Society, a secretive cover society based around the White Star Coffee House in Leeds. He then told his father figure and protector as a child, Francis Burdett – who relayed the information to his friends at the Birmingham Economic Society. Burdett told Attwood now that the British Monarchy was acting against its founding principles, and a general political union was the only action capable of forming opposition to the British Congress Government. He immediately sought about contacting the members of five Economic Societies; Leeds, London, Manchester, Birmingham and Sheffield and the remnants of the Press Clubs of the 1820’s, to form the General Progressive Political Union. Officially formed on April 27 1832, its aim was the opposition to the British Congress and the restoration and radical expansion of democracy in the Kingdom. It’s effect was phenomenal.
 
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Chapter Five: The Velvet Period

Even with the growth we have seen, we still live in adverse times and the working classes still are the playthings of their overlords. The Congress may have turned down the heat, but they remain firmly committed to boiling the pot.

Thomas Attwood

After the Huddersfield Massacre of 1832, the British economy contracted by 7.7%, an unprecedented level, due to the heavy restrictions on movement and trade, therefore the British Congress decided to pursue a policy as ‘Velvetisation’ – an attempted method of withdrawing the Upper Middle Class from the new political process developing in the major cities. Although revolutionary furor had yet to reach the countryside, where news and information was slow, the combined 540,000 people of Leeds, Sheffield, Manchester and Birmingham had almost become occupied territories of a foreign land. Checkers, now more of a peacetime police force, patrolled the streets and order had been relatively restored, however resistance to the rule of law was publically and inhumanely punished – public hangings and cases of Gibbeting, the process of leaving criminals to rot on gallows in a deterrent to dissenters were commonplace, to the point where the noose became known as the ‘Bathurst Brace’.

This was caused by the turning point for the Congresses policy of Wellingtonism, which died with Earl Bathurst’s death in 1834. By this time, the General Progressive Political Union, led by Attwood and supported by a loyal band of revolutionaries, moderates, progressives and liberals, had swelled to numbers in the tens of thousands, organising secret meetings and talks to discuss their beliefs. This has led to thousands in the Upper Middle Classes; dissatisfied with taxes that were held at the same level since the War of the Sixth Coalition, increasingly becoming disgruntled with the Congress Government, now led by Baron Denman, policy on the economy. Denman responded to this with a period of economic liberalisation, aimed at rapidly increasing the wealth of the Business Owners who powered the economy. He rapidly accelerated economic reform, which led to Britain’s level of industrialization increasing at an exceptional rate. British people, in the affluent areas of the North, found themselves with more money to spend and more money retained.

Denman sought to effectively buy the middle class, restricting the revolutionary activity to working class individuals, who, devoid of organization centrally, could be crushed. Attwood firmly believed in the two years between the Union’s formation and arrival of Denman, the wheels were in motion for a full-scale overthrow of the government – but timing was important. Now an accepted and loved figure, Attwood’s arrest or execution would only bring civil disorder to the now quiet cities, so Denman and the Congress were absolutely hapless to stop his reputation growing. Burdett also, as a former MP, had special rights of movement that were not restricted by the Protection of the Realm Act. This allowed him to use his Parliamentary Past to conduct independent reports and publish them through the remaining Economic Societies.

Attwood commented in 1834 that although the worst of the repression was over, the moods for change and the plight felt by many across Europe under the dusty relics of the Metternich System would cause a new feeling of Pan-Europeanism, and he soon found various European Radicals such as Giuseppe Mazzini at his offices in Birmingham, discussing his early Republican tendencies. Mazzini left Birmingham, under cover, to Piedmont in the spring after this meeting to attempt a revolution to unify Italy. He left Attwood with a sense that the Monarchy could not be trusted, and that now, he should instruct Britons to build a “free, independent and equal republic”. Mazzini’s influence on Attwood radicalized him and caused him to take a harder line against the British Congress. He now firmly believed a new Republic should replace the Monarchy and William IV should be replaced.

He communicated these ideas to Burdett, who quickly sought to change his mind. “You’re a fool if you believe you can turn the people against their crown, even with the police on the street and the repression we have all faced, they will hang you for this” he remarked. Himself a moderate republican at this point, he simply believed that the popular revolution they wanted would not take place to abolish the Monarchy. Attwood said that the British Congress and the establishment, including the church and the aristocracy, would all have to be swept away with a new system of governance not seen in this country, a popular republic.

These meetings between Burdett and Attwood became subject to an integrated and coherent campaign to collect intelligence against the two men. Remaining papers, distributed cheaply and subsidized by the Government, launched a smear campaign against the two, citing them as French collaborators and seeking only to damage the stable recovery from the recession, they were called ‘a risk to national security’ and a threat to the way of live of the British man. In a guest lecture at the Manchester Economic Forum, Attwood joked to delegates that ‘he would almost be a danger to the air we breathe’. Public support rallied both for the current regime and the GPPU, whose meetings, no longer in secret, could boast crowds of up to 100,000 in northern cities. These were men, and notably women, who had witnessed camps and massacres and after a few years of repression with benefits, were ready to test the cause. The peace in Britain, it seemed, was incredibly close to breaking point.
 
Chapter Six: A Warden's Tale

It is in my best opinion, based on the statistics presented to me, that the Congress of peers and men appointed, not elected, to protect us, have failed to do so and failed the most vulnerable and failed the least vulnerable in equal measure.

Thomas Farrer

When one imagines the fierce debate of Local Government these days, the Independence of the Nations and discussions about the devolution of further power to Cities comes to mind, not fierce debate and startling discoveries that can bring down a whole system of government. The period of Velvetisation had uncovered the need to decentralise power and encompass a volatile middle-class into the political process without extending the suffrage to the lower middle-class. To do this, Earl Bathurst proposed a redivision of the country into 80 administrative districts, each with its own consultive council known as a Bureau, run by 10-150 volunteers known as Wardens, co-opted by a mix of business owners and land-owners and approved by Government.

These Bureaus would gain consultative powers over infrastructure, health, and small control over schooling. They were afforded access to statistics and allowed to present reports to Government for changes to be made. They were not legislative, but they were allotted a significant influence on local spending. They were designed to be a distraction for those who wished to participate in the political process and a vehicle for the mobility of young middle-class men who were talented enough to progress into Government and Civil Service positions.

The Local Government Act of 1839, which brought these institutions into being, was passed with a majority of 123 in the Commons. Bathurst began the process of implementing these reforms by dissolving local councils, which had remained with their same aldermen and councillors since 1821, and replaced them with the Bureaus from New Years Day 1841. These offices were filled, mainly by a mixture of exceptional graduates and middle-class professionals. In London, one such graduate was a 21 year old Balliol College graduate, Thomas Farrer, was co-opted to be a Warden for the Bethnal Green area. While completing a simple report on sanitation in the area, he discovered the dire conditions that the industrial working class faced in London.

In my area of Bethnal Green, house-building had become almost a disease. 11,983 houses were in the district in my first year of research in 1840, by this year that has risen to 12,375 in the same Bureau district. 'Housing' was a term that was loosely given to any habitation in the area.

The first couple I found, were dwelling, themselves and two children, in a garden outhouse. The father worked as a silkweaver, the common trade in the Green, but this had been an industry in decline and the word in the factory was a large recipient of funds from the British Congress, it was owned by an MP and local magnate, John Rawlinson Harris. He had cut the wage by half, and consequently, the couple in question had sent two children to live with relatives outside the city. The Children, 10 and 12, had found themselves scavenging for iron, pieces of cloth and stone to sell, round Victoria Park Square. It is thoroughly depressing to see subjects in such abject conditions.


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Bethnal Green, 1841

He proposed a common bath-house for the people of the district, writing a letter to the local borough corporation, with his findings. A bath-house, he said, would "lift these people up somewhat from depression to mere despair". He was convinced that the work of the British Congress was built upon the crushing sweat of the labourer and the working-class, and they were the only ones who, up to this point, had nothing to show for it. Disillusioned and downhearted, his findings were crushed and his recommendations were rejected. He was reassigned to the more affluent neighbourhood in the City and quietly informed he would not be working on the poor again.

Up and down the country, many lawyers, doctors, sons of mill owners and well connected men were conducting similar studies. Some on roads, some of public health, but all uncovering the horrifying nature of life in the cities they lived in. As Fortunatus Dwarris, a lawyer and Warden for the Manchester area in Hulme, found his works on bone disease in children in his area suppressed, a similar fate was being felt across the Wardens of the country. In response, Thomas Farrer contacted his fellow Wardens across London, and sent a letter to Mr Attwood, to invite him to speak at his new organisation's conference in Manchester - the Association of Statisticians, Researchers and Wardens, the ASRW.

One morning, a few months after publication, Farrer found two Checkers stood at his door. The 21 year old, in his first year of work in the London Bureau, reactively reached for his papers identifying him as a Government Official.

"Can I help you sirs?" he said, clutching his collections of letters and notes, signed by the Chief Officer of the Bureau.
"Yes, Mr Farrer, could we speak please, for a moment?" one of the men said.

The men then sat him down and he offered them a cup of tea. He expected the tea to be served, and for most of his work to be discredited and him never to be seen again. That had happened to several of his fellows in college, and was an unspoken truth. He knew many men who had been sent to Trim and Old Sarum, and his colleague was a witness to the Huddersfield Massacre. He expected his name to be a small part of a large list of men and women who simply weren't around anymore. The questions they asked, was therefore strange.

"Are you aware of the General Progressive Political Union and it's Brothers in the British Republican Brotherhood?" the tall, large man enquired.
"I have heard of their acts, yes." He replied.
"Have you heard of a Mr Thomas Attwood?" he said.
"Of course I have, I have read several of his books" Farrer replied
"Well, would you like to meet him?" The man said.

As it turned out, the men were not from the Ministry for State Security at all, but instead, agents of the GPPU who were bringing a message to Mr Farrer, which was the most important message in the political landscape of the revolution brewing, whether Mr Farrer would lead the GPPU in the Capital.
 
Wouldn't commonwealth have some unsavory connotations?

Then again considering the spirit of the revolution thus far that might be what they want, but it could shatter the nation back into its composite parts.

The Feeling was that in 1848 in the TL, there was a feeling of separation between the idea of British Nationalism (and as to be explained in the next update, British Nationalism is prevalent in the revolution, as well as that of English, Irish, Scottish and Welsh Nationalism) and British Monarchy, so the following attempts to remove the Monarchy, it was more felt that the new Republic was a follow on from a revival in celebration of Ancient Britain.
 
Updated Chapter - 2015 Election;

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Union of British Republics Election: Across the Country

Key Points

  • Elections to the General Assembly, General Council taking place across the Union
  • National & Progressive Alliance seat numbers halves as voters punish centre-right parties across the country after the Britbank scandal, where more than £3.5bn of mortgage bonds were rated as valueless after AAA certification.
  • "We may lose our Secretariat seat" says John Clancy as defections of Centre and Agrarian Parties to the Greens see Liberals lose 32 seats.
  • "Our Alliance is dead" says Wollaston as Devon Chartists prepare to join Greens.
  • After humiliating losses, Nationals & Progressives only expect Liam Fox to hold his seat as Secretary of Defence
  • United Left hails incredible gains with "more to come" as Labour romps home in Scotland
  • Lansman rallies for second Secretariat Seat for far-left.
  • Greens hail success of new alliances as it doubles it's seat tally to 60
  • Bearder set to become first female Secretary of the Foreign Office, while Sian Berry set to become Secretary of Trade & Labour.
  • Social Democrats become largest party but see sluggish growth and losses in Scotland as the Christian Socialists come in second behind the Labour Party
General Assembly - Seat Summary

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2004
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2009
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2014
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General Council - Seat Summary - 23 of 46 Up
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Political Groups

United Left

President: Jon Lansman, MLA London South-East
Executive Council Members:
Jeremy Corbyn (Mayor of the Free City of London - Workers Party)
Nicola Sturgeon (President of the Scottish Republic - Labour Party)
Joe Anderson (President of the People's Republic of Lancashire - Labour Party)
Mark Drakeford (President of the Republic of Wales - Labour Party)

Resurgent bloc of far-left parties, led by the wily organiser Lansman, they include candidates reaching out with a populist message across the Republics and are growing out of the Red heartlands of London, Lancashire and Wales and picking up votes in poorer areas across the Union.

Prominent Parties: London Workers Party, Scottish Labour Party, Lancashire Labour Party, Labour Party of the Coastal Guild


Social Democrats

President: Ed Miliband, MLA West Yorkshire South
Executive Council Members:
Michael D Higgins - Riarthóir of the Republic of Ireland - Citizens
Hillary Benn - President of the Republic of Yorkshire - Yorkshire Co-operative Party
Jean-Yves Le Drian - President of the Republic of Brittany - Social Democrats

Centre-left bloc dominated in "Big Five" states. Mainly moderate Social Democratic parties, with a few Centrists. Governed stably in Ireland (15 years), Britanny (13 Years) and Yorkshire (9 Years) through appealing to growing middle class intelligentsia and workers alike.


Prominent Parties: Citizens (Ireland), Christian Socialists (Scotland), Yorkshire Co-operative Party, Breton Social Democrats

Greens & Centre Alliance

President: Sian Berry, MLA Portsmouth
Executive Council Members:
Sue Mallinder - Mayor of Leicester - Presidium of North Mercia - Green Alliance (c)
Will Patterson - Mayor of Manchester - Manchester Green Party

Caroline Lucas - President of the Severn Republics - Wessex Green Party
Julian Huppert - President of Essex - Presidium of the Southern States - Centre Party (b)
Rachel Johnson - President of West Sussex - Presidium of the Southern States - Centre Party

Meyrem Almaci - Mayor of the Free City of Antwerp - Groen-Links
Amelia Womack - President of the Republic of Outer Mercia - Outer Mercian Centre Party

(c) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their six-year terms
(b) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their four-year terms


Coalition of Green Parties, supported by the mass defection of Parties from the Centre Movement eight-months prior to the election. Voters liked the pro-business practical solutions offered by the Centre Parties, and environmental and agrarian stance and the Alliance won a string of State Elections leading up to the vote.


Prominent Parties: Wessex Green Party, Severn Green Party, Scottish Ecology Party, Southern Centre Party, Outer Mercia Centre Party, Groen!

Liberal Alliance

President: Vacant
Executive Council Members:
John Clancy - Mayor of Birmingham - National Liberal Party
Sarah Wollaston - President of Devon - Devon Chartists


Shaky Centre-Right Alliance held together in the Secretariat since 2010, when harsh budgetary cuts to the Secretariat were proposed by the Mayor of Birmingham, John Clancy tore the coalition apart. A bad result, and the Chartists are expected to join the queue to leave and find coalition elsewhere.

Prominent Parties: London Liberal Party, Scottish Liberal Party, Alliance for East Anglia, Wessex Chartist Party, Devon Chartist Party, Birmingham National Liberal Party

Democrats

President: George Osborne, MLA for City of London
Executive Council Members:
Emma McClerkin - Mayor of Peterborough, North Mercia - United Mercia Party (c) *
Bill Newton Dunn - Mayor of Nottingham, North Mercia - United Mercia Party (c)
David Nolan - President of the Coastal States - Civic Democrats
Christine Slimm - President of South Mercia - Moderate Party
Dan Rogerson - Pennsevik of Cornwall - Democrats
*McClerkin is the sitting member of the Executive Council for 2014-2015
(c) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their six-year terms
(c) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their four-year terms

Euphoric Alliance of Pro-Business Liberals, winning back control of traditional Democrat strongholds of the Coastal States and the North Mercian Presidium in recent elections. Proposes a tax cap across the Union and reform to include a permanent President of the Executive Council, with rotating Vice Presidents.


Prominent Parties: United Mercia Party, Coastal Civic Democrats, South Mercian Moderate Party, Sinn Fein, Cornish Democrats


National & Progressive Alliance

President: Liam Fox, MLA for Kilbride
Executive Council Members:
Oliver Letwin - President of East Anglia - National Party
Boris Johnson - President of East Sussex - Presidium of the Southern States - National Party (b)
Andrew Lewer - Mayor of Derby - Presidium of North Mercia (c) - Liberal People's Party
Rory Stewart - Republic of West Northumbria - National Party (a)
(c) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their six-year terms

(b) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their four-year terms
(a) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their three-year terms

Main Centre-Right Alliance of Conservative and Statists that held the holding stake in the General Assembly in each of the last two elections. Traditionally strong in the Free Cities, the alliance dominated proceedings in the Secretariat, but was blamed for non intervention in the Britbank scandal. Talks of defections are rampant.


Prominent Parties: North Mercian Liberal People's Party, Birmingham Progressive Union, Lancashire National Coalition Party, Breton Republicans

British People's Party - Christian Democratic Alliance

President: Christine West, MLA for Manchester
Executive Council Members:
Tim Farron - President of the Cumbric Republic - Cumbric People's Party (a) *
John Stevenson - Mayor of the Free City of West Durham - Cumbric People's Party

Theresa May - President of Kent - Presidium of the Southern States - Christian Democrats (b) *
Margot Parker - Mayor of Lincoln - Presidium of North Mercia - Christian Democrats (c)

* May is the sitting Executive Council Member for 2014-15
* Farron is the sitting Executive Council Member for 2014-15
(a) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their three-year terms
(b) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their four-year terms
(c) Presidiums rotate their Executive Council seats throughout their six-year terms

Steered to an increasingly right-wing agenda under Christine West, the People's Party is a coalition of the main Christian Democratic and "People's Parties" that represent traditional groups within the Union, i.e Gaelic Speakers in Ireland, Cumbric Parties, Cornish, Scotts Gaelic and Welsh Parties.


Prominent Parties: Cumbric People's Party, Southern Christian Democrats, North Mercia Christian Democrats, Welsh People's Party, Gaelic People's Party

Independents

President: N/A
Executive Council Members:
Herve Morin - President of the Republic of Normandy - Centrists
Jack Lopresti - President of North Wessex - Action Party
Howard Quayle - President of the Manx Republic - Independent


Includes a few potential coalition partners, with the continental Centrists Parties courted by the Green Alliance and Democrats and the National & Progressives looking to rebuild with the Law and Justice and Freedom Party, should Progressives try and leave.


Prominent Parties: Breton Centrists, Normandy Centrists, North Wessex Action Party, Independent Alliance (Manx), Coastal States Law and Justice Party, Welsh Freedom Party
 
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Chapter Seven: A Dire Time for an Empire

In the end, the British Congress achieved exactly what it wanted to achieve, I think. What occurred was a form of social pressure building, combined with a slow deconstruction of the means to control them in the name of 'making peace'. Bathurst built the arena, caged the Gladiators and set them at each other at their most volatile. Then, he watched the results.

Charles Grey, 1842

On January 18th, 1839, Earl Bathurst announced a project of relocating political prisoners to Canada in an effort to reduce pressure on the Prison System, in part forced by a Newspaper article in the Daily Record highlighting the overcrowding and poor conditions. Passed without much more than a few column inches, the first boat sailed within two weeks of the announcement. They were settled in Newfoundland and the Yukon, and they often brought disease and putrid conditions with them on the boat as well as stories from Britain and new ideology unfamiliar to the very loyal Canadians.

One of these men was John Thadeus Delane, a Liberal leaning journalist who was convicted of 'Public Order' offences and causing 'unnecessary hysteria' through his publication of an opinion piece criticising the British Congress decision to allow the construction of a new mill in Hammersmith. He was appointed Mayor of St Johns in 1841 and he set about informally reversing a lot of measures that had spread across the British Empire, and was represented in Canada by the Family Compact government - an oligarchy that had survived a coup two years previous. He introduced town meetings, a network of direct democracy and he published all his findings and his bureaus findings to the public. His did this under the campaign of 'The Programme of Responsible Government'.

His campaign wasn't without its critics, in Toronto, he was viewed with suspicion and movements to remove him were taken numerous times throughout 1843. Delane built new schools and bathhouses. He proposed a series of laws in which factory owners and local investors would be compelled to build new housing for their workers. When Mayors were appointed across Newfoundland under the same programme, a decisive step was needed. On the 5th March 1845, the British Army was sent to Newfoundland to restore order and end the political spring that had begun in the public. When the Army reached St Johns, Delane used a militia of local men to fight-back. As they attempted to enter the town, he declared 'The Republic of Newfoundland' and sparked a rising across the Island. From this moment, a six month long siege and guerrilla battle was launched. The residents of the island protected St Johns with modern, agile battle techniques and with ambush techniques aimed at eliminating the threat from the streets. On 9th October 1845, Army Units finally reached St Johns, as residents and militias sneaking Delane and some of his government into the United States.

In Britain, the reaction to the six months long massacre of Canadian and British citizens in Empire territory over the mantra of 'Responsible Government' was of anger and fear, worsened by the attacks on known Republican neighbourhoods in the winter of 1845 by soldiers returning from duty in Canada. The country was more divided than ever, with nightly riots and street battles taking over many of the streets of London as many assumed that the Government had lost control. Former army units turned militia, known as the National Front, collaborated across the country to disrupt Republican meetings and attack their leaders, as well as destroy non-conformist and Catholic meeting houses. As this happened, Republican leaders sought to protect themselves in tandem, so formed themselves the Popular Front. On December 13th 1845, 8 men were shot outside a coffee house in Bow, having given a speech earlier in the day at the conference of the GPPU.

The Army had now been called in to patrol the streets and retain order, but unwilling to fire upon former troops, they concluded a policy of 'constructive peace', which ordered them to compromise by eliminating Republicans as quickly as possible in order to 'prevent civilian casualties'. Bathurst called upon both sides to 'restrain themselves' but appeared weak, ultimately incorporating the National Front, in negotiations with its leaders into the existing structures of the British Government. Its leaders were brought into Parliament at the joy of members such as Charles Gordon-Lennox, who said in the Parliament that the National Front were the 'true patriots' who 'defended the values of the crown against revolutionaries', Gordon-Lennox was rewarded with a promotion to Home Secretary.

In Ireland, a small rebellion in Dublin was launched through the city on Christmas Eve 1846, as rebels stole control of the town hall and most of the city centre. They compounded their gains with a declaration of independence, inspired by the acts of Delane, an "Irish Republic of Responsible Government", a consultative and inclusive method of Government that would feature a joint committee of Riarthóira, or Leaders, who would listen to an elective Assembly, the Dail. After raising a small militia, the rebellion grew in size due to the democratic nature of it, and soon controlled most of Dublin. As its control moved into most of the East of the country, the British Army called in the National Front to expand the numbers of it's ranks. After Torture, Siege and modern attacks on entry points and food supplies, the British Flag had been poisoned as many reports of the horrors faced by the new Republic by the hands of the Front-men. As Checkers were pulled off the streets in July 1847 to conduct raids in the rest of Ireland, the peace-time police force that ensured at least law and order on the streets was removed.

A few weeks into the conflict, Thomas Attwood was smuggled into Dublin and witnesses an excellent sight. Blue and Starred Flags draped over many buildings, and communal decision making penetrating all parts of daily life. He went to city hall, where a Transport Committee were discussing the need to repair the limited pathways with a dedicated line to the fronts and throughout the town. Next door, a Economic and Social Committee discussed the need to reorganise and distribute food production during the war effort and as he commented afterwards 'every man was your equal in Governance'. He was also impressed by the Riarthóira, a council of 8 men who were elected to oversee the effort with joint responsibility. Giving a speech outside the Town Hall where the rebellion began, he spoke in what would from then on be known as the 'Dublin Rally' speech in December 1847;

I see here, that in the face of Britain and it's Congress, you have said no. You have removed the need to be loyal to a nation or to your queen or king and stated you need to remain loyal to yourselves and your brothers. This is the future of our nation, not to say I believe in a picture, or a man who has simply been my leader forever so I must not question it.

In this future, you, my brothers and sisters, will be remembered in high regard. We shall take this to the people and we shall prevail. You are the flag-bearers for our way of life, the one that we must win across the shore. But we must, to defeat the regime for once and for all, work together across this island, the next and the next. We are all people, no matter our background, and we have earned our right to change.
 
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