I never really understood why. It isn't like the Frank's or Visigoths are so powerful it becomes a impossibility.
Also you could have a reunion inbetween East and West and have that as a launch pad to reconquering Gaul and Iberia.
From Exile to Triumph: a Western Roman Timeline
- Thread starter Flavius Iulius Nepos
- Start date
Also you could have a reunion inbetween East and West and have that as a launch pad to reconquering Gaul and Iberia.
Oof perhaps then a roman successor state in Hispania that revolts away from the visigoths
If Justinian was able to butcher the reconquest of the West why not the actual Western Roman Empire. Besides it’s far more interesting to keep around a couple of barbarian kingdoms to deal with rather than having the empire just annex everything on its path. Should I ever decide to continue this timeline with a second part, then I’ll need worthy opponents around the empire.
Sure we can have a reunification of the two halves of the empire, I think I hinted that in the past, but we’ll need the right circumstances. We can’t just have the East/West military reconquer the West/East and expect it to be it to be ready for another set of wars. But with the right circumstance we could have it happen peacefully. However by that point the East could already be embroiled with other problems of its own.
Not quite. But we will deal with it in time.
I really do hope we will have a second part of the timeline.
It’s up in the air. I would like to, but this second part would be even longer than the first one, meaning it would be an even longer commitment. With the additional risk that this second part may not bring anything new after the first years/update. Essentially it would be the crisis of the third century all over again, and while fun in the beginning it may also run out of ideas pretty quickly. I’ll take my time and think about it. Besides I was also considering the possibility of starting an entirely new timeline after this one, settled in the first half of the V century.
I totally understand you. In any case, I will be watching either. I have really enjoyed reading this timeline, and learned a lot. Thank you for creating this.
Whatever you decide to do i support you, love reading this timeline, and would enjoy reading probably more timelined made by u
Thank you both! I’m glad you are enjoying the story.
Priscus Attalus, Honorius, Athaulf and Alaric would be the main characters for the first generation, with Constantine III and others playing a secondary role. So yes a Western Roman timeline again albeit shorter (no more than 50/60 years). That is if I ever decide to develop it further.
Probably just only one more and that’s it. I don’t really see likely to write a third or fourth timeline about the same age.
This possible v century timeline would it be including Majorian as he was kinda a major character at the taleend of that 50 to 60 years?
I know i had a tl with majorian goijg but i stopped that one for a bit.
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Not sure yet since I only have a rough outline of the story, but almost certainly no.
Chapter LIII: Back to the East
Chapter LIII
Empire of the East
With the deposition of Iustinianus in 532, 14 years of interlude had come to an end and the Anastasian had been restored to the throne. Their position, however, was not an enviable one with their empire plagued by religious conflicts. Constantinople itself didn’t approve the creed of the new emperor and only the greater evil represented by Iustinianus’s “tyranny” was enough to move the hearts of the people of the capital towards the heretical Anastasians. Far from the “Queen of cities” the new emperor enjoyed much greater popularity, especially among the people of the Diocese of Oriens. Unfortunately religious questions were not the only heated arguments keeping busy the mind of the emperor and his supporters. His Gothic policy was equally unpopular amongst the people, several buildings and districts of the city required extensive works of restoration after the damages dealt by the Nika riot, Antiochia itself was in an even worse condition after an earthquake had unleashed its wrath on the most noble city of Asia, but most of all Hypatius needed to secure its grip on throne.
Luckily for him he could count on the advice and support of those who had everything to lose should he fall. The West, despite religious differences, warmly welcomed his rise to the throne and the subsequent wars against the Vandals and the Goths were enough to keep Marcianus’s attention away from the East. The aristocracy of the Eastern empire was definitely on board with the new ruler, a man whose blood was deemed noble enough by the oldest and richest families of the city. Two men in particular were instrumental in securing the success of the riot and the subsequent strengthening of his rule: Olybrius Iunior and Procopius. As a member of the Theodosian dynasty, his cousin’s husband and a brother of the Western empress Eudoxia, Olybrius represented the vital blood link between Rome and Constantinople. Not only that but he was also a decent administrator (both for the emperor and for the people) loyal to the new emperor despite his own claim to the throne, all reasons behind his appointment as Praefectus Praetorio for Illyricum. Here he worked towards securing the frontiers of his territory, fortifying the main urban settlements and ensuring that the key cities of Illyricum had enough resources to withstand brief blockades and sieges. Later on he actively worked with the recalled Sittas, Chilbudius and Mundus in an effort to secure a quick end for the Gothic war. As a consequences of this war many Gothic prisoners were resettled by Olybrius in previously depopulated areas of the Balkans though many others would start a new life in different provinces of the empire. Not less important was his effort to uproot any remaining internal opposition to the new regime. A last achievement of the Praefectus was the slight increase of revenues from the Balkans, without further increasing the fiscal pressure on the locals (something that brought Iustinianus’s reign to an end), mainly by fighting corruption, cases of privileges and exemptions.
Different was the help that came from Procopius. One of the wealthiest and most influential men of the East, his presence at the imperial court dated to the beginning of the VI century. Here he witnessed the reign of Anastasius and the rise of Iustinus before engineering the fall of his nephew and his own return to the power. As a reward for his part in the Nika riot he was reappointed Quaestor Sacri Palatii, thus confirming his position as one of the most powerful men of the palace. His new role allowed him to act on behalf of the new emperor to ensure his own political survival and of course that of Emperor Hypatius. Given his skills in the field of laws, civil administration and diplomacy he obviously represented Hypatius’s best chance to ensure his relations with the senatorial aristocracy remained as optimal as possible. Way more popular than his predecessor Tribonianus, who was considered by many an upstart without the right to be in his position, Procopius still had to continue Tribonianus’s work, the reorganization of the Roman law. By 532 most of the work had been completed with the "Codex Iustinianeus" [1] representing the fruit of that hard and long process. A true masterpiece of Roman legislation and an example of the empire’s ability to carefully regulate every minute aspect of the life of its inhabitants, the Codex was deemed worthy enough to survive the fall to disgrace of his patron. Flavius Procopius only took the liberty to revise it, especially those laws originating from Iustinianus’s personal legislation. The abrogation of some of the most recent and unpopular pieces of legislation, including Iustinus’s law about the possibility for members of the Senate and the Imperial family to marry people way below them, earned the new regime the gratitude of those most opposed to Iustinianus’s controversial policies. Further minor changes were introduced in a second edition of the Codex, now renamed "Codex Hypatianus", in 537. The most important change was the complete reorganization of the arguments discussed in the Codex, with related topics now grouped together instead of being scattered all around the Codex.
However not everything was destined to proceed as intended by these men of power. The first setback came at the hand of the Thracian Goths, when emperor Hypatius tried to replace their leader Athalaric with his own puppet. Failure in that regard and the beginning of a new war in Europe brought to the fall in influence of those who had championed that options, among them Ildibadus and Procopius himself. But while Ildibadus quickly disappeared from history after his failed attempt to win the Gothic kingship, the cunning Procopius once again bounced back more powerful and influential than ever. By proposing and securing a marriage in 535 between his own daughter Constantina and Hypatius’s son Pompeius, Procopius not only recovered from the shame and failure of the previous year but also acquired further political weight and credentials, as he now was a Western prince and the father-in-law of the Eastern Caesar. This was not Pompeius’s first marriage, as the heir of the Eastern throne had already been married once to the daughter of a well-known Eastern Senator. However this marriage had been fruitless till his wife’s premature death and now Hypatius was in need to secure an heir for his son. The choice of Constantina as future empress of the East seemed an obvious one, a stronger alliance with the West and her father’s wealth that would one day be inherited by her and her twin brother Anastasius were good enough reasons for accepting Procopius’s proposal. Her Gothic royal blood was also considered an useful tool in securing the loyalty of the Goths inside the empire, whose rebellion against Hypatius would come to an end at the beginning of the new decade followed by the usual display of the booty and prisoners, including Theodoricus’s himself. The fact that a gap of almost 12 years existed between Constantina and Pompeius and that the latter was rumored to have a lover were not considered an obstacle for this political marriage.
Last but not least among Hypatius’s concerns was the reconstruction of Antiochia and Constantinople. The former was the city most severely struck by the disaster and the one that required an helping hand most desperately in order to recover. For this task Hypatius would choose his own brother, also called Pompeius, to supervise the reconstruction of the city and its repopulation. Officially Pompeius would be sent there as Magister Militum per Orientem, to ensure the loyalty of the Eastern armies and the safety of the frontiers now that the war with Persia was over. However he would be granted a far greater number of responsibilities in the East, so as to make the authority of the emperor felt even in the most remote province of the Empire of the Romans, among them the reconstruction of the empire third largest city. Hypatius on his part would personally oversee the same process taking place in the capital, though most of the work would be done by Praefectus Urbi Origenes. The events of Nika had left a tremendous scar on the city with many building left in ruins and a great number of victims, both rioters and simple unwilling witnesses of the event. Though Hypatius’s policy was geared towards filling the coffers of the state and avoiding the crazy and extravagant expenses that had characterized his predecessor’s reign, no single coin or drop of energy would be spared to heal the city’s wound. One project in particular would captivate the emperor’s mind. In the past years, during the reign of Iustinus, the houses of Theodosius and Iustinus had competed against each other through the means offered by the patronage of arts, to earn the approval and love of the people of the City. Anicia Iuliana greatest gift to the people was the church of Saint Polyeuktos while Iustinianus and Theodora, not yet emperor and empress, had sponsored the construction of the church dedicated to Saint Sergius and Saint Bacchus. It would appear that amongst Iustinianus’s first projects after ascending to the throne there was the construction of what was supposed to be the greatest church of Christendom. Hypatius would ensure that all churches damaged in the riot would be restored to their original condition however there was one church, not damaged by the rioters, that would get a special treatment: Constantine’s pride, the Church of the Holy Apostles. Though the church was in no need of any restoration work, Hypatius knew that by linking himself to his great predecessor he would ensure a lasting legacy for himself and his dynasty. And thus the work for the reconstruction of the greatest Church of Constantinople started. Only time would tell whether or not the old emperor would be able to witness its inauguration.
The emperor was not a man from the army so it was only natural for him to aim to earn the support of the urban elites and the imperial administration and entrust them with the most important tasks. The imperial family itself was supposed to play a key role under the new regime, not too differently than what was happening in the West. But while the Nepotians had come from the army and ruled through it, the Anastasians were chiefly a dynasty of administrators more in touch with the elites than the soldiers. Whether or not Anastasius’s dynasty was meant to survive the test of time was up in the air.
Notes
[1] The Codex was only the first of four parts that composed what we know as “Corpus Iuris Civilis”. These four parts however were not exactly meant to be a single work, especially the last part, a collection of later laws. However with Iustinianus’s deposition in 532 we are going to have now only the first part (the Codex) and maybe later on the second part (the opinion and writings of Jurists of the past).
As you can see this update was just a recap of the situation of the East. Nothing exceptionally new was added here but I thought that bringing all scattered pieces of information about the East together in a single update would be useful before starting to explore the new decade. And while I was on it I decided to fill the gaps with new small stories and the background of certain characters. Next time we will probably deal with the plague, the V ecumenical council, the evangelization of Anatolia and maybe the academy before going back to the West. But before all that let me know if there is something more I forgot to write about, especially something already promised in the past.
Oh and of course happy new year to everyone!
Empire of the East
With the deposition of Iustinianus in 532, 14 years of interlude had come to an end and the Anastasian had been restored to the throne. Their position, however, was not an enviable one with their empire plagued by religious conflicts. Constantinople itself didn’t approve the creed of the new emperor and only the greater evil represented by Iustinianus’s “tyranny” was enough to move the hearts of the people of the capital towards the heretical Anastasians. Far from the “Queen of cities” the new emperor enjoyed much greater popularity, especially among the people of the Diocese of Oriens. Unfortunately religious questions were not the only heated arguments keeping busy the mind of the emperor and his supporters. His Gothic policy was equally unpopular amongst the people, several buildings and districts of the city required extensive works of restoration after the damages dealt by the Nika riot, Antiochia itself was in an even worse condition after an earthquake had unleashed its wrath on the most noble city of Asia, but most of all Hypatius needed to secure its grip on throne.
Luckily for him he could count on the advice and support of those who had everything to lose should he fall. The West, despite religious differences, warmly welcomed his rise to the throne and the subsequent wars against the Vandals and the Goths were enough to keep Marcianus’s attention away from the East. The aristocracy of the Eastern empire was definitely on board with the new ruler, a man whose blood was deemed noble enough by the oldest and richest families of the city. Two men in particular were instrumental in securing the success of the riot and the subsequent strengthening of his rule: Olybrius Iunior and Procopius. As a member of the Theodosian dynasty, his cousin’s husband and a brother of the Western empress Eudoxia, Olybrius represented the vital blood link between Rome and Constantinople. Not only that but he was also a decent administrator (both for the emperor and for the people) loyal to the new emperor despite his own claim to the throne, all reasons behind his appointment as Praefectus Praetorio for Illyricum. Here he worked towards securing the frontiers of his territory, fortifying the main urban settlements and ensuring that the key cities of Illyricum had enough resources to withstand brief blockades and sieges. Later on he actively worked with the recalled Sittas, Chilbudius and Mundus in an effort to secure a quick end for the Gothic war. As a consequences of this war many Gothic prisoners were resettled by Olybrius in previously depopulated areas of the Balkans though many others would start a new life in different provinces of the empire. Not less important was his effort to uproot any remaining internal opposition to the new regime. A last achievement of the Praefectus was the slight increase of revenues from the Balkans, without further increasing the fiscal pressure on the locals (something that brought Iustinianus’s reign to an end), mainly by fighting corruption, cases of privileges and exemptions.
Different was the help that came from Procopius. One of the wealthiest and most influential men of the East, his presence at the imperial court dated to the beginning of the VI century. Here he witnessed the reign of Anastasius and the rise of Iustinus before engineering the fall of his nephew and his own return to the power. As a reward for his part in the Nika riot he was reappointed Quaestor Sacri Palatii, thus confirming his position as one of the most powerful men of the palace. His new role allowed him to act on behalf of the new emperor to ensure his own political survival and of course that of Emperor Hypatius. Given his skills in the field of laws, civil administration and diplomacy he obviously represented Hypatius’s best chance to ensure his relations with the senatorial aristocracy remained as optimal as possible. Way more popular than his predecessor Tribonianus, who was considered by many an upstart without the right to be in his position, Procopius still had to continue Tribonianus’s work, the reorganization of the Roman law. By 532 most of the work had been completed with the "Codex Iustinianeus" [1] representing the fruit of that hard and long process. A true masterpiece of Roman legislation and an example of the empire’s ability to carefully regulate every minute aspect of the life of its inhabitants, the Codex was deemed worthy enough to survive the fall to disgrace of his patron. Flavius Procopius only took the liberty to revise it, especially those laws originating from Iustinianus’s personal legislation. The abrogation of some of the most recent and unpopular pieces of legislation, including Iustinus’s law about the possibility for members of the Senate and the Imperial family to marry people way below them, earned the new regime the gratitude of those most opposed to Iustinianus’s controversial policies. Further minor changes were introduced in a second edition of the Codex, now renamed "Codex Hypatianus", in 537. The most important change was the complete reorganization of the arguments discussed in the Codex, with related topics now grouped together instead of being scattered all around the Codex.
However not everything was destined to proceed as intended by these men of power. The first setback came at the hand of the Thracian Goths, when emperor Hypatius tried to replace their leader Athalaric with his own puppet. Failure in that regard and the beginning of a new war in Europe brought to the fall in influence of those who had championed that options, among them Ildibadus and Procopius himself. But while Ildibadus quickly disappeared from history after his failed attempt to win the Gothic kingship, the cunning Procopius once again bounced back more powerful and influential than ever. By proposing and securing a marriage in 535 between his own daughter Constantina and Hypatius’s son Pompeius, Procopius not only recovered from the shame and failure of the previous year but also acquired further political weight and credentials, as he now was a Western prince and the father-in-law of the Eastern Caesar. This was not Pompeius’s first marriage, as the heir of the Eastern throne had already been married once to the daughter of a well-known Eastern Senator. However this marriage had been fruitless till his wife’s premature death and now Hypatius was in need to secure an heir for his son. The choice of Constantina as future empress of the East seemed an obvious one, a stronger alliance with the West and her father’s wealth that would one day be inherited by her and her twin brother Anastasius were good enough reasons for accepting Procopius’s proposal. Her Gothic royal blood was also considered an useful tool in securing the loyalty of the Goths inside the empire, whose rebellion against Hypatius would come to an end at the beginning of the new decade followed by the usual display of the booty and prisoners, including Theodoricus’s himself. The fact that a gap of almost 12 years existed between Constantina and Pompeius and that the latter was rumored to have a lover were not considered an obstacle for this political marriage.
Last but not least among Hypatius’s concerns was the reconstruction of Antiochia and Constantinople. The former was the city most severely struck by the disaster and the one that required an helping hand most desperately in order to recover. For this task Hypatius would choose his own brother, also called Pompeius, to supervise the reconstruction of the city and its repopulation. Officially Pompeius would be sent there as Magister Militum per Orientem, to ensure the loyalty of the Eastern armies and the safety of the frontiers now that the war with Persia was over. However he would be granted a far greater number of responsibilities in the East, so as to make the authority of the emperor felt even in the most remote province of the Empire of the Romans, among them the reconstruction of the empire third largest city. Hypatius on his part would personally oversee the same process taking place in the capital, though most of the work would be done by Praefectus Urbi Origenes. The events of Nika had left a tremendous scar on the city with many building left in ruins and a great number of victims, both rioters and simple unwilling witnesses of the event. Though Hypatius’s policy was geared towards filling the coffers of the state and avoiding the crazy and extravagant expenses that had characterized his predecessor’s reign, no single coin or drop of energy would be spared to heal the city’s wound. One project in particular would captivate the emperor’s mind. In the past years, during the reign of Iustinus, the houses of Theodosius and Iustinus had competed against each other through the means offered by the patronage of arts, to earn the approval and love of the people of the City. Anicia Iuliana greatest gift to the people was the church of Saint Polyeuktos while Iustinianus and Theodora, not yet emperor and empress, had sponsored the construction of the church dedicated to Saint Sergius and Saint Bacchus. It would appear that amongst Iustinianus’s first projects after ascending to the throne there was the construction of what was supposed to be the greatest church of Christendom. Hypatius would ensure that all churches damaged in the riot would be restored to their original condition however there was one church, not damaged by the rioters, that would get a special treatment: Constantine’s pride, the Church of the Holy Apostles. Though the church was in no need of any restoration work, Hypatius knew that by linking himself to his great predecessor he would ensure a lasting legacy for himself and his dynasty. And thus the work for the reconstruction of the greatest Church of Constantinople started. Only time would tell whether or not the old emperor would be able to witness its inauguration.
The emperor was not a man from the army so it was only natural for him to aim to earn the support of the urban elites and the imperial administration and entrust them with the most important tasks. The imperial family itself was supposed to play a key role under the new regime, not too differently than what was happening in the West. But while the Nepotians had come from the army and ruled through it, the Anastasians were chiefly a dynasty of administrators more in touch with the elites than the soldiers. Whether or not Anastasius’s dynasty was meant to survive the test of time was up in the air.
Notes
[1] The Codex was only the first of four parts that composed what we know as “Corpus Iuris Civilis”. These four parts however were not exactly meant to be a single work, especially the last part, a collection of later laws. However with Iustinianus’s deposition in 532 we are going to have now only the first part (the Codex) and maybe later on the second part (the opinion and writings of Jurists of the past).
As you can see this update was just a recap of the situation of the East. Nothing exceptionally new was added here but I thought that bringing all scattered pieces of information about the East together in a single update would be useful before starting to explore the new decade. And while I was on it I decided to fill the gaps with new small stories and the background of certain characters. Next time we will probably deal with the plague, the V ecumenical council, the evangelization of Anatolia and maybe the academy before going back to the West. But before all that let me know if there is something more I forgot to write about, especially something already promised in the past.
Oh and of course happy new year to everyone!
Awesome chapter even if it was a recap it was prutty good and was a prudent decision. Also inside joke here lol. Twas a few minutes more than 5 lmao jkjk good job cant wait for the story to continue
Thank you. Yep you're right that was more than 5 minutes but I wanted to add some good images instead of leaving it blank and fix some of the most glaring mistakes.
Hopefully that was enough for the East but I may have to do something similar for Gaul and Hispania since the last update about them was almost one year ago.
The current border between West and East, now that both empires have reconquered the Danubian limes, is where the OTL border between the Diocese of Dacia and Illyricum lie (not different from the situation in 395).
Well the West is relatively peaceful with both the Gothic and Vandal wars now over. True is that the Visigothic kingdom is now hostile to Rome but besides minor skirmishes and raids nothing relevant has happened so far. But since it will be the focus of the next years we are going to have plenty of time to see what’s going on in Hispania.
Chapter LIV: Christendom divided
Chapter LIV
Christendom divided
The rise of Hypatius in 532 meant that once again an emperor of rather unorthodox beliefs was sitting on the throne of Constantinople. And even though his Monophysite creed didn’t play a key part in his first years as sovereign of the Eastern half of the Roman world, after almost a decade spent securing his throne Hypatius was finally ready to undertake a more ambitious path, by convoking a new ecumenical council in the year 540. The decision was not taken out of the blue, voices of a new fifth council had been whispered for years by the time the council was finally convened in Constantinople. But why exactly now?
The emperor wasn’t certainly getting younger as the years passed by and the current political and religious situation was the best he could hope for given his short time left for this world. The year 540 was an year of celebration for victory had been brought home by the victorious generals and soldiers who had been in the north. Of course the people of Constantinople didn’t need to know about the guerrilla warfare still going on along the Danube nor they needed to know about how the allies of Rome were now turning into enemies, with the Slavs, Huns and Bulgars now raiding what was not Roman territory [1]. What was deemed worth to know was also deemed enough to gather the necessary support for the emperor’s council.
Religiously speaking the situation was also quite favourable, the death of Patriarch Epiphanius had left the Constantinopolitan seat open for a new candidate more pliable to the emperor’s demands, Severus of Philadelphia. Meanwhile in the East the Patriarchal seats were held by Theodosius of Alexandria (a Miaphysite), Peter of Jerusalem (a Chalcedonian) and Theodorus of Antioch (a Monophysite). At the same time the emperor was also strengthening his Christological position by recruiting allies among the people of Anatolia through a process of evangelization of the pagan masses. By 540 the Romans had officially been part of a Christian state for over a century and half, yet only a fractions of them could be counted as true Christians. Between pagans and other followers of the old faiths and those Christians who only had a feeble grasp of the new faith, large swaths of the empire of the Romans remained unevangelized.
Among these unconverted areas was Anatolia. The reason was simple: with a Church so closely tied to the imperial government and the diocesan administration, the Church itself was stronger in the most urbanized region of the empire, given the key role played by the cities in the administration of the empire itself, and therefore weaker where this was not the case. And inner Anatolia with its rugged geography definitely belonged to this second category. That’s why, since the beginning of his reign, the emperor had started to promote the rather forced conversion of the locals, through the usual practice of reconsecrating Pagan temples as Christian churches while readapting local festivities in an accepted Christian optic. The process was entirely carried out by those members of the clergy whose creed most closely resemble the emperor’s opinion on the Christological debate, to ensure that the whole of Asia would follow the emperor’s lead. But, alas, the emperor was not an entirely unopposed force as part of the already established clergy was opposed to the emperor’ aims. Furthermore empress Maria was a devout Chalcedonian, a rich and influential one. Through her wealth and influence she was able to sponsor almost unopposedly an opposite process to bring Anatolia to the Chalcedonian fold. Despite it proving to be just a minor inconvenience, with the proof that the imperial family itself was divided, what chances did Hypatius stand to bring unity back to his empire?
And so this was the background immediately preceding the V ecumenical council. All the four eastern Patriarchs personally attended the council while the Roman one decided to send delegates to represent the stance of the West. Conspicuous was the number of African bishops while only a token number of prelates were there to represent Gallia and Hispania. Compared to their Eastern colleagues however, the Western bishops were just a minority, though a compact one. Therefore the council was mostly an eastern affair. Here the emperor personally brought forth his new position based on the doctrine elaborated by a Syrian monk, Ioannes of Laodicea, who had come to Constantinople to meet the emperor after receiving a vision that in his opinion would bring unity back to the followers of Christ. The new doctrine purposely ignored the controverse regarding the nature of Christ, instead shifting the focus on his will [2]. Under the new doctrine it was affirmed that Christ had been led by one single will. With this move the emperor hoped to succeed where his predecessor had failed. Where previous emperors had tried to silence and ignore the debate, Hypatius was now trying to move the debate on by finding new common ground between all main Christian denominations. The discussion about the new doctrine was accompanied by the condemnation of Christian thinkers of the past unpopular amongst all branches of the Church. Yet the debate proved more heated than the emperor and his advisors had expected. The “One will” doctrine proved quite controversial, though the more pragmatic among the ranks of the Church saw some merits in it, and were willing to pass over certain erroneously worded aspects of it, if that meant a definitive end to all controverses and infighting that had torn apart the Church. The council lasted several months, as after each session the emperor was forced to prepare himself for next the next round while working against all obstacles that had arisen in previous sessions. It was only in 541, with the deposition of the Chalcedonian Peter of Jerusalem and his replacement with Anatolius that the emperor’s position won the majority and prevailed.
But the price for reconciling Constantinople with the East was the deepening of the division with the staunch defenders of Chalcedonia: Vitalianus of Rome, the majority of the Western bishops (especially the African ones) and even a tiny group of Eastern ones including Macedonius of Thessalonika. Patriarch Vitalianus openly condemned the result of the council and even refused to count it as a legit one. The name of the Eastern emperor and the Patriarchs were removed from the prayers and the diptychs of the Roman churches while the deposed Peter was recognized as the rightful Patriarch of Jerusalem. The whole affair created contrasts and difficulties even at the Western imperial court of Mediolanum. Ironically the division of the Church would briefly bring together the two real powers behind the throne, as both empress dowager Anicia Eudoxia and Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi Eleutherius were more eager to earn the support of the Roman church rather than ensuring religious peace and stability in the East. Their support of Vitalianus’s position was also accompanied by a program of construction of new Churches both in Rome and throughout all of Italia. As such, given the political situation in the West, with Theodosius III subjected to the influence of both his mother and his wife’s family, the official stance of the Western empire was of rejection of the council of Constantinople, though the rift between the two emperors was much less deeper than the one between the Patriarchs. But to Hypatius religious unity between the Christians subjected to his rule was far more valuable than communion with distant Rome. And so Constantinople embarked on this new Monothelite doctrine, with the hope that, over time, the Romans of the East would come to wholly accept it.
And if one is to believe that God himself would express his support for either one of the two positions, then it was clear that he was not with the emperor, at least according to the reasonings of the Chalcedonian, for a great evil would immediately come to the world to wreak chaos upon the empire of the Romans. Starting from Aegyptus, the plague would consume the lives of millions, wiping out entire families, communities and even cities. And the most illustrious victim of this “punishment” would be none other than the old emperor himself in 542. The death of Vitalianus during that same year, the only victim amongst the Patriachs would give the Monothelites some breathing space against the propagandistic accusations of the Chalcedonians of unleashing this punishment upon men. Another, less involved in the whole affair, victim of the plague was Anastasius, the 33 years old son of Quaestor Sacri Palatii Flavius Iulius Procopius. Distraught by the loss of his son, Procopius would reach the end of his life before the end of the year. [3] With his death Nepos’s legacy was now entirely in the hands of his grandsons and granddaughter, a new generation of emperors and princes.
Note
[1] We will deal with them in an “ad hoc” update;
[2] So Monothelism one century ahead of time. Nothing original, I know, and probably is not going to solve anything, I also know that, but I don’t need it to be successful, I only need it to exist. Still I would like your opinion on its possible development;
[3] The military and political consequences of the plague are going to be the subject of a future update.
Christendom divided
The rise of Hypatius in 532 meant that once again an emperor of rather unorthodox beliefs was sitting on the throne of Constantinople. And even though his Monophysite creed didn’t play a key part in his first years as sovereign of the Eastern half of the Roman world, after almost a decade spent securing his throne Hypatius was finally ready to undertake a more ambitious path, by convoking a new ecumenical council in the year 540. The decision was not taken out of the blue, voices of a new fifth council had been whispered for years by the time the council was finally convened in Constantinople. But why exactly now?
The emperor wasn’t certainly getting younger as the years passed by and the current political and religious situation was the best he could hope for given his short time left for this world. The year 540 was an year of celebration for victory had been brought home by the victorious generals and soldiers who had been in the north. Of course the people of Constantinople didn’t need to know about the guerrilla warfare still going on along the Danube nor they needed to know about how the allies of Rome were now turning into enemies, with the Slavs, Huns and Bulgars now raiding what was not Roman territory [1]. What was deemed worth to know was also deemed enough to gather the necessary support for the emperor’s council.
Religiously speaking the situation was also quite favourable, the death of Patriarch Epiphanius had left the Constantinopolitan seat open for a new candidate more pliable to the emperor’s demands, Severus of Philadelphia. Meanwhile in the East the Patriarchal seats were held by Theodosius of Alexandria (a Miaphysite), Peter of Jerusalem (a Chalcedonian) and Theodorus of Antioch (a Monophysite). At the same time the emperor was also strengthening his Christological position by recruiting allies among the people of Anatolia through a process of evangelization of the pagan masses. By 540 the Romans had officially been part of a Christian state for over a century and half, yet only a fractions of them could be counted as true Christians. Between pagans and other followers of the old faiths and those Christians who only had a feeble grasp of the new faith, large swaths of the empire of the Romans remained unevangelized.
Among these unconverted areas was Anatolia. The reason was simple: with a Church so closely tied to the imperial government and the diocesan administration, the Church itself was stronger in the most urbanized region of the empire, given the key role played by the cities in the administration of the empire itself, and therefore weaker where this was not the case. And inner Anatolia with its rugged geography definitely belonged to this second category. That’s why, since the beginning of his reign, the emperor had started to promote the rather forced conversion of the locals, through the usual practice of reconsecrating Pagan temples as Christian churches while readapting local festivities in an accepted Christian optic. The process was entirely carried out by those members of the clergy whose creed most closely resemble the emperor’s opinion on the Christological debate, to ensure that the whole of Asia would follow the emperor’s lead. But, alas, the emperor was not an entirely unopposed force as part of the already established clergy was opposed to the emperor’ aims. Furthermore empress Maria was a devout Chalcedonian, a rich and influential one. Through her wealth and influence she was able to sponsor almost unopposedly an opposite process to bring Anatolia to the Chalcedonian fold. Despite it proving to be just a minor inconvenience, with the proof that the imperial family itself was divided, what chances did Hypatius stand to bring unity back to his empire?
And so this was the background immediately preceding the V ecumenical council. All the four eastern Patriarchs personally attended the council while the Roman one decided to send delegates to represent the stance of the West. Conspicuous was the number of African bishops while only a token number of prelates were there to represent Gallia and Hispania. Compared to their Eastern colleagues however, the Western bishops were just a minority, though a compact one. Therefore the council was mostly an eastern affair. Here the emperor personally brought forth his new position based on the doctrine elaborated by a Syrian monk, Ioannes of Laodicea, who had come to Constantinople to meet the emperor after receiving a vision that in his opinion would bring unity back to the followers of Christ. The new doctrine purposely ignored the controverse regarding the nature of Christ, instead shifting the focus on his will [2]. Under the new doctrine it was affirmed that Christ had been led by one single will. With this move the emperor hoped to succeed where his predecessor had failed. Where previous emperors had tried to silence and ignore the debate, Hypatius was now trying to move the debate on by finding new common ground between all main Christian denominations. The discussion about the new doctrine was accompanied by the condemnation of Christian thinkers of the past unpopular amongst all branches of the Church. Yet the debate proved more heated than the emperor and his advisors had expected. The “One will” doctrine proved quite controversial, though the more pragmatic among the ranks of the Church saw some merits in it, and were willing to pass over certain erroneously worded aspects of it, if that meant a definitive end to all controverses and infighting that had torn apart the Church. The council lasted several months, as after each session the emperor was forced to prepare himself for next the next round while working against all obstacles that had arisen in previous sessions. It was only in 541, with the deposition of the Chalcedonian Peter of Jerusalem and his replacement with Anatolius that the emperor’s position won the majority and prevailed.
But the price for reconciling Constantinople with the East was the deepening of the division with the staunch defenders of Chalcedonia: Vitalianus of Rome, the majority of the Western bishops (especially the African ones) and even a tiny group of Eastern ones including Macedonius of Thessalonika. Patriarch Vitalianus openly condemned the result of the council and even refused to count it as a legit one. The name of the Eastern emperor and the Patriarchs were removed from the prayers and the diptychs of the Roman churches while the deposed Peter was recognized as the rightful Patriarch of Jerusalem. The whole affair created contrasts and difficulties even at the Western imperial court of Mediolanum. Ironically the division of the Church would briefly bring together the two real powers behind the throne, as both empress dowager Anicia Eudoxia and Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi Eleutherius were more eager to earn the support of the Roman church rather than ensuring religious peace and stability in the East. Their support of Vitalianus’s position was also accompanied by a program of construction of new Churches both in Rome and throughout all of Italia. As such, given the political situation in the West, with Theodosius III subjected to the influence of both his mother and his wife’s family, the official stance of the Western empire was of rejection of the council of Constantinople, though the rift between the two emperors was much less deeper than the one between the Patriarchs. But to Hypatius religious unity between the Christians subjected to his rule was far more valuable than communion with distant Rome. And so Constantinople embarked on this new Monothelite doctrine, with the hope that, over time, the Romans of the East would come to wholly accept it.
And if one is to believe that God himself would express his support for either one of the two positions, then it was clear that he was not with the emperor, at least according to the reasonings of the Chalcedonian, for a great evil would immediately come to the world to wreak chaos upon the empire of the Romans. Starting from Aegyptus, the plague would consume the lives of millions, wiping out entire families, communities and even cities. And the most illustrious victim of this “punishment” would be none other than the old emperor himself in 542. The death of Vitalianus during that same year, the only victim amongst the Patriachs would give the Monothelites some breathing space against the propagandistic accusations of the Chalcedonians of unleashing this punishment upon men. Another, less involved in the whole affair, victim of the plague was Anastasius, the 33 years old son of Quaestor Sacri Palatii Flavius Iulius Procopius. Distraught by the loss of his son, Procopius would reach the end of his life before the end of the year. [3] With his death Nepos’s legacy was now entirely in the hands of his grandsons and granddaughter, a new generation of emperors and princes.
Note
[1] We will deal with them in an “ad hoc” update;
[2] So Monothelism one century ahead of time. Nothing original, I know, and probably is not going to solve anything, I also know that, but I don’t need it to be successful, I only need it to exist. Still I would like your opinion on its possible development;
[3] The military and political consequences of the plague are going to be the subject of a future update.
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Re read the chapter, and how devastating was this plague, i believe this what we call the plague of justinian, and with the west being a organized empire as well could this bring about the fall or at least a collaps in power for the west. Receding back to Italia?