From Cape Tiburon to Cape Samaná - A United Hispaniola Timeline

It will be somewhere between South Korea's view of Japan, or Nazi Germany's occupation. Especially with how much many of the "Whitening" movements borrowed from German quack scientists, many of whom later joined the Nazi Party, or Proto-Fascism, and Mysticism.
That's going to significantly hurt US reputation in the Third World come the Cold War, if that happens. Cuba had a lot of influence in Africa post colonialism and there's no reason Haiti wouldn't have even more due to language, so the continent will be inundated with the Island's literary works.
 
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That's going to significantly hurt US reputation in the Third World come the Cold War, if that happens. Cuba had a lot of influence in Africa post colonialism and there's no reason Haiti wouldn't have even more due to language, so the continent will be inundated with the Island's literacy works.
Indeed even Irl, Haiti had a pretty decent influence, with it's writers helping develop the ideas of Pan-Africanism, and all the effect that ideology has had on the African Continent, and Caribbean.
 
13. 20 Years Humiliation 2: Juan Isidoro Jimenes (1896 - 1907)

From Cape Tiburon to Cape Samaná - A United Hispaniola Timeline​



13. 20 Years Humiliation 2: Juan Isidoro Jimenes (1896 - 1907)

“Everyone has the potential to unearth their powers and trap a lover, create a child, heal the sick, end their enemies, and even transform their life. Not everyone taps into that knowing, but it is always there at their disposal. People understand that while some are sprinkled with a little magic, others are born with the don, with the gift, with the full force. It is what it is. My people believe deeply, even if they wear their Catholic cloaks daily for safety. But when shit hits the fan — and shit always hits the fan — they turn to the soil, to the skies, and the leaders of the other side. But this isn’t the island. This is not a place with an open vein of magic. This is a place where an entire race has oppressed and sat above the rest. On this land, the blood- spills always bubble back up to the surface, and instead of cleaning it, the oppressors constantly cover it up with cement. Entonces dime, who here would believe my vision?”
― Lorraine Avila, The Making of Yolanda la Bruja


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As Caudillo Florvil Hyppolite lay dead, his body lost to history, and his name crushed under the boot of false progress, a successor took the throne. Juan Jimenes Pereya, the quiet, and dutiful second in command, the proper servant, a man who raised no fuss, and made no enemies. So, it seemed almost a perfect choice that the quiet Jimenes be selected by the U.S. Marines, and military administration to be the second Caudillo of Haiti. Not only would Haiti continue to strangle under the iron grip of their American oppressors, but under Caudillo Jimenes, the terror would expand into previously unimaginable depths of despair.


Beware the Quiet Ones

Most Haitians even at the time of his ascension did not know who Juan Jimenes was. The elites who pried into his past found themselves stonewalled by the quiet, and cold demeanor of the man himself. Even modern-day historians struggle to piece together the most basic facts of a man who shaped so much of modern-day Haiti.

What is known is that Juan Jimenes was born in Santo Domingo in 1847. His father Manuel Jimenes was recently widowed, choosing to marry again to Altagracia Pereyra Pérez, of whom Juan Jimenes would be born.

Neither extremely rich nor extremely poor, Jimenes had a relatively comfortable middle-class life. Joining the Haitian Army, Jimenes would settle into the role of an officer, where he was described as cold, distant, and apolitical. Perhaps, this is why when Ulises Heureaux was overthrown in 1891 Jimenes was promoted to a General. As the new Haitian Caudillo purged the army, and society of Afro-Haitian influences, Jimenes once again found a way to advance his station. Proving himself during the First Cacos War, it was under the General’s command at Fort Rivière that he would lead an army into the gaps in the Fort, and flank the Cacos, bringing the siege to a quicker conclusion.

Brutal, and efficient, General Jimenes would lead the brutal swift retaliation campaigns, being largely unafraid to get his hands dirty and command Haitian soldiers to commit brutal state-sanctioned terrorism and massacres.

When the Second Cacos War erupted due to the brutal treatment of the Haitian government, and as a byproduct of Jimenes, and the U.S. Marines's campaign of terror, it is said General Jimenes himself downplayed the strength and numbers of the rebels and led to Florvil Hyppolites doomed campaign in the east, and eventual death.

Once again being in the right place, and being neither liked, nor disliked by his peers, Juan Jimenes was elevated to the role of the Second Caudillo of the Haitian State, by the U.S. occupation force, and the puppet legislature.



Bringing the Parliament into Line
Caudillo Jimenes is remembered for his extreme permissiveness, especially towards the American occupation force. When they delivered him a set of laws to implement he approved without hesitation, when the Americans pointed to a village on the map, he destroyed it, and when the Americans asked for labor, he would enslaved as many Afro-Haitians as needed.

His attitude of permissiveness did not seem to extend; however, to the Haitian Parliament. The Haitian legislative branch had for the past 6 years been largely window-dressing to the regime. Sidestepped by the President, and entirely ignored by the U.S. Marines, the legislature at the best of times was treated as a rubber stamp, and at worst actively kept disbanded.

Parliamentary meetings were in general a mess. Hyppolite had filled Parliament with yesmen, sycophants, aryanists, scientific racists, and all manner of disgusting cretins. Parliamentary decorum had long since broken down, with meetings regularly ending in brawls in the streets.

Caudillo Jimenes did not approve of this state of affairs. While the Haitian Parliament may be a figurehead, it still represented the nation. Setting on a path of ambitious reform, Jimenes would perhaps make his only meaningful decision of his entire time in office, placing Henry Nord Alexis in the office of Prime Minister. Henry Nord Alexis was the son of Pierre Nord Alexis who himself was an illegitimate child of Henri Christophe.

Henry Nord Alexis’ job was simple. Reign Parliament, and reform the Haitian legislative branch into something resembling a government. Alexis would embark on his new campaign with vigor, and zeal. The Haitian Senate, which for decades had been little more than a place for rich Haitians to meet, and discuss their social standings, was entirely dissolved. In its place, the Haitian Parliament was merged and encompassed the jobs of both the Senate and Chamber of Deputies. Decorum was restored, with a new code of conduct strictly enforced.

Unable to entirely clear the Haitian Parliament of racialists, and aryanists, it does seem Henry Alexis tried to curb their power. Expelling their rabid, and insane proponents, Alexis moderated much of Parliament, while being unable to break Haitian's Racial Hygiene laws, which would ensure they were at least more systemized, and known. While paltry to the Afro-Haitians who suffered under them, it should be noted Alexis’ seeming disdain for the laws, as a mixed-race descendant of the once famous Afro-Haitian Christophe family.

Ironically, this ancestry would be among the reasons Alexis was held up as a proper model of racial whitening. This is despite the man himself despising the ideology, and seemingly attempting to undermine it from within. By the end of his time as Prime Minister in 1907, Henry Nord Alexis had turned the system into a well-oiled machine, in stark contrast to how it had been in 1896.



The Second Cacos War of 1896 - 1898

Juan Jimenes may have been expected to ignore and downplay the Second Cacos War like he had encouraged his predecessor to do, but Jimenes immediately struck out against the Cacos, mobilizing a large force, backed by the American marines. This willingness to immediately treat the Cacos as a destabilizing threat further gave credence to rumors he had set up Florvil Hyppolite to be killed.

The new U.S. President William McKinley, a staunch imperialist, and protectionist would encourage a quick and decisive victory in the Second Cacos War and send a large number of U.S. soldiers to the island to augment the American army in the area.

The Cacos under the command of a 19-year-old named Benoît Batraville launched perhaps their most daring raid to date, the uprising of Santo Domingo. Using stolen Haitian uniforms, the Cacos were able to slip past the local garrison (ironically many of the Cacos rebels were Afro-Haitian) and take positions in the city. When given the command in January 1897, 500 Cacos soldiers rose, setting fire to several buildings, and seizing the Santo Domingo armory. A failed assassination attempt on Juan Jimenes who had been visiting the eastern side of the island would lead to the rebellion within the city slowly falling apart as their plan began to unravel. American soldiers and Haitian loyalists would clear out the city block by block, and interrogate each soldier. Despite this, Benoît Batraville and several other soldiers were able to slip out of the city unscathed bringing with them American rifles, and equipment.

The combined allied forces even in their military victory had been humiliated by the Cacos who had killed numerous Haitian MPs, and officers in the chaos of the battle. Marine reinforcements and Haitian loyalists would fortify Port-au-Prince as it was likely the final battle would take place in the city. Knowing the exhaustion of the Haitian people, and the likely reprisals the American and Loyalist forces would exact upon them, the Cacos mobilized their largest force, 50,000 Cacos rebels, under the command of Benoît Batraville, and Rosalvo Bobo, the Cacos would breach the city, and overwhelm the local garrison. A young Smedley Butler would earn his first commendations for holding the city's port, while he and his Haitian comrade in arms were under intense fire from the Cacos one field gun.

After a full day of holding out alone, the American reinforcements would arrive under the command of Admiral William Caperton, the Americans would link up with Butler, and Caudillo Jimenes, and drive the Cacos back. By the end of the day, the combined arms of the loyalists and American reinforcements annihilated the Cacos siege. While exact numbers are unknown it is said that perhaps as many as 10,000 Cacos were killed; however, most modern historians place the estimate far lower. Either way, the Cacos would not recover after their defeat, being scattered and pursued by the brutal vengeance of the Haitian loyalists.

The Second Cacos campaign would end much as the first. Afro-Haitian villages depopulated, and thousands put to the sword. Yet, despite their second defeat, resistance continued to exist. Some raids continued on convoys, conscripted workers ran from their posts, and workers sabotaged factories.



United Fruit, Slave Labor, and the Dismantling of Haitian Education
The U.S. occupation reached new levels of humiliation for the Haitian government. In 1900 as a part of a revised treaty in the aftermath of the Second Cacos War, American advisors would collect 5% of all Haitian revenue to be paid back to the American government. As a result, the government was forced to tighten expenditure and cut the amount of native Haitians hired in government employment.

The arrival of United Fruit in 1901, signaled the beginning of the Banana Wars in Haiti. Against the backdrop of native Haitian resistance, thousands of acres of land were seized the turned over to the United Fruit Company who began planting bananas, sisal, and even cotton. This shift in production on prime Haitian agricultural land triggered a new rush by local elites, many of whom forced the peasants they rented land to into growing cash crops. Staple crops crashed, and many Haitians who had previously been subsistence farmers, starved even as crop yields increased. One U.S. agency investigating the effects of the occupation reported that by the end of the U.S. occupation, the Haitian peasants who made up 90% of the population were at starvation levels. Thousands would perish in this great hunger, and critical food insecurity in Haiti would last well into the 70’s.

Slave labor cut down trees across Haiti, on both sides of the island. This land was turned into new plantations for United Fruit, and rich elites who greedily snapped up the open land. Unfortunately, this would begin a process of agricultural decline, as soil eroded from overfarming and weather erosion. Even as farmland increased, yields per capita began a decline that would also last in the 70’s.

Perhaps the only positive of the U.S. occupation would be its various infrastructure projects. 2,200 miles of roads, 378 bridges, 138 modern farms, and numerous hospitals, schools, public buildings, and even drinking water were brought into Port-au-Prince and Santo Domingo. Irrigation projects also were massively expanded. Perhaps most impressively the first telephones in the Caribbean arose in Port-au-Prince. Even this would be a poison pill, as most of the infrastructure projects were pilfered to fill American officers' salaries, as such much of the infrastructure was shoddily built and subpar.

The Haitian education system would be entirely overhauled in a way despised even by the Haitian Parliament, and elites. Liberal arts and racial sciences would be toned down, and in some cases entirely removed. The new education system would be crafted around technical skills, in an attempt to craft a pliable nation of middle managers, and technicians who could be used by the American corporations. Elites were even enraged by this system, believing weakening racial education would see people eventually realize the artificiality of their system, and revolt against it. Haitian intellectuals would reject the undoing of all liberal arts as harmful to intellectual development, in the pursuit of profit.



Rising Discontent, and the Fall of Juan Jimenes

Discontent would continue to grow as the years dragged on. Much of this discontent centered around one of the major figures leading the U.S. occupation, Colonel Littleton Walker. Even though the mixed-race Haitians were supposed to be those being uplifted to a more “white” culture, Littleton still called them “black below the surface.” [1] His thinly veiled racism, the U.S. pilfering of the Haitian treasury, and growing strikes, and uprisings prompted Juan Jimenes to surprisingly announce his retirement.

Recognizing the situation he was in, Jimenes gave the following speech:

“Through my near decade of rule over the Haitian state, I believe I have brought peace, development, and stability to the nation. The traitorous strikers in Santo Domingo and the poets in Port-au-Prince may try to tell you differently, but Haiti has never been so prosperous as it is now after my rule. Nonetheless, I have accomplished everything I intended to do, and will now proudly retire to my home in the east, among the new civilization we have built, from the mixed, and backward nation that existed before.”

In his place, the American officials would choose the efficient Henry Nord Alexis to be the third, and final Caudillo of the Haitian State. Retiring to the countryside Juan Jimenes would remain a controversial figure even during the pro-American regimes of the Second Republic. In 1919, Juan Jimenes would die at the age of 72.

In modern-day parlance, Jimenese is widely hated even more than the United States is among common Haitians. Called a traitor, during the Third Republic, much of his statues, and works would be torn down, and cast aside.

For now, the third Caudillo, former Prime Minister Henry Nord Alexis, the Mixed-Haitian heir to the Christophe lineage, would attempt to unite Haiti and end the U.S. occupation.



Notes

[1]
I am NOT writing out the disgusting things this dude said. Read his Wikipedia if you want to get a taste of some of the things in this horrific piece of work.
 
Even this isn't a full positive, since I'm assuming its like central america where these projects are all owned by United Fruit.
Most of the infrastructure was purely built to better facilitate control for US soldiers and their puppet government.

In fact most of the irrigation projects were of very poor quality, and embezzled by the US marines.
 
14. 20 Years Humiliation 3: In Another Lifetime, Henry Nord Alexis (1907 - 1909) New

From Cape Tiburon to Cape Samaná - A United Hispaniola Timeline​



14. 20 Years Humiliation 3: In Another Lifetime, Henry Nord Alexis (1907 - 1909)


“In another lifetime, I may have been made a King. In another lifetime, I would have ruled over a fair and equal Haiti. In another lifetime, I’d never kowtow to American corporations. In another lifetime, I’d be beloved by all Haitians. But, in this lifetime, I am no king. In this lifetime, I rule over a society in which half rest under the boot of the other half. In this lifetime, I kiss the hand of every American man, even as their daggers sink into the Earth. In this lifetime, no one will love me.

-Henry Nord Alexis, In Another Lifetime, 1908


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Henry Nord Alexis’ life was often a cruel mockery. Heir to an Afro-Haitian dynasty that once enriched and promised a future to Haiti, Alexis, or Henry III as he was frequently mockingly called now found himself at the head of a nation actively silencing and oppressing its Afro-Haitian population. Even Alexis himself was held up as some evidence of Mixed-Race whitening even though he despised the system. Torn between the identity of African, and White, this would represent the struggle Haiti itself would find itself in for decades afterward.


The Man Who Would Be King

Henry Nord Alexis, was the son of Pierre Nord Alexis who had fought on the side of the monarchists during the Haitian Civil War, helping Thomas de Belliard. That was until de Belliard, and Alexis split over policy, and Pierre Nord Alexis switched sides to help the Republicans crush the upstart Second Kingdom of Haiti.

Defeating the monarchists, and killing Thomas de Belliard, Pierre Nord Alexis would struggle within the Haitian Republic. Failing to secure any popular support, and being widely viewed as a traitorous opportunist, Pierre Alexis would fail to make any real social standing in Haiti. Marrying a white heiress to a local landowner, Alexis would scrape together somewhat of a social position among local elites in Hinche. Nonetheless, when their son, the mixed-race Henry Nord Alexis was born, Pierre expected big things from his son.

Educated in the best American, and French schools, by 1873 Henry Alexis would find himself among the ascendant National Party. By 1880, Henry was an MP in the Haitian Chamber of Deputies during the disastrous rule of Paul Simon Sam and expertly pushed through articles of impeachment past the lower house after the 1881 German Affair. President Simon Sam would resign before being removed, but Henry would be seen as one of the main architects of his downfall in the Haitian Parliament. Nonetheless, he soon butted heads with the new President, the corrupt Lysius Salomon, being largely sidelined, and harassed. So, in 1888, Henry supported the coup by Ulises Heureaux against Salomon after the latter launched a self-coup. Quickly following the coup, Heureaux and Henry would suffer a falling out due to Henry being vocally critical of Heureaux’s corruption, and ruinous continuation of economic policies that pushed the nation ever closer to bankruptcy.

Being expelled from Parliament, Henry Nord Alexis would generally lurk in the background of the political scene, being in an underground anti-Heureaux movement. This undercurrent of unrest would be utilized by Florvil Hyppolite and the American invasion. Co-opted into the new State of Haiti, Alexis would struggle to wrangle the Haitian Parliament into a functioning institution. Empowered under the rule of Caudillo Juan Jimenes, Alexis would be named Prime Minister of the rubber-stamp Haitian Parliament.

Instituting several reforms such as merging the Senate and Chamber of Deputies, cracking down on bribery, and corruption, and enforcing a code of conduct, Prime Minister Henry had done far more than anyone expected him to do in his relatively easy position. This brought him into the view of the Americans, who struggled to hold Haiti together, and growing tired of the lax hand of Juan Jimenes opted to instead force the old general to resign in what most labeled a palace coup.

Named the Third Caudillo of Haiti, Henry Nord Alexis took up the poisoned chalice of leading the Haitian State, and much like his father became a new traitor to the Republic.



Ending the Terror

The first thing the so-called third traitorous caudillo did was end the horrific terror carried out by Haitian forces, and American marines. The great campaigns of swift retribution were ended, and instead, forces were redirected towards stamping out the last embers of the Cacos insurgencies in the mountains in the east.
The worst Haitian offenders were punished, stripped of their titles, and thrown out of the military. While the Americans were beyond the reproach of the Haitian government, they would beg the U.S. government to reassign many of these perpetrators of systemic abuses.

Next, forced labor to build infrastructure and new American corporate plantations were also ended. Instead, a more normalized wage system was implemented. While paltry at best, most agreed it was somewhat of a step up from slavery. Of course, these reforms were largely virtue signaling. The villages had already been destroyed, land taken and given to U.S. corporations, and the plantations already constructed. Many who may have been content to celebrate the end of the terror, merely needed to talk to the workers outside, suffering under the industrialized terror of Victorian-era business practices, and choked under the growing smog of Port-au-Prince, and Santo Domingo.



The Great Strike of 1908

Reforms are often a double-edged sword. When a regime, especially one as brutal as the State of Haiti, and the U.S. occupation administration, releases its grip, oftentimes the populace rises against the continued existence of the regime itself, threatening to bring down the whole state.

The collapse of the Haitian state would come off of the 1908 Great Strike. Industrial conditions within the nation had always been particularly atrocious. Under the American occupation, Port-au-Prince, and Santo Domingo experienced a particularly rapid form of industrialization. Within this mass industrialization, trade unions would naturally begin to form to better advocate for, and fight for worker’s rights. The Haitian State would of course brutally crack down on the trade unions.

For every protest against the state, the Haitian police would descend on the protestors arresting, beating, and occasionally killing members of the unions. When the unions began to strike, the American corporations would merely replace strikers with new workers from the mass influx of Afro-Haitians from the lands appropriated, and stolen by United Fruit, and Haitian elites. These Afro-Haitians would clash with Mixed Race Haitian union workers who saw themselves being replaced by lessers. This led to the union strikes taking often a violent racial tone, with Afro-Haitian slums of Santo Domingo, and Port-au-Prince being set ablaze by angry union workers. Afro-Haitians were being disbarred often physically from entering into factories by union workers.

Strikes, while initially limited to only a few American factories soon began to spread. Across Port-au-Prince, Santo Domingo, Puerto Plata, Gonaïves, and Punta Cana experienced mass unrest, and strikes. Factories shut down the entire Haitian economy, the pivotal moment of the strike would come when the Port-au-Prince Port would completely shut down any transport in and out of the country. Haitian produce began to rot in the fields of the corporate plantations, even so-called corporate towns would begin to descend into violence between strikers, and corporate security forces.

During this time men like Dantes Bellegarde would rise from the ranks of Haitian society, binding together the often combative intellectuals, and working-class unionists. Even more racialist intellectuals within Haiti were tired of the instability. In coffee houses, libraries, and high society gatherings, Haitian elites, and intellectuals argued about how to end the leaching of Haiti’s land, and people by the Americans. Siding with the protestors, Dantes Bellegarde and many other Haitians would send a letter to the American President Theodore Roosevelt Jr. They would argue that continued American occupation had only led to escalating violence, threatening not only to hurt American profits, but potentially put a radically anti-American into power, and destabilize the whole region. Within Washington D.C. the debate raged within the halls of Congress, and the White House. Many had desired to at some point annex Haiti, and use it as almost a racial reservation of African Americans. While this dream had largely failed to materialize, and been abandoned after President Ulysses S. Grant, the desire to annex, and control Haiti had remained. As conflict within Haiti continued; however, the United States grew increasingly dissuaded from attempting to annex the nation. Even within Congress, a bill pushing for the formal annexation of Haiti was shot down by Congress. Theodore Roosevelt, despite his imperialist fame, would finally give up on the project, instead opting for a similar idea as had been done with Cuba in 1905.

As days turned into weeks violence continued to escalate. The American government would make a fateful decision. They would announce the beginning of a process of disengagement, and return to self-rule for Haiti. Henry Nord Alexis would be given to go-ahead to prepare new elections. In the streets of cities around Haiti, there would be a great outpour of celebration and jubilation as people looked forward to freedom from occupation.



The American Departure: Haitian Election of 1909

The American departure would come with strings attached. Most importantly the United States would retain the right to intervene in Haiti to “preserve stability.” More insidiously, American fruit companies and other businesses would retain their right to be free of Haitian taxation, and be granted a market monopoly, entirely unassailable by Haitian lawmakers, or anti-trust laws, which was a great irony coming from the great trust buster Theodore Roosevelt.

The Haitian people would be granted their freedom no matter how bittersweet it was. The Haitian Racial Hygiene Laws would be maintained, including the voting laws which targeted “illiterates, and social degenerates.” Caudillo Henry would privately denounce the continuation of these laws, but publicly could not stand against the elites or American occupiers.

The chained, and weak Haitian democracy emboldened like the New National Party, this right-wing conservative party would uphold the status quo, but unlike the more radical racists, and pseudo-scientific racialists, the New National Party was largely ambivalent towards the so-called racial whitening of other groups. Instead, they enjoyed the pliable, and disenfranchised Afro-Haitians and saw no desire to “uplift them racially or culturally”, like the more radical right-wing parties. Those parties still existed; however, the Party of the Regeneration which had never truly fallen away during the American occupation, came back with a vengeance becoming the second-largest political party in Haiti. Esoteric, racist, and nationalist the Party of the Regeneration advocated for racial whitening, suppression of African elements of Haitian culture, and importation of white populations from abroad. Despite never (legitimately) winning an election, their influence over policymaking would remain massive.

The New Liberal Party would represent the withering Haitian left. Largely crushed and suppressed from the era of the First and Second Cacos War, was now made up of a collection of virtue-signaling elites and feckless intellectuals trying to sell books, and their beliefs, rather than promote change. This would be the third largest party, and divorce Haitian workers from the moderate left, pushing them towards more radical extremes.

The first election of the so-called Second Republic of Haiti somehow was even worse than the elections before the collapse of the First Republic. State-controlled candidates, state-controlled ballots, restrictions to literate mainly Afro-Haitian, and White Haitian males, and the systematic suppression of union or populist protests for expanded suffrage.

Caudillo Henry Nord Alexis would not run in these elections, largely being dejected from politics. Publicly he would present this as a supposed legitimization of the new republic, by getting rid of the dictators of the old. The main candidates allowed in these elections were Tancrède Auguste of the New Nationalist Party, and the 20-year-old, nationalist Juan Rafael Estrella Ureña. Both would put up a brilliant campaign, with Ureña presenting a sane, rational, and romanticist face to the Party of the Regeneration, and Tancrède Auguste who ran on a campaign of binding the old Granville Republican traditions to the new post-American order. After a close campaign, Auguste would nudge out Ureña with around 54% of the ballots. The new old order had won and was re-entrenched.



Resignation of Henry Nord Alexis: End of the American Occupation

On May 1, 1909, the flags of the United States would be lowered from Port-au-Prince, Santo Domingo, and Môle-Saint-Nicolas. Slowly over the coming years, U.S. occupation forces would trickle out of the forts they had been tasked with occupying, and maintaining. In their place, Haitian soldiers would once again guard their nation entirely.

Even as America left Haiti, things had largely remained the same. American corporations would still rule Haiti with impunity, unassailable, untaxed, and holding a free hand over their security and control. Haitian lumber was still cut down at devastating speeds driving many animal species into extinction, especially numerous species endemic to the Haitian islands.

For Henry in his lifetime, he would receive no praise and no awards. He was not seen as a restorer of the Republic, but rather the last in a long line of dictators. The last caudillo of Haiti, died in a state of self-imposed exile, living in New York, attempting to write and salvage his shattered reputation.

When the Second Republic finally fell, and Haiti moved into its Third, Henry was rehabilitated. Seen by many as a tragic figure, torn between doing what was best for the people, and not being overthrown by the Americans for being too radical. In more modern times; however, contemporary scientists have begun to reassess Henry's rehabilitation. While privately he claimed to abhor the system of segregation and racial hygiene laws, he never made any attempts to weaken, or even publicly denounce the system.

It seems Henry was an opportunist, overly ambitious, and was instead caught within the whirlpool of his ambition. In his boundless quest to restore his family's name, which had been tarnished by his father, the pressure of this self-imposed expectation, pushed Henry to collaboration, and meek subservience to a brutal system of exploitation.

Either way, the last Caudillo fell, and the State of Haiti became a brutal memory. Its scars can be felt throughout the nation today. The ecology was lost forever, the population failed to mass killings, and generations were thrown from building wealth into cyclical poverty. Perhaps most cruelly the Haitian people were permanently divided by their races. Today, the occupation is considered a sore spot in Haitian history, with much of the racial animus felt today stemming from it. Even the racial questions it created remain eternally taboo, kept from political and public discourse, expelled to the internet, and intellectual debate.
 
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