For I am the master of all things! - A more succesful Eric of Pomerania
- Thread starter Atterdag
- Start date
A new Griffin
A new Griffin
The deposition of Frederick of Hohenzollern pleased King Sigismund, who in the same year had called for new war taxes at an imperial diet in Frankfurt. This went less smoothly than the intervention in Brandenburg however and was met by little enthusiasm. It quickly became clear that there would be no grand crusade in 1427, Sigismund would however muster a mainly mercenary force. This was a breath of relief for Eric. The stated reason for his part in the invasion of Brandenburg had been to open a path to Bohemia, but naturally even the light fighting and attrition of the campaign in the Mark had taken a toll on his forces. Eric took the opportunity to fall back north on the basis that he had expected the crusade to be a larger project and would not risk his forces unless there was greater support among the other German princes for it. He did however many times reassure Sigismund that he would support any larger war effort that there would be in the future. Sigismund was surely left wondering if his cousin’s pledge was genuine.
The newly installed Margrave John, taking the regnal number John III, was not in a much stronger position in Brandenburg than his predecessor had been. He did however not have the resource drain of fighting the Pomeranian dukes, instead focusing on pacifying the unruly nobles of the Mark. When the Hussites launched massive raids outside of Bohemia in 1429 and 1430, Brandenburg was among their targets and would suffer the same looting that many other Catholic territories did. It would take many years for real order to be restored in Brandenburg.
As for Eric, he returned home and was reunited with Philippa in Copenhagen. The last years had been busy for both, Eric having been on both a long international journey and on campaign, and Philippa ruling the three Kingdoms in his place during that time. Both King and Queen could use some peace, and luckily for them the last years of the 1420’s would prove to be uneventful when it came to the internal situation of the Kalmar Union. Eric and Philippa were given a rare opportunity to spend some time together, and by the summer of 1429 the Queen could all but confirm that she was with child. Philippa would ask permission of the King to see her condition to its conclusion in the Abbey of Vadstena, where she had long felt most comfortable, Eric approved of it. On the 16th of November that year, Abess Bengta Gunnarsdotter could joyfully report that the Queen had given birth to a son and that both mother and child had survived the ordeal.
Eric was pleased. The christening of the boy would take place alongside the consecration of the abbey’s new church, coinciding with a large donation to the abbey made by the King. Likely inspired by the prophecy St Bridget had supposedly pronounced in her lifetime of a King who would lead a great crusade from the north and wishing to double down on his commitments to Sigismund’s cause, Eric chose the name Christopher for his son. For those who had disliked Eric promoting his cousin Bogislaw as a potential heir, the birth of Christopher was a decisive development. Now, they reminded Eric of the commitments had made in 1420, wherein he had said he would not try to have Bogislaw of Stolp succeed him over any son born by him and the Queen. Eric made no official declaration that he no longer meant for Bogislaw no succeed him, but neither did he officially endorse his cousin over his son. Notably, Eric did not confiscate the holdings he had granted his cousin in Lolland and Falster in 1425. These were largely, and most likely correctly, seen as Eric trying to give his chosen heir a power base to pursue his claim to the throne from should it not be recognized. It is likely that Eric still wanted to have Bogislaw as a backup heir, in case that anything should happen to his infant son, as Queen Philippa was nearing 35 and he was getting closer and closer to 50, it seemed unlikely that the couple could count on having more children,
With both Eric and Wladyslaw of Poland having sons of their own, the chance of Bogislaw of Stolp being King of even one – much less both, of their realms was seen as much less likely. Wladyslaw was also beginning to doubt the alliance that the marriage had sealed. There had not been any large conflict between Poland and the order since the two’s marriage in 1424, and so it was not in any way confirmed that Eric did not intend to join a war against the order. Eric’s actions in north Germany and commitment to support Sigismund against the Hussites who many considered Poland-aligned had also cast doubt over where his loyalty laid.
These doubts were pushed to the point in 1431, when a fifth crusade against the Hussites and a new war between the Teutonic Order and King Wladyslaw of Poland broke out. Eric made the decision to first make good on his pledge to Sigismund, organizing a contingent of knights and soldiers from mostly Denmark and Sweden, and dispatching them to Germany to join the rest of the crusaders. The King would however not personally lead this expedition, blaming poor health, instead he made donations to several churches in all his kingdoms to pray and ring the bells in support of the crusaders. Eric made a big deal of praising the men who ‘voluntarily’ went to join the crusade, in doing so he tried to distance himself from the affair in the eyes of King Wladyslaw. The Scandinavian contingent joined up with John of Neumarkt and took part of the crusader invasion of Bohemia, which again was decisively beaten back by the Hussites. Among the Nordic casualties a young Swedish knight by the name of Karl Knutsson was killed.
While the failure of the crusaders was regrettable, Eric felt confident that he had demonstrated his commitment to the cause to Sigsimund. Further relief to Eric’s diplomatic situation reached him late in the year, there had been an early Polish victory at Dabki in the Polish-Teutonic war leading to an armistice. Eric quickly informed Wladyslaw that he was happy to hear of his victory and assured him that he had begun preparations to join the war, but the early armistice had made them superfluous. The crusader loss in Bohemia now lead to peace talks, which Eric welcomed, if the conflicts between Sigismund and the Hussites could finally end he would be free to join Wladyslaw against the Order if, though realistically when, war broke out between the two again.
The deposition of Frederick of Hohenzollern pleased King Sigismund, who in the same year had called for new war taxes at an imperial diet in Frankfurt. This went less smoothly than the intervention in Brandenburg however and was met by little enthusiasm. It quickly became clear that there would be no grand crusade in 1427, Sigismund would however muster a mainly mercenary force. This was a breath of relief for Eric. The stated reason for his part in the invasion of Brandenburg had been to open a path to Bohemia, but naturally even the light fighting and attrition of the campaign in the Mark had taken a toll on his forces. Eric took the opportunity to fall back north on the basis that he had expected the crusade to be a larger project and would not risk his forces unless there was greater support among the other German princes for it. He did however many times reassure Sigismund that he would support any larger war effort that there would be in the future. Sigismund was surely left wondering if his cousin’s pledge was genuine.
The newly installed Margrave John, taking the regnal number John III, was not in a much stronger position in Brandenburg than his predecessor had been. He did however not have the resource drain of fighting the Pomeranian dukes, instead focusing on pacifying the unruly nobles of the Mark. When the Hussites launched massive raids outside of Bohemia in 1429 and 1430, Brandenburg was among their targets and would suffer the same looting that many other Catholic territories did. It would take many years for real order to be restored in Brandenburg.
As for Eric, he returned home and was reunited with Philippa in Copenhagen. The last years had been busy for both, Eric having been on both a long international journey and on campaign, and Philippa ruling the three Kingdoms in his place during that time. Both King and Queen could use some peace, and luckily for them the last years of the 1420’s would prove to be uneventful when it came to the internal situation of the Kalmar Union. Eric and Philippa were given a rare opportunity to spend some time together, and by the summer of 1429 the Queen could all but confirm that she was with child. Philippa would ask permission of the King to see her condition to its conclusion in the Abbey of Vadstena, where she had long felt most comfortable, Eric approved of it. On the 16th of November that year, Abess Bengta Gunnarsdotter could joyfully report that the Queen had given birth to a son and that both mother and child had survived the ordeal.
Eric was pleased. The christening of the boy would take place alongside the consecration of the abbey’s new church, coinciding with a large donation to the abbey made by the King. Likely inspired by the prophecy St Bridget had supposedly pronounced in her lifetime of a King who would lead a great crusade from the north and wishing to double down on his commitments to Sigismund’s cause, Eric chose the name Christopher for his son. For those who had disliked Eric promoting his cousin Bogislaw as a potential heir, the birth of Christopher was a decisive development. Now, they reminded Eric of the commitments had made in 1420, wherein he had said he would not try to have Bogislaw of Stolp succeed him over any son born by him and the Queen. Eric made no official declaration that he no longer meant for Bogislaw no succeed him, but neither did he officially endorse his cousin over his son. Notably, Eric did not confiscate the holdings he had granted his cousin in Lolland and Falster in 1425. These were largely, and most likely correctly, seen as Eric trying to give his chosen heir a power base to pursue his claim to the throne from should it not be recognized. It is likely that Eric still wanted to have Bogislaw as a backup heir, in case that anything should happen to his infant son, as Queen Philippa was nearing 35 and he was getting closer and closer to 50, it seemed unlikely that the couple could count on having more children,
With both Eric and Wladyslaw of Poland having sons of their own, the chance of Bogislaw of Stolp being King of even one – much less both, of their realms was seen as much less likely. Wladyslaw was also beginning to doubt the alliance that the marriage had sealed. There had not been any large conflict between Poland and the order since the two’s marriage in 1424, and so it was not in any way confirmed that Eric did not intend to join a war against the order. Eric’s actions in north Germany and commitment to support Sigismund against the Hussites who many considered Poland-aligned had also cast doubt over where his loyalty laid.
These doubts were pushed to the point in 1431, when a fifth crusade against the Hussites and a new war between the Teutonic Order and King Wladyslaw of Poland broke out. Eric made the decision to first make good on his pledge to Sigismund, organizing a contingent of knights and soldiers from mostly Denmark and Sweden, and dispatching them to Germany to join the rest of the crusaders. The King would however not personally lead this expedition, blaming poor health, instead he made donations to several churches in all his kingdoms to pray and ring the bells in support of the crusaders. Eric made a big deal of praising the men who ‘voluntarily’ went to join the crusade, in doing so he tried to distance himself from the affair in the eyes of King Wladyslaw. The Scandinavian contingent joined up with John of Neumarkt and took part of the crusader invasion of Bohemia, which again was decisively beaten back by the Hussites. Among the Nordic casualties a young Swedish knight by the name of Karl Knutsson was killed.
While the failure of the crusaders was regrettable, Eric felt confident that he had demonstrated his commitment to the cause to Sigsimund. Further relief to Eric’s diplomatic situation reached him late in the year, there had been an early Polish victory at Dabki in the Polish-Teutonic war leading to an armistice. Eric quickly informed Wladyslaw that he was happy to hear of his victory and assured him that he had begun preparations to join the war, but the early armistice had made them superfluous. The crusader loss in Bohemia now lead to peace talks, which Eric welcomed, if the conflicts between Sigismund and the Hussites could finally end he would be free to join Wladyslaw against the Order if, though realistically when, war broke out between the two again.
Eric is nothing if not tenacious, he'll more than likely be around for a few more years...
I'll allow myself a deus ex machina death once in a while
Hopefully Philippa will too. She seemed to have been an even better ruler than Erik, and could hopefully help Christopher even more
Estonia 2: The Heretics in Danzig and the Ghost of Otto
Estonia 2: The Heretics in Danzig and the Ghost of Otto
It was clear to all that the armistice between Poland and the Teutonic Knights would not last long. The Knights still provided support for their chosen candidates in the civil war in Lithuania, hoping to end the union with Poland and gain a powerful ally against King Wladyslaw. Eric also expected the fighting to resume shortly, and from late 1431 and forward he spent nearly all his time in Sweden. While Kalmar and Stockholm remained the King’s most frequented destinations, alongside several visits to Vadstena, Eric also travelled further east than he had been for decades. Viborg in eastern Finland would be a natural launching point for an invasion of Estonia, and its governor Krister Nilsson became one of Eric’s closest advisors during this time.
Another close advisor to Eric, Archbishop Johan Haquini of Uppsala who had followed him on his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, died while Eric was staying in Sweden. During the time of the western schism, the Kings of the north had been used to having large amounts of influence over the investment of new bishops, but now that there was only one Pope the church was reasserting itself. An awkward incident played out in 1432, Eric had just arrived in Stockholm from Finland when news reached him that a certain Olaus Laurenti had arrived in the city – with the intention of journeying south to Rome to be confirmed as new Archbishop. Eric was displeased that the election had taken place without his approval, and Olaus journey was delayed until Eric could meet with the chapter. Not wishing to cause trouble on the homefront right before what seemed like it would be an important war, Eric did approve their choice of successor, but he wished to demonstrate that this was not something that could simply be done without the King finding out.
Eric also went to Visborg on Gotland, though it was technically part of his Danish domain – not that Eric saw a difference between the three and inspected its defenses. The island had been a possession of the order until 1408 and was an important strongpoint in the middle of the Baltic. Eric fully expected the Knights to attempt a reconquest of the island should war with the Teutonic Order break out.
In the summer of 1433, King Wladyslaw of Poland actively allied with the Hussites and a major attack on the Order’s lands was launched. With there being a lull in the conflict between Sigismund and the Hussites, and with Eric believing he had fulfilled his promise of support to the newly-coronated Emperor, he no longer felt any qualms about joining the conflict. While the Hussites attacked the Prussian part of the Order by land, and the Livonian knights fought in Lithuania, the north would first have to engage the Teutons by sea. A fleet of mostly Danish and Swedish ships gathered and launched a coastal campaign against the Order. At the same time, the Hussites were rampaging through the lower Vistula basin, besieging many of the order’s forts and towns in the region. Eventually they reached Danzig and the Baltic Sea. While the Hussites toasted in Baltic water and boasted that only the sea could stop their advance, it seemed like Danzig itself would be out of their reach. That was until the Nordic fleet appeared in the Vistula lagoon. Defeating the Teutonic ships that met them, the fleet supported the Hussite attack on the town, which soon was sacked. Danzig was the main port of the Teutonic Order, and their naval capability would be greatly reduced while the town recovered.
While fighting continued across the Baltic region, rumors of a document that had reached King Eric’s court soon spread across the north. Quickly becoming known as ‘Junker Otto’s testament’ the text was supposedly the recollection of a venerable Knight on his deathbed, who professed to being the brother of Valdemar Atterdag. Alongside the sacraments, the Knight had expressed as his final wish that the lands he had brought with him to the Order be returned to the King of Denmark, to whom they rightly belonged and would be better protected by. Any critical analysis of the letter would quickly disprove its validity, even if Otto had lived until he was 100 years old he still would’ve died around 1410, and the letter seemingly made reference to both people and events that he could not credibly have known about. It is likely that the letter was forged on behalf of King Eric, possibly as revenge for the ‘false Olaf’ that the Order had tried to use to discredit his right to rule in the first years of the 15th century. Fake or not, the letter brought the Estonian issue to the forefront, sowing further discord within the ranks of the Livonian knights.
The war dragged on, and on the first of September 1435 the Livonian knights, alongside their Lithuanian allies in the civil war were decisively defeated at Vilkomir. The battle was arguably more catastrophic for the Livonian Order than Grunwald had been for the Prussian branch. Not only did it see both Grand Master and many high-ranking officials die, but it also cast the very existence of the order into uncertainty. The Livonian Order had slowly drifted apart from the Teutons in the last decades, but following the defeat at Vilkomir the need to reorganize completely became apparent. Most of Livonia was dominated by powerful bishops, who under the leadership of the Archbishop of Riga now made ready to reorganize the order into a Livonian Confederation under church leadership. This caused fears in Estonia, where the influence of the bishops had been relatively low, the Knights there now feared total domination by the clergy unless they acted.
Thus, while negotiating terms for the foundation of the Livonian Confederation in the town of Walk, the Estonian representatives walked out. Hurrying back north, the men who had worn the ‘Danish medal’ in secret before attached it as a symbol of resistance and rebelled against the foundation of the Confederation. Messengers were dispatched to Sweden, where King Eric waited, and asked for him to take Estonia under his protection. Eric could be nothing but pleased by this, the ploy which he had been running for the better part of two decades was finally coming to fruition. Eric gave order for the long-awaited invasion of Estonia to begin.
It was clear to all that the armistice between Poland and the Teutonic Knights would not last long. The Knights still provided support for their chosen candidates in the civil war in Lithuania, hoping to end the union with Poland and gain a powerful ally against King Wladyslaw. Eric also expected the fighting to resume shortly, and from late 1431 and forward he spent nearly all his time in Sweden. While Kalmar and Stockholm remained the King’s most frequented destinations, alongside several visits to Vadstena, Eric also travelled further east than he had been for decades. Viborg in eastern Finland would be a natural launching point for an invasion of Estonia, and its governor Krister Nilsson became one of Eric’s closest advisors during this time.
Another close advisor to Eric, Archbishop Johan Haquini of Uppsala who had followed him on his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, died while Eric was staying in Sweden. During the time of the western schism, the Kings of the north had been used to having large amounts of influence over the investment of new bishops, but now that there was only one Pope the church was reasserting itself. An awkward incident played out in 1432, Eric had just arrived in Stockholm from Finland when news reached him that a certain Olaus Laurenti had arrived in the city – with the intention of journeying south to Rome to be confirmed as new Archbishop. Eric was displeased that the election had taken place without his approval, and Olaus journey was delayed until Eric could meet with the chapter. Not wishing to cause trouble on the homefront right before what seemed like it would be an important war, Eric did approve their choice of successor, but he wished to demonstrate that this was not something that could simply be done without the King finding out.
Eric also went to Visborg on Gotland, though it was technically part of his Danish domain – not that Eric saw a difference between the three and inspected its defenses. The island had been a possession of the order until 1408 and was an important strongpoint in the middle of the Baltic. Eric fully expected the Knights to attempt a reconquest of the island should war with the Teutonic Order break out.
In the summer of 1433, King Wladyslaw of Poland actively allied with the Hussites and a major attack on the Order’s lands was launched. With there being a lull in the conflict between Sigismund and the Hussites, and with Eric believing he had fulfilled his promise of support to the newly-coronated Emperor, he no longer felt any qualms about joining the conflict. While the Hussites attacked the Prussian part of the Order by land, and the Livonian knights fought in Lithuania, the north would first have to engage the Teutons by sea. A fleet of mostly Danish and Swedish ships gathered and launched a coastal campaign against the Order. At the same time, the Hussites were rampaging through the lower Vistula basin, besieging many of the order’s forts and towns in the region. Eventually they reached Danzig and the Baltic Sea. While the Hussites toasted in Baltic water and boasted that only the sea could stop their advance, it seemed like Danzig itself would be out of their reach. That was until the Nordic fleet appeared in the Vistula lagoon. Defeating the Teutonic ships that met them, the fleet supported the Hussite attack on the town, which soon was sacked. Danzig was the main port of the Teutonic Order, and their naval capability would be greatly reduced while the town recovered.
While fighting continued across the Baltic region, rumors of a document that had reached King Eric’s court soon spread across the north. Quickly becoming known as ‘Junker Otto’s testament’ the text was supposedly the recollection of a venerable Knight on his deathbed, who professed to being the brother of Valdemar Atterdag. Alongside the sacraments, the Knight had expressed as his final wish that the lands he had brought with him to the Order be returned to the King of Denmark, to whom they rightly belonged and would be better protected by. Any critical analysis of the letter would quickly disprove its validity, even if Otto had lived until he was 100 years old he still would’ve died around 1410, and the letter seemingly made reference to both people and events that he could not credibly have known about. It is likely that the letter was forged on behalf of King Eric, possibly as revenge for the ‘false Olaf’ that the Order had tried to use to discredit his right to rule in the first years of the 15th century. Fake or not, the letter brought the Estonian issue to the forefront, sowing further discord within the ranks of the Livonian knights.
The war dragged on, and on the first of September 1435 the Livonian knights, alongside their Lithuanian allies in the civil war were decisively defeated at Vilkomir. The battle was arguably more catastrophic for the Livonian Order than Grunwald had been for the Prussian branch. Not only did it see both Grand Master and many high-ranking officials die, but it also cast the very existence of the order into uncertainty. The Livonian Order had slowly drifted apart from the Teutons in the last decades, but following the defeat at Vilkomir the need to reorganize completely became apparent. Most of Livonia was dominated by powerful bishops, who under the leadership of the Archbishop of Riga now made ready to reorganize the order into a Livonian Confederation under church leadership. This caused fears in Estonia, where the influence of the bishops had been relatively low, the Knights there now feared total domination by the clergy unless they acted.
Thus, while negotiating terms for the foundation of the Livonian Confederation in the town of Walk, the Estonian representatives walked out. Hurrying back north, the men who had worn the ‘Danish medal’ in secret before attached it as a symbol of resistance and rebelled against the foundation of the Confederation. Messengers were dispatched to Sweden, where King Eric waited, and asked for him to take Estonia under his protection. Eric could be nothing but pleased by this, the ploy which he had been running for the better part of two decades was finally coming to fruition. Eric gave order for the long-awaited invasion of Estonia to begin.
Estonia 3: A reversed Saint George's Night
Estonia 3: A reversed Saint George's Night
The first Nordic troops crossed from Finland into Estonia already in the winter of 1435-1436, walking across the frozen gulf of Estonia, but it wouldn’t be until spring the next year when the ice cleared that any larger forces could arrive. Two fleets were dispatched, one from Sweden and one from Denmark, both carrying soldiers that were to land in Estonia and support the knights who had thrown off their allegiance to the Order in favor of King Eric. The goal was not the complete capture of the country, not yet anyway, but rather to secure the northern parts that roughly responded to the old Danish Duchy of Estonia. This excluded the islands of Øsel and Dagö, as well as the western county of Wiek, where the Bishop with his base in Arensburg still held allegiance to the Livonian Confederation. Probing attacks on the castle of Leal showed that it would be difficult to seize territory without local help.
The pro-Danish rebellion in northern Estonia meant that Eric’s forces would have a good amount of support from the Knights of the region. However, they were not the only factions to consider. The towns of Reval, Wesenburg and Narva would also be crucial to get on Eric’s side if he wanted to control northern Estonia. Luckily for the King, he had a plan to get the burgher’s support. The Grand Masters of the Livonian Order had not renewed any of the town’s privileges since they became part of the Order’s domains nearly 90 years ago, this was mainly due to legal uncertainties, as the privileges had been granted by the King of Denmark and it remained unclear if it was up to the Order to renew them. While this was largely a symbolic dispute, Eric sent messengers to the three towns in which he re-confirmed their privileges and with this took them under his protection. This was a useful gesture, offering the towns a seemingly legit alternative to opposing the King by implying that they could be spared attacks if they joined his cause.
Like any war, the Kalmar Union’s invasion of Estonia was an international affair. In that department Eric’s main concern was the Hanseatic League, whom he feared would take the Livonian side over his. This was especially true since Reval was a Hanseatic town, and if Eric appeared too domineering towards the town it might antagonize the League. But he had timed his strike well, for the Wendish cities currently had their eyes turned to the west. A decade-old trade conflict with the Dutch towns, backed by the Duke of Burgundy, was seemingly about to expand into a military one. While Eric would covertly fan the flames of this dispute, he also saw the chance of acting as a mediator between the two parts – which came naturally as his domain lay right between the two struggling parties. In doing so, he intended not only to distract the Hansa, but also continue to build goodwill with the League and prevent them from taking hostile action against him.
With the combined efforts of Nordic forces and the local knighthood, Eric’s forces were soon in control of most of northern Estonia. The Livonian Confederation, still reeling from the defeat at Vilkomir, struggled to mount a counterattack. Fiercest opposition came from the Bishop of Øsel-Wiek, but this was mostly defensive, preventing Eric and the Knights of Estonia from encroaching on his lands. As 1436 progressed, the remaining pro-Livonian pockets of resistance became increasingly surrounded and isolated and began falling one by one. Reval accepted Eric’s offer of protection in the summer of 1436, and the King personally travelled to the town to receive its allegiance at the Castorum Danorum, which only seemed fitting. As the campaign season ended, the conflict seemingly died down quite naturally, one side having achieved its goals and the other unable to do much about it. Eric sent representatives to the Livonians informing them that he was invoking his right to redeem the pawned territory of Estonia. This was an olive branch from Eric, who offered the Livonians an honorable and legal end to the conflict. Negotiations were held in Pernau, in which the exact terms for the repayment of the 19,000 silver marks were specified, which would take place over the five years.
While Eric had symbolically assumed control of the now revived Duchy of Estonia at the ‘Danish Castle’ of Tallinn, and in a strict legal sense Estonia was a Danish fief, he was never one to make clear distinctions between his Kingdoms. In the preparations for the conquest, he had spent most of his time in Stockholm and Kalmar, and there found loyal men who he now would place as local governors in Estonia. Among these were the Swedish knights Gustav Algotsson, who was made chief governor of Reval and Broder Svensson, who was made governor of Herrmannsborg near Narva. There were also members of the border nobility, such as the Scanian Olaf Axlesson, who was made governor of Wesenburg. By sharing the spoils in this way, Eric retrospectively justified the war in the eyes of the Swedes, who had provided most of the forces for the Estonian expedition and reaped most of the rewards. Eric could now style himself as ‘Duke of Estonia’ alongside his already extensive list of titles and was one step closer in making his realm the dominant force in the Baltic Sea.
The first Nordic troops crossed from Finland into Estonia already in the winter of 1435-1436, walking across the frozen gulf of Estonia, but it wouldn’t be until spring the next year when the ice cleared that any larger forces could arrive. Two fleets were dispatched, one from Sweden and one from Denmark, both carrying soldiers that were to land in Estonia and support the knights who had thrown off their allegiance to the Order in favor of King Eric. The goal was not the complete capture of the country, not yet anyway, but rather to secure the northern parts that roughly responded to the old Danish Duchy of Estonia. This excluded the islands of Øsel and Dagö, as well as the western county of Wiek, where the Bishop with his base in Arensburg still held allegiance to the Livonian Confederation. Probing attacks on the castle of Leal showed that it would be difficult to seize territory without local help.
The pro-Danish rebellion in northern Estonia meant that Eric’s forces would have a good amount of support from the Knights of the region. However, they were not the only factions to consider. The towns of Reval, Wesenburg and Narva would also be crucial to get on Eric’s side if he wanted to control northern Estonia. Luckily for the King, he had a plan to get the burgher’s support. The Grand Masters of the Livonian Order had not renewed any of the town’s privileges since they became part of the Order’s domains nearly 90 years ago, this was mainly due to legal uncertainties, as the privileges had been granted by the King of Denmark and it remained unclear if it was up to the Order to renew them. While this was largely a symbolic dispute, Eric sent messengers to the three towns in which he re-confirmed their privileges and with this took them under his protection. This was a useful gesture, offering the towns a seemingly legit alternative to opposing the King by implying that they could be spared attacks if they joined his cause.
Like any war, the Kalmar Union’s invasion of Estonia was an international affair. In that department Eric’s main concern was the Hanseatic League, whom he feared would take the Livonian side over his. This was especially true since Reval was a Hanseatic town, and if Eric appeared too domineering towards the town it might antagonize the League. But he had timed his strike well, for the Wendish cities currently had their eyes turned to the west. A decade-old trade conflict with the Dutch towns, backed by the Duke of Burgundy, was seemingly about to expand into a military one. While Eric would covertly fan the flames of this dispute, he also saw the chance of acting as a mediator between the two parts – which came naturally as his domain lay right between the two struggling parties. In doing so, he intended not only to distract the Hansa, but also continue to build goodwill with the League and prevent them from taking hostile action against him.
With the combined efforts of Nordic forces and the local knighthood, Eric’s forces were soon in control of most of northern Estonia. The Livonian Confederation, still reeling from the defeat at Vilkomir, struggled to mount a counterattack. Fiercest opposition came from the Bishop of Øsel-Wiek, but this was mostly defensive, preventing Eric and the Knights of Estonia from encroaching on his lands. As 1436 progressed, the remaining pro-Livonian pockets of resistance became increasingly surrounded and isolated and began falling one by one. Reval accepted Eric’s offer of protection in the summer of 1436, and the King personally travelled to the town to receive its allegiance at the Castorum Danorum, which only seemed fitting. As the campaign season ended, the conflict seemingly died down quite naturally, one side having achieved its goals and the other unable to do much about it. Eric sent representatives to the Livonians informing them that he was invoking his right to redeem the pawned territory of Estonia. This was an olive branch from Eric, who offered the Livonians an honorable and legal end to the conflict. Negotiations were held in Pernau, in which the exact terms for the repayment of the 19,000 silver marks were specified, which would take place over the five years.
While Eric had symbolically assumed control of the now revived Duchy of Estonia at the ‘Danish Castle’ of Tallinn, and in a strict legal sense Estonia was a Danish fief, he was never one to make clear distinctions between his Kingdoms. In the preparations for the conquest, he had spent most of his time in Stockholm and Kalmar, and there found loyal men who he now would place as local governors in Estonia. Among these were the Swedish knights Gustav Algotsson, who was made chief governor of Reval and Broder Svensson, who was made governor of Herrmannsborg near Narva. There were also members of the border nobility, such as the Scanian Olaf Axlesson, who was made governor of Wesenburg. By sharing the spoils in this way, Eric retrospectively justified the war in the eyes of the Swedes, who had provided most of the forces for the Estonian expedition and reaped most of the rewards. Eric could now style himself as ‘Duke of Estonia’ alongside his already extensive list of titles and was one step closer in making his realm the dominant force in the Baltic Sea.
I'm feeling a bit out of my waters when it comes to the succession of Wladyslaw Jagiellon.
In this TL, as you may remember, Hedwig Jagiellon married Bogislaw IX of Pomerania, but I'm a bit unsure how this would affect the succession, and what would be most interesting for the TL. It seems to me like there was a brewing dispute between an opposition of nobles who wanted Hedwig (or her husband) to succeed Wladyslaw II because of her (distant) Piast blood, over his sons with no Piast ties, and that this issue was resolved with Hedwig's death or possible murder. However, I'm having difficulties finding details on the nature of this opposition - could this have lead to armed conflict if Hedwig or a child of hers had still been alive when Wladyslaw died?
I'm trying to come up with the different possible scenarios:
1. Bogislaw and Hedwig has at least one son.
2. Bogislaw and Hedwig has only daughter(s).
3. Bogislaw and Hedwig have no children upon W2's death, but Hedwig is still alive.
How would these different scenarios affect Wladyslaws succession? Could it lead to a war of succession in Poland? Or would Wladyslaw still likely have managed to have his sons by Sophia Halshany recognized as heirs with Hedwig's descendants becoming "backups" if the Jagellonian dynasty dies out? That could be an intersting scenario in and off itself, though less explosive.
@Jan Olbracht @Zygmunt Stary
In this TL, as you may remember, Hedwig Jagiellon married Bogislaw IX of Pomerania, but I'm a bit unsure how this would affect the succession, and what would be most interesting for the TL. It seems to me like there was a brewing dispute between an opposition of nobles who wanted Hedwig (or her husband) to succeed Wladyslaw II because of her (distant) Piast blood, over his sons with no Piast ties, and that this issue was resolved with Hedwig's death or possible murder. However, I'm having difficulties finding details on the nature of this opposition - could this have lead to armed conflict if Hedwig or a child of hers had still been alive when Wladyslaw died?
I'm trying to come up with the different possible scenarios:
1. Bogislaw and Hedwig has at least one son.
2. Bogislaw and Hedwig has only daughter(s).
3. Bogislaw and Hedwig have no children upon W2's death, but Hedwig is still alive.
How would these different scenarios affect Wladyslaws succession? Could it lead to a war of succession in Poland? Or would Wladyslaw still likely have managed to have his sons by Sophia Halshany recognized as heirs with Hedwig's descendants becoming "backups" if the Jagellonian dynasty dies out? That could be an intersting scenario in and off itself, though less explosive.
@Jan Olbracht @Zygmunt Stary
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Hedwig's advantage over her half-brothers was not only blood of Casimir the Great, but also her age-her sons won't be older than her brothers. But still, Jogaila did not let his daughter to marry for that very reason-to not create problems for his sons by Zofia Holszańska.
He won't let his daughter marry at all if he still had hopes to have sons.
I had her marry in this TL, would it be more realistic then for him to never have remarried to Sophia Halshany and then banking on Hedwig having kids? Perhaps having his third wife live longer would have encouraged this, as she was probably nearing being past childbearing age when she died.
If he had trueborn grandson from Hedwig he could just have summoned him as heir and not care about having sons anymorre + he might accept the offer of remarriage to Wenceslaus IV's widow, Sophie of Bawaria (for God knows what reason Poles shortened her name to "Owka/Ofka" which was archaic form for Eve) and that offer came with Silesia in package, it'd require Jogaila to turn very anti-Hussite tho.
When Jogaila was married to his third wife Elżbieta Granowska and they had no kids for years Jogaila lost any hope, that he'd have a son and thus expected Hedwig to be his heiress. Granowska's death changed situation. Jogaila regained hope for male heir and then he decided to change candidate for Hedwig's husband from Bogislaw to Frederick Hohenzollern, because Freddy was much younger than Bogusław and thus he could delay Hedwig's marriage. If Granowska lived then Hedwig would marry Bogislaw as originally was planned.
And then he alongside Hedwig or his kids would be the heir. Hm, I might have to make some retcons, if any marriage of Hedwigs is off the table as long as Jogaila hopes to have kids.
What if Hedwig was married, and then Elizabeth Granowska died? Would Jogaila had remarried then?
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If he already had grandson, probably not, he'd just resign himself to have his grandson as heir, if he had no grandchildren or female grandchildren he'd remarry and try for a son (in case of female granchild, he could try to pass avunculate marriage between his son and his granddaughter).