For Want of a Word – Stolypin endures

As far as the workers wages and conditions are involved, according to https://rg.ru/2018/11/11/rodina-pervaia-mirovaia-vojna-ukradennaia-pobeda.html the effective salary of the workers between 1913 and 1916 grew by 8% while the working day and a number of the working days in the year remain the same, fixed by the labor laws.

Yes, but by OTL February 1917 the purchasing power of a ruble was of 30 prewar Kopecks and by the October revolution it was half of that


Frankly the article show an economic situation hardly in a good shape even in relation to the other member of the Entente; hell even OTL Italy was by the time much better as at least she had (relatively) easily sold war loan to internal buyers (the national loan were an important step of social developement and change).
Sure Russia had resources but it will need time to tap them and all the social and economic chaos will not make things more quick and even the gold reserve are not a panacea, as part are collateral for the foreign war loan and for the future loan and so can't be used
 
This is what I had in mind. But Krivoshein and others had bigger aspirations that involved many more settlers, that would cause greater conflict. Of course such settler scheme would be long-term and expensive.





Thanks for the quote. The point regarding cotton is valid: during WWI Russia was importing explosives from the US and Japan. AFAIK, the program for increasing the cotton production started during the reign of AII: ACW demonstrated that reliance upon the foreign imports is unreliable. Surely, the program was not financed and enforced and the government can be justifiably blamed for that. But I suspect that it’s “proper” implementation would require something of the Soviet-style: forcing the natives to work on the cotton fields, turning area into a monoculture production and digging canals from Amu-Daria and Sir-Daria to provide enough water for irrigation. In OTL this resulted in drying out of the Aral Sea (I assume that the regional climate was impacted as well).
 
Yes, but by OTL February 1917 the purchasing power of a ruble was of 30 prewar Kopecks and by the October revolution it was half of that
Did anybody made a claim that by the OTL February 1917 everything was just peachy? Definitely, it was not me. February revolts in the rural areas collapsed the ruble and by the October coup the ruble had been long replaced with the worthless kerenki. However, the article I quoted was using effective salary (and the numbers for 1917 went South).

But the article you quoted (thanks for the link) contains some very good points with which I fully agree (and some of which I already brought up): (a) idiocy of an enforced temperance deprived Russian government out of 28% of its income (one more proof of an old saying that a well-intentioned fool is more dangerous than an enemy), (b) the government was not harsh enough with the food producers relying for far too long upon the purely market-based relations (Prodrazverstka was planned but not implemented) and (c) military ministry (and not only) treated war as a bonanza in the terms of misusing the funds (well-known fact with plenty of evidence). What author left aside because it is beyond the scope of the article is (d) inadequate handling of the RRs and all related issues. Actually, all these problems could be at least partially remedied with a greater competence.

Was by itself a mounting debt or budget deficit something extraordinary for Russia? It was not and the article confirms it: it took years to deal with the financial results of the CW and results of the AII’s little adventure on the Balkans had been dealt with only few decades later. BTW, it may sound familiar but during AIIs reign a paper ruble was sometimes down to 10-30 kopecks in silver thanks to the emission of the paper money (IIRC, the Napoleonic wars also ended with the massive similar problems).

It is just that in OTL wwi was pretty much a “perfect storm” for the Russian Empire as a combination of the objective factors (relative strengths of the opponents and demands upon the Russian economy) and those caused by inadequacy of the leadership (the (a), (b), (c) and (d) items).

But at each specific point we have to define clearly what are we talking about:
(a) OTL
(b) This ATL
(c) Some other ATL

The issue of the land problems and labor situation in the imperial Russia is OTL and the same goes for the known problems with the transportation, inefficiencies, general conduct of the war etc.

Discussion of what may be situation after Russia is victorious in wwi is ATL in which many realities of OTL are not fully applicable by a simple reason that they led to a defeat, revolution, etc. Actually, this ATL clearly deviates from OTL by the early 1917. Unfortunately, author did not define clearly all factors that changed between 1914 and early 1917.

Discussion of what would happen if the land reforms had been conducted over 20 years, etc. is some other ATL a because wwi is butterflied.

As far as I can tell, you are putting (a) and (b) together (no offense) and making projections for (b) based upon the realities of (a) which are making (b) impossible to start with. 😉 As a result we keep bumping into the mutual misunderstandings because we end up talking about the different things.
 
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Thanks for the quote. The point regarding cotton is valid: during WWI Russia was importing explosives from the US and Japan. AFAIK, the program for increasing the cotton production started during the reign of AII: ACW demonstrated that reliance upon the foreign imports is unreliable. Surely, the program was not financed and enforced and the government can be justifiably blamed for that. But I suspect that it’s “proper” implementation would require something of the Soviet-style: forcing the natives to work on the cotton fields, turning area into a monoculture production and digging canals from Amu-Daria and Sir-Daria to provide enough water for irrigation. In OTL this resulted in drying out of the Aral Sea (I assume that the regional climate was impacted as well).
I think the tsarist version, at least what pre-war Krivoshein and Stolypin had in mind, would have been to import more slavic labor. There was also the scheme of settling the mountainous eastern parts, but I believe the results would be disappointing: there was simply not enough quality land. Although this part would have possibly made a good region for a Cossack Host.

I think the post-Crimean War notion of self-reliance would have been strengthened. After all, Russia fought a four-year destructive war almost cut off. Cotton is certainly a strategic resource. Silk is important as well -precious hard currency would be needed to import japanese raw silk- and Turkestan produced most of Russia's silk.
 
Yes, this this beyond the disputation (I’d be cautious about “incompetent” but as a group they were clearly not up to the task) but did they represent a meaningful social class? Or, to put shoe on other foot, were, say, the estate owners circa 1917 the true oppressors responsible for the government’s failures? Keep in mind that most of the “estates” looted in 1917 were pretty much summer residencies owned by the people of various social classes (as officially defined) and occupations.

No. It was wrong to punish someone just for the crime of owning lots of land.

I wish that Russia didn't suffer the Bolshevik Revolution. I think it was one of history's greatest tragedies.
 
No. It was wrong to punish someone just for the crime of owning lots of land.

I wish that Russia didn't suffer the Bolshevik Revolution. I think it was one of history's greatest tragedies.
Actually, many of these people did not even own “a lot of land”: as I said, their “estates” were pretty much summer residencies without too much (or any) of an agricultural land attached. But, not being in the “dacha” areas (near the big cities and not being in the midst of the peasant populated areas) they did not have a protection against the looting and burning mobs.
 
What happened to the German Fleet? If it wasn’t scuttled, like OTL, then I imagine there might’ve been a few arguments over who gets what.
 
Discussion of what may be situation after Russia is victorious in wwi is ATL in which many realities of OTL are not fully applicable by a simple reason that they led to a defeat, revolution, etc. Actually, this ATL clearly deviates from OTL by the early 1917.
I was thinking to ask this question and then I see that you have raised the exact same point :)!

To restate it: what do you think the state of the Russian economy / society is likely to be, for Russia to have been able to manage the given victories ITTL? Skimming back through the TL, Russia was suffering a campaign of revolutionary terror in Central Russia by the end of 1917, and at that time had not yet returned to the level of overall industrial production before the February Uprising, and we know that in 1918, by the time of the peace, Stolypin's suggested reforms have been dismissed, and him alongside them. They've at least managed to bring food into the northern cities, and have thus, I would think, smothered the spark of revolution, but the political climate seems as yet unstable and I don't expect it to be out of the woods yet.
 
I was thinking to ask this question and then I see that you have raised the exact same point :)!

To restate it: what do you think the state of the Russian economy / society is likely to be, for Russia to have been able to manage the given victories ITTL? Skimming back through the TL, Russia was suffering a campaign of revolutionary terror in Central Russia by the end of 1917, and at that time had not yet returned to the level of overall industrial production before the February Uprising, and we know that in 1918, by the time of the peace, Stolypin's suggested reforms have been dismissed, and him alongside them. They've at least managed to bring food into the northern cities, and have thus, I would think, smothered the spark of revolution, but the political climate seems as yet unstable and I don't expect it to be out of the woods yet.
Well, this is the whole point: there should be substantial changes, preferably few years prior to the war and definitely during the war to prevent OTL from happening.

Now, it is ASB (😢) to expect that NN & Co suddenly develop the strategic and other skills that they were so obviously missing in OTL. So we can make guesses about the better mobilization of the Russian economy, better ...er... “social environment” and other things which more competent PM may handle to one degree or another better that it was done.

Strategically, in the terms of the resource allocation the naval program never should be allowed to grow to the OTL size and expense and the huge resources it did consume, especially those requiring a heavy machinery, should be spent upon the army equipment. OTOH, it would be useful to build/buy more cargo ships and allocate them at Vladivostok: the OTL merchant fleet did not have capacity to carry even the delivered orders from the US and Japan. Probably a single modern dreadnought and couple older ones on the Black Sea would be adequate for dealing with Goeben and mining operations had been done by the smaller ships.

AFAIK, the General Staff had a pre-war plan for improving the RRs but its implementation did not start by 1914. Even without doing the physical upgrades (which would be difficult during the war), administration of the RRs could be much better (starting with a full administrative incorporation of the private RRs into the system). Military RR department could be created and equipped before the war which would expedite creation of the RRs at the front zone. Definitely, a massive purchase of the locomotives and railroad cars could be done prior to the war: even at the peace time Russia needed more. Establishing a strict discipline on the RRs with the severe punishments for “saboteurs” on all levels would be necessary.

System of the military orders abroad was simply terrible and, while it was eventually put into some semblance of an order, it kept being extremely wasteful and inefficient.

Foundation of the port of Murmansk did not have to be delayed until start of the war: Russia could benefit from an ice free port on the North. With this being done ahead of OTL schedule, the RR from Murmansk also could be available by the beginning of war and RR from Archangelsk should be upgraded from narrow to standard Russian gauge well before the war. This would help to diminish a problem with the supplies being piled up in the ports of entry. Actually, the Amur extension of TransSib had to be pushed through well before the war (“progressive” faction in the State Council was against it).

Purchase of the agricultural products had to be put on a military footing (effective implementation of Prodrazverstka starting from 1914) with readiness to use military force if needed. Of course, the products must be paid for (not just confiscated as the Bolsheviks did) but at a realistic price. Surplus should be stored as a strategic reserve to be used in the case of emergency. If these warehouses are close to the big cities, the supply crisis may be diminished even with the adjustment to existing corruption.

Mobilization of the industry could be done faster than in OTL. This was going to hurt a consumer (by the end of 1916 over 80% of the enterprises had been producing items for the army) but not up to a catastrophic degree (according to Brusilov, “all Russia was wearing soldiers’ boots” without soldiers going to war barefoot). The same goes for the intelligent placing of the military orders that would allow to engage the small tool shops. Speaking of which, nowadays, any 4th world country learned how to produce AK machine guns in the primitive tool shops. And during WWII PPSh was made out of the stamped parts. Perhaps similar approach to the design of the Russian infantry rifle would not be fully unrealistic but it should happen well before 1914.

Propaganda in OTL was almost non-existent. In this TL the war is being won to a great degree due to the last moment propaganda frenzy. It could start in 1914.

The veterans of WWII had been seemingly in agreement on one fundamental issue: “Narkom’s 100 grams” of vodka had been a mighty stimulus. Temperance in the fighting army was an absolute idiocy (and Nicky’s personal contribution). Besides, it deprived state of one of its major sources of income (28%) and in the rear it simply led to a massive moonshine.

Skilled industrial workers should be relieved from a military service. Import much more Chinese workers for the labor-consuming low-skill jobs like RR construction, help in the ports and even the hired agricultural workers.

All anti-government propaganda must be forbidden and invoke severe penalties. Propaganda should make the whole thing from a beginning as a national war label revolutionaries of all stripes as the German spies (award for delivery usually was producing miracles in whipping up the national loyalty of the masses).

There was absolutely no need to hold tens thousands troops in the capital. They would be more useful for maintaining order in the internal governorships. BTW, massive uprisings in the rural areas started in the early 1917. Not quite sure why at that time but Stolypin would definitely know and perhaps either address the problem before it explodes or crush it.

Internationally, demand a greater reciprocity from the allies in the terms of coordination so that it would not be one way street. In OTL close to the end of war France was requiring something around 40K Russian soldiers to be sent to the Western front and implementation. of that requirement started. At the time when the Russian army and empire in general already was in a desperate state. Did Russia get something for free? Not as far as I know. Notice that even in this TL while the Germans are launching their last desperate offensive and Russia is on a verge of a defeat the allies are only contemplating their offensive.

Of course, all of the above would not solve all the existing problems but it may give Russia a chance to get along until the “glorious end”. 😉
 
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BTW, massive uprisings in the rural areas started in the early 1917
IIRC this was due to confiscations, possibly during a year where there was already a poor harvest - I remember that several of the harvests of the period were poor. There was at least one drought in central Russia though that might have been 1915, not 1917.
Purchase of the agricultural products had to be put on a military footing (effective implementation of Prodrazverstka starting from 1914) with readiness to use military force if needed. Of course, the products must be paid for (not just confiscated as the Bolsheviks did) but at a realistic price. Surplus should be stored as a strategic reserve to be used in the case of emergency. If these warehouses are close to the big cities, the supply crisis may be diminished even with the adjustment to existing corruption.
I believe the issue here is that the government was already intensifying their efforts to acquire more grain for the cities and the front, but they simply made a gross miscalculation about supply. Pre-war, the government thought that peasant villages had a significant degree of slack - surplus labor potential that could be efficiently reallocated to food production if conscription took most young men out of the workforce. They failed to account for the total amount of labor that was less obvious but just as necessary for subsistence farmers, meaning they assumed that labor productivity would increase during the war to compensate for the loss of young men (at their peak for physical labor, mind) to the front. Beyond that, though, when villages had many of their young men sent off to war, their overall per-person labor productivity declined as well! Not only was it a matter of having children and the elderly still needing food while being less able to labor for it, but also, basic subsistence economics meant that farms, faced with increased risk during the war, and faced with effectively-absent market incentives due to the war economy, were more likely to shift towards lower-risk but lower-surplus communal farming, and hardier but less valuable crops. Essentially, it's the age-old problem of agricultural states, where a peasantry that has no reason to engage in outside trade will retreat into subsistence autarchy, meaning surpluses must be compelled by force.

And on the matter of strategic reserves, apparently the situation was highly schizophrenic - right before the October Revolution, St. Petersburg and the Ukrainian theater apparently had about a week of reserves, but regiments in the north had little over a day, and some were beginning to starve. And of course, they carried on essentially rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic in their attempts to address the logistical imbalance by trying to solve the problem of distribution when there was really just a massive problem in supply. For a surplus to exist, it would have to be bought before the war, before conscription and disruption of internal trade lead the peasantry to retreat from the markets, and I'm not sure how that would happen, politically - who could sell the idea of an expansion to strategic grain reserves, and how would it be afforded? When it's needed, it's already too late, and when it's not needed, it's an ongoing expense to cycle old grain out before too much spoils, and new grain in to keep it full, and it's all too easy to dip into for political reasons or due to outright corruption.

For comparison, I'm more familiar with the situation in Canada, where farmers were in the middle of competing pressures, with the government talking out of one side of their mouth to exhort farmers to increase production, then turning around and sending recruitment officers around, homestead by homestead, to cajole anyone they could into volunteering. And even in a situation far less tense than Russia's, there was plenty of animosity, with urban newspapers regularly accusing farmers of growing fat off the war, and with farmers petitioning angrily against the recruitment pressure being levied against them. When conscription was introduced in late summer 1917, farming towns were granted a delay until after the harvest, and a system of local appeals boards was created to allow conscripts to plead their essential nature to the local economy, and then over the winter political demands led to a more widespread farmers exemption, and all this meant that by the time of the the Spring Offensive on the western front, less than a third of Canada's demand for recruits could be fulfilled. In response, the government lifted exemptions in general, including more than 40,000 for military-age farmers, and soon after, a farmer's organization marched on the capital, 5000-strong, to present their grievances, and were largely rebuffed. Canada's wheat harvest declined by a full 19% from 1917 to 1918, and conscription was the biggest extenuating factor. And this is Canada, where mechanization of agriculture was already well underway, market penetration was already high (and remained so for the course of the war), a democratic tradition existed to allow grievances to be aired without bloodshed, and military demands were an ocean away and easier to push back against.

So it's really no surprise that Russia had as hard a time as it did, in trying to adjust to a new reality of war where peasant soldiers would need to be levied for multiple years at a time - and there's no way around that for Russia, where at least 84% of the army was made up of peasants. For one example, conscription riots in 1914 in Russia were often tied to the fact that peasant conscripts were denied their promised wives' allowances (provided by law as compensation for lost labor) and were called up before the harvest, without any leave for that most crucial time of the farming calendar. Why couldn't Franz Ferdinand just get shot in October instead, and save everyone a whole lot of trouble...

In terms of my ideas for squaring the circle and letting Russia survive the war as we've seen in the TL, I'm really not sure if there's much that can be rapidly done to significantly improve the food supply situation - perhaps the best reasonable result is just a less extreme crisis, enough to keep matters from coming to a head. I suppose a marginally better civilian industrial situation and civilian logistical system would mean a bit more ability for civilian goods to get to rural consumers, and thus marginally more peasants farming for the market, but if those resources are taken from the war effort it probably has a worse effect than the loss of market incentives for food production, so I'm really not sure what could be done. Besides confiscation by force, I guess, but when news gets to the front it won't end well.

Edit - sources:
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10611983.2017.1372983 for some statistics and examples of Russian conscription riots.
https://voxeu.org/article/russia-great-war-mobilisation-grain-and-revolution had a convincing argument for the decline in agricultural labor productivity in Russia in WWI.
http://www.journal.forces.gc.ca/vol13/no2/page57-eng.asp reviewed this for the statistics and timing of events for Canada.
 
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brooklyn99

Banned
I think it was one of history's greatest tragedies.
A truthful way to describe it.

For all that the Marxists of the day would bray at how tyrannical the Russian Empire was, Lenin would prove to be more tyrannical, murderous, oppressive and just downright shit than any Tsar since Ivan the Terrible (to say nothing of the despicable fuck that came after him). I sometimes imagine what it would look like if Nicholas II had cracked down on the Bolsheviks with ruthlessness and brutality similar to how the they themselves had done on the "enemies of the people". It's cathartic to imagine the likes of (to name but a few) the goblin-faced butcher; Felix Dzerzhinsky, that murderous weasel; Leon Trotsky (having his head used like a glacier was too good for that twat), the peasant-starving ogre; Lazar Kaganovich and the grandest vermin to beat them all(or more appropriately, kill them in some cases); Ioseb Djugashvili, all meeting a premature end at the gallows, or expiring within a labour camp somewhere in the most frozen, hellish corners of Siberia. Particularly given that all the aforementioned scum as well as Vladimir Ulyanov himself were once in the custody of Tsarist authorities at one point or another pre-revolution. Of course, in that sort of environment where the state really gets it's hands bloody, excesses on the part of the Tsardom would be expected as authoritarian regimes rarely restrain themselves. Possible detriment towards the Jewish populace in particular ought not be overlooked. But in the end, I believe significantly less people would've died for it than they would've under Communism. At least, I see that the Modern day would do better without the presence of specific forms of putrid radical thought that pollutes certain corners of the Internet.

The fact that it all came to a close thanks to the initiative of Boris Yeltsin to give the finger to those tin-pot generals behind the August plot and destroy that abominable union , is something that I take to be a blessing. While I can't approve Yeltsin's crap statesmanship post-1991, if there was one nation that I would wish a man like him to come into being, with all the good and bad that entails and more, it would definitely be that large lump of slime and filth that called itself the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. May that nation and it's founders rot in piss.

Ugh, if the Provisional Government could've been able to get their house in order...perhaps this tragic story of fragile Democracies giving way to the lowest of Humanity is something that foreboded Weimar Germany's fate a decade and a half down the line.
(End rant)
 
A truthful way to describe it.

For all that the Marxists of the day would bray at how tyrannical the Russian Empire was, Lenin would prove to be more tyrannical, murderous, oppressive and just downright shit than any Tsar since Ivan the Terrible (to say nothing of the despicable fuck that came after him). I sometimes imagine what it would look like if Nicholas II had cracked down on the Bolsheviks with ruthlessness and brutality similar to how the they themselves had done on the "enemies of the people". It's cathartic to imagine the likes of (to name but a few) the goblin-faced butcher; Felix Dzerzhinsky, that murderous weasel; Leon Trotsky (having his head used like a glacier was too good for that twat), the peasant-starving ogre; Lazar Kaganovich and the grandest vermin to beat them all(or more appropriately, kill them in some cases); Ioseb Djugashvili, all meeting a premature end at the gallows, or expiring within a labour camp somewhere in the most frozen, hellish corners of Siberia. Particularly given that all the aforementioned scum as well as Vladimir Ulyanov himself were once in the custody of Tsarist authorities at one point or another pre-revolution. Of course, in that sort of environment where the state really gets it's hands bloody, excesses on the part of the Tsardom would be expected as authoritarian regimes rarely restrain themselves. Possible detriment towards the Jewish populace in particular ought not be overlooked. But in the end, I believe significantly less people would've died for it than they would've under Communism. At least, I see that the Modern day would do better without the presence of specific forms of putrid radical thought that pollutes certain corners of the Internet.

Indeed, the USSR was so terrible, that its many creators met a bad end.

Lenin himself got a bullet at the hands of a dismayed leftist, and became an invalid just as his state was being consolidated.

The people who destroyed the Kronstadt rebellion, led by the sailors who helped the Bolsheviks take the Winter Palace, would themselves be destroyed: Tukhachevsky by a purge, Trotsky with an ice pick.

Stalin himself would be done in by his own paranoia, banishing his own doctor to a torture chamber, and then having a stroke and being left to lie in his own piss because his guards were too scared to check on him.
The fact that it all came to a close thanks to the initiative of Boris Yeltsin to give the finger to those tin-pot generals behind the August plot and destroy that abominable union , is something that I take to be a blessing. While I can't approve Yeltsin's crap statesmanship post-1991, if there was one nation that I would wish a man like him to come into being, with all the good and bad that entails and more, it would definitely be that large lump of slime and filth that called itself the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. May that nation and it's founders rot in piss.

Ugh, if the Provisional Government could've been able to get their house in order...perhaps this tragic story of fragile Democracies giving way to the lowest of Humanity is something that foreboded Weimar Germany's fate a decade and a half down the line.
(End rant)

The truth about democracy is this: it is almost always a work in progress, and many nations don't get it right the first time.

America was a country birthed from the Enlightenment, but it struggled with things like property requirements, political machines, racial disenfranchisment, and corruption.

France has gone through five republics in its history.

Russia by 1917 was a nation that had experienced little genuine democracy. The Russia post-1991 has also struggled, but at the very least, it isn't as murderous as previous Russian regimes. So perhaps after Putin, Russia could potentially get a good democracy.

 

brooklyn99

Banned
Russia by 1917 was a nation that had experienced little genuine democracy. The Russia post-1991 has also struggled, but at the very least, it isn't as murderous as previous Russian regimes. So perhaps after Putin, Russia could potentially get a good democracy.
Yes, the provisional government of the February Revolution was one of those promising things that "could have been". In the short window of their existence, they had implemented female suffrage, abolished the Pale of Settlement that restricted Jewish freedom of movement, freedom of assembly and the first popular election in the Constituent Assembly election. Lord knows that perseverance and stability would've always been an uphill battle, given that the wartime pressures which lead to the February government's establishment, would also apply to them as well. Still, there was much potential, I think .

It probably goes without saying that the 20th century was not a great time to be a Russian, maybe now, still. Modern Germany at least, has made good on the time when they were in darkness. Sad that much can't be said for the Russian Federation.
 

AlexG

Banned
Unfortunately I'm not as optimistic about Russia because for as bad as Putin is, he's been their most competent and least murderous leader....ever?

That said, I do hope it eventually becomes a thriving democracy or at the very least that things get better there over time.

With regards to the band of thieves, rapists, and looters history calls the Bolsheviks , I echo @brooklyn99 sentiments on them getting their just desserts.
 
I was just wondering how deep will you get into post-Stoypin policy making during the Interwar period, because WWII is bound to happen in this timeline. Will his land redistribution keep going? What is the goal for industry?

Since Europe just went through 4 years of hell, its infrastructure is probably in shambles and most countries' ability to satisfy internal demand would be quite low. It would be an useful moment for Russia, with its cheap labor and bountiful resources, to try reaching out to those markets.

Because of the February Uprising, Petrograd would be forsaken in favor of Moscow by most investors, so that's a change to the overall industrial makeup of the country. On the other hand, the western half of Little Russia was turned into a puddle of blood during the Germans' last offensive, so food production will need to be shuffled too.

This is why Nicholas II being alive and managing to save at least some face is important, since he had a passion for the colonization of Siberia (he actually headed the Trans-Siberian Railroad Comitee for a while). From 1906 to 1913, the population living east of the Urals doubled. If that kept going, a sort of Russian wheat belt could be formed close to the 50° parallel.

I might be on the minority here, but I'd love it if you got into the the gritty details of statesmanship in the years after the war.
 
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I might be on the minority here, but I'd love it if you got into the the gritty details of statesmanship in the years after the war.
Given the discussion that goes on in this thread, you're definitely not in the minority here. I for one definitely want to see the gritty details of statesmanship, it is in those details where states succeed and fail. Even the greatest transformation or revolution, whether technological, political, or otherwise, has tiny seeds it can be traced back to.

On the discussion of the evils of bolshevism, I'd add the note that the atrocities of the soviet union had many seeds from before the revolution.

Premier among them, I'd say, is the fact that a revolutionary, conspiratorial, underground organization, making use of terrorism as part of its political arsenal, is exactly the sort of environment where beasts of men like Jughashvili could prosper, and is not at all suitable for organizing a culture of democratic debate, but rather an opposite culture of outright paranoia. Moreover, Russia already suffered from a political culture where sycophancy and political appointments were common, and it certainly didn't get better once sycophants could use the charge of ideological deviation as a bludgeon against peers whose competence posed a threat.

Another seed, tied to the first in some ways, is the history of the use of secret police - when the Okhrana made it a habit to play with fire, embedding agents provocateur like Azef and Bobrov, they ended up outright supporting the growth of violent, extremist wings of the organizations they were watching. Frankly the history reads like a cautionary tale of hubris - their scope of operations, and the risks of blowback, make me think that they just didn't account for the possibility that they might inflame the situation too much for them to handle. They organized collaborationist unions to pull people away from revolutionary rhetoric, and then one of their unions attempted to petition the Tsar and were rebuffed in the Bloody Sunday massacre. The Okhrana outright printed revolutionary leaflets, perhaps in an attempt to get subversives to show themselves, and their embedded agents engaged in some cases directly in planning or executing political terrorism. They were so unaware of the inherent societal instability of a Russia with developing mass movements and a political structure unable to effectively take in the populace's feedback, that they continued to directly harm the stability of the country out of what I can only assume was a misguided assumption that it would never get bad enough for outright revolution. And then WWI came along and they had to redirect their efforts to foreign counterespionage, and all the revolutionary fervor and organization that they fed was now largely free to operate, in a social milieu that steadily got more and more angry due to the stresses of the war. And then, of course, with the February revolution came the wholesale dissolution of the Okhrana, as they had completely bled all legitimacy in the eyes of the new government thanks to their many abuses, and thus all their secret puppets, independent and dangerous at the best of times, were free of even the barest hope of being reined in somehow, should the puppetmaster somehow have come to its senses at the eleventh hour.

I alluded above already to the problem of the government being unable to respond to the development of mass politics, thanks to growing literacy and urbanization. If workers, peasants, etc had an effective way to petition the government without being met by the bayonet, if the people had a better ability to influence their government's priorities, then most would have tried those methods, and the revolutionaries would never have amassed as much support as they did. If only Nicholas had the foresight to cooperate and compromise more with the Duma, rather than shutting it down when inconvenient, denying it any power over ministerial appointments, and arbitrarily tipping the electoral rules in his favor, making it clear that Russian democracy operated only at the emperor's pleasure, then it could have grown into an institution that gives the people the feeling that they have a voice, and that their benevolent emperor's rule is indeed benevolent.

ITTL a lot of these contributing factors can have been mitigated - there's certainly been more effective government under the enduring Stolypin than OTL, the Okhrana could have somehow been reined in and made to kill its pet projects for the good of Russia, the organs of government maintain a stable continuity, and hopefully, hopefully, there will be further reforms, since the current state of Russian governance is nowhere near capable of ruling without frequent oppression. On that last one though, I'm not holding by breath - Stenkarazin has hinted that Tsar Nick is retrenching in autocracy now that the war is over, and so while I think that a liberal constitutional order would be the best scenario for Russia right now, I currently don't see that happening.
 
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