For I am the master of all things! - A more succesful Eric of Pomerania

Retcon: The Polish succession
Retcon: The Polish succession

In the chapter Estonia – Eric looks east I mentioned that Bogislaw IX of Pomerania married Hedwig Jagiellon as a way to strengthen Eric’s ties to Poland and Lithuania. Later I was informed that there may been some issues with the way I did it, so here’s the re-do.

Wladyslaw II Jagiellon married Anna of Cilli in 1402. Though the King did not have any fond feelings for his new Queen, her dynastic connection to the Piast family was vital to ensure Jogaila’s position in Poland – as well as his succession. In 1408, she gave birth to twins – a girl and a boy who got the names Hedwig and Wladyslaw respectively. Hedwig was married to Bogislaw IX of Pomerania in 1424. Wladyslaw’s wife will remain undecided for now.

Having given Jogaila an heir, he had little reason to see his wife anymore and the two lived mostly separate from each other. The King probably hoped for Anna to meet with an unfortunate accident more than once, alas she clung onto life longer than he did. Having an heir with the blood of a Piast did however take the worry of succession of Jogaila’s mind, allowing to concentrate his efforts on other things – not least the war with the Teutons. Jogaila died in 1434, but with an adult son of Piast blood as his heir the war effort could continue. The Hussite allies of the Poles had captured Danzig already in 1433 with the help of a Scandinavian fleet. Wladyslaw III could score an early triumph in his rule by finalizing the re-conquest of Pomerelia around the same time as Eric recaptured northern Estonia. The Teutonic Order was beginning to crumble from both north and south under the weight of the alliances between Poland-Lithuania and the Kalmar Union.
 
Amicus Optima Vitae Possessio
Amicus Optima Vitae Possessio

In many ways, the conquest of Estonia marked the peak of Eric’s power. He had fulfilled his two main expansionist ambitions and, in a sense, finished the work that had begun under Valdemar Atterdag and continued under Margaret. But when you’re at the top, there’s only one way to go, and from the late 1430’s and going forward Eric would be increasingly more focused on internal matters than international activity.

One of the main reasons for this shift in priority for the King was the death of Sigismund of Luxembourg. The Holy Roman Emperor had not only been a dominant figure in European politics for decades, shaping the landscape of power from the Balkans to Scandinavia, he had also been Eric’s cousin and dear friend. The relationship between King and Emperor had meant that Eric could rely upon approval and support for his policies. This had been critical in Eric’s resolution of the conflict in Schleswig, his relationship with the Hanseatic League and a prime concern when it came to the alliance with Poland. It is fair to say that without Sigismund, Eric could not have attempted many of the things he accomplished.

The new King of the Romans was however Albert of Habsburg, a man Eric had never met and was not related to in any meaningful way. It was clear that Eric would not consistently be able to rely on imperial favor when it came to disputes in northern Germany anymore and thus, he was anxious to make new connections with the imperial court. Emissaries were dispatched to suggest a betrothal between Eric’s son Christopher and either one of Albert’s daughters Anne or Elizabeth. Albert wasn’t necessarily opposed to the idea of the engagement, an alliance with the north could prove valuable, but as conflict quickly flared up in Bohemia between Albert and Wladyslaw of Poland the King of the Romans doubted Eric’s willingness to support him against the Poles. Thus, nothing came of these initial negotiations, and it became clear that Eric’s relationship with the imperial throne would not be as smooth as it had been in the past for the time being.

This change in the political landscape, as well as Eric’s adventures to the east had reinvigorated an old enemy. Since 1433 the divided County of Holstein-Rendsburg had been reunified as Count Adolf of Schauenburg became the last standing of three brothers. With Eric distracted in Estonia, he could start small new attacks on Eric’s southern border, probably secretly supported by the Hansa who were looking for covert ways to harm Eric’s position. While these attacks could not threaten major fortresses like Gottorp, they disrupted trade and served as a constant reminder of the Schauenburger’s claim to Schleswig. The westernmost part of Schleswig, North Frisia, saw the brunt of these raids.

Eric’s carefully constructed network of friendly actors in northern Germany also slowly began to unravel. A few years after Sigismund of Luxembourg’s death, conflicts and feuds between various alliances and coalitions of minor Mecklenburger, Pomeranian and Markish lords and knights would break out again. It was likely the watchful gaze of Eric that had kept these traditional rivals in check, but again, as the King focused on his Estonian ambition, he could not stop the latent hostilities from flaring up again. Ironically Eric’s nephew Christopher, son of John of Neumarkt, would be one of the leading figures of these conflicts. Having earned battlefield experience in the Hussite wars and being given more and more powers and responsibilities by his father in the late 1430’s, Christopher didn’t have any personal feelings of gratitude towards his uncle in Scandinavia or love for his Pomeranian cousins.

But more than rumblings in Germany, it was very important domestic matters that would come to dominate the King’s politics when he returned from Estonia. Eric’s son Christopher was growing into a healthy young boy and his education to prepare him for his future responsibilities was paramount. Having been raised largely by his adoptive mother, Eric did not doubt the ability of women to instruct future rulers, and Christopher’s early education would largely by headed by Queen Philippa. This meant that Christopher would spend much of his childhood in Sweden where Philippa held most of her personal estates. He had been born in Vadstena, and some of Christopher’s earliest memories would be of the chanting of the monastery’s brothers.

Yet, Christopher’s exact status as the King’s son was not entirely clear and would prove to be a contentious matter. Denmark and Sweden were of course both elective monarchies, and thus had no clear concept of an ‘heir apparent’. The sons of Danish kings had sporadically received titles such as Duke or Junker, but these did not necessarily imply the right to inherit the throne after the King’s passing. Even in the traditionally hereditary Norway the question was raised if Christopher automatically would be considered his father’s heir. After all, more senior claimants had been skipped over when Eric had been crowned King of Norway all the way back in 1392, and to some this meant that Norway was not strictly a hereditary monarchy and that the privy councils should at least have some say in choosing of the King’s successor.

It wasn’t that there was much actual opposition to Christopher succeeding Eric as King whenever the aging King finally would leave this world, in fact he was seen as the most logical heir in all three countries, rather it was a matter of principles. Though the magnates in all three countries had no particular opposition to one day see young Christopher ascend as King, they all wished for this to be due to their approval, not some hereditary right as the King seemed to prefer. It may seem frivolous, but Eric’s reign was very much a time where the nature of royal power hanged in balance. Was the King elected by the men of his Kingdoms, and could he thus be deposed by them should they wish, or was he divinely anointed and only beholden to God? In this matter the King and many of his vassals seemed to have parting views.

The unenthusiasm that Eric faced in having his son recognized as his lawful heir was understandably frustrating for the King. There had been many complaints when he had pushed for having his cousin recognized as heir in the 1410’s, complaints that he had placated by promising to not favor Bogislaw over any child born to Eric and Philippa. Yet, now that such a very son in the form of Christopher stood before them, they still complained and delayed in recognizing him as heir. It dawned on Eric that the real problem had never been who was to succeed him, but rather who would have the final say in the matter. Thus, with his territorial ambitions largely fulfilled and the political landscape of Europe becoming unfavorable for further foreign ventures, Eric’s prime concern became the recognition of Christopher’s hereditary rights.

There were many ways Eric could imagine this being done, Junior Kings were not unheard of, not least in Denmark, though Eric would prefer a method that would guarantee his son’s succession in all three countries. As such he decided to focus on the Kingdom where he believed having Christopher recognized as heir would be easiest. Norway had after all followed a strict line of succession before the ascension of Eric to the throne and thus should be able to do so again in the King’s mind. Eric believed that if Christopher’s unquestionably could be recognized as heir to Norway, the other countries would be forced to fall in line. He based this on some clauses of the Kalmar letter, which stated that the three kingdoms were to have a single monarch. According to the King’s logic, this would mean that once Christopher was recognized as heir to Norway, it would be unlawful for any other candidate to be elected in either Denmark or Sweden, an excellent starting point for eventually enforcing a hereditary monarchy in those countries. Naturally, the legitimacy of the Kalmar letters was questionable, they had never been fully ratified, but Eric was convinced that he as so many times before would be able to enforce his interpretation of legal documents as reality.

Cousin Bogislaw had however become an awkward piece in the succession puzzle for Eric, who slightly started to regret having given him lands in Denmark. They had been intended to give Bogislaw a power base in the Kingdom to enforce his succession if it was not widely recognized, but now that he no longer was Eric’s favored heir, they could ironically be used to challenge Christopher’s succession, should Bogislaw be so inclined. Eric was tempted to confiscate the lands, but doing so would risk angering Bogislaw and thus throw the Nordic alliance with Poland into jeopardy, since it relied upon the marriage between Hedwig Jagiellon and Eric’s cousin. In either case Bogislaw showed no tendencies to be anything but loyal to King Eric, and as such Eric chose that it would be better to not act on his concerns, yet anyway,

Instead, Eric would journey to Norway in the late 1430’s and spend more time there than he had done in decades. His last longer visit to the country had been all the way back in 1405. This was partly due to Norway’s status as the least wealthy and thus most marginalized part of Eric’s three Kingdoms, but more than that Eric had a pragmatic approach to where he based himself. When there had been war in Schleswig he had mostly stayed in Denmark, in the leadup to the war in Estonia he had spent his time mostly in Sweden, but before now there had not been any pressing matters in Norway, which had proven easy to control from a base in Denmark either way. For this task however, the King felt that his personal presence was required.

Eric’s physical presence in Norwegian castles and towns, Akerhus, Bergen and Trondheim being the three he would frequent the most, would have much the same effect as his time spent in Sweden had. It allowed him to meet personally with many of his neglected Norwegian vassals and reestablish trust that had faded in the decades past, as well as deal with many local grievances. Many of these grievances were because many perceived ‘foreigners’ occupied important positions in Norway, another demonstration of the entirely different view of the Union that the King held from his vassals. To Eric, a Norwegian, Swede, Dane or Schleswiger was never a foreigner in his domains, but on the local level the perception was different. Eric did not appoint men on the basis of nationality, rather he did so based on his trust in their loyalty and competence, and since he rarely visited Norway, he knew few Norwegians that he trusted. Now however, he was able to meet and build a rapport with many Norwegians that he could appoint to various offices. One such was Amund Sigurdson, who had brought many of these complaints to the King and in time would become a lensman in Østlandet. As such, though Eric had come to Norway to further his dynastic goals, the visit would also prove to have a stabilizing effect for this part of the Kingdom.
 
In Gothlandia et Mari spes mea
In Gothlandia et Mari spes mea

As the first years of the 1440’s came around, Eric found success in his Norwegian endeavors, as Christopher’s hereditary rights to the Kingdom were recognized. This was of course a political victory for Eric, and in his mind the steppingstone to ensuring his son’s succession in all his Kingdoms. Yet, it was in a sense also a victory for the Norwegians, who had seen a resurgence of ‘native’ men in the important posts of the Kingdom. Indeed, the mere fact that the King had personally visited Norway to ensure that Christopher’s hereditary rights would be recognized was held up as evidence that the Kingdom hadn’t simply been sidelined to a Danish province. Whether or not this would ensure Christopher’s succession in Sweden and Denmark was still not clear. There wasn’t exactly a clear framework in either country for how an ‘official’ heir would be named, titled, or treated.

Denmark had previously had both junior kings and the somewhat ambiguous title ‘Junker’ for the sons of Kings, yet the former was an elected title while the latter had no clear definition, as such Eric saw both as insufficient for his vision. In Sweden the situation was worse still, where the elective monarchy was even more entrenched than in Denmark. Eric’s adoptive mother Margaret had titled both her son Olaf and later Eric as ‘true heir to Sweden’, but the Swedes put little value to such a title. Thus, it would be up to Eric to construct the framework for a hereditary monarchy throughout his realms – something he would surely face opposition in doing. He had long been fascinated by both the practices of England and France, where the heir presumptive received the title of Prince of Wales and Dauphin of France respectively. Eric toyed with the idea of trying to create such a title for Christopher, he could and did style him as Prince of Norway, but such a title held little value outside of the actual Kingdom. Again this reflected the struggle of Eric wishing to perceive his kingdoms as a single unit, but the inhabitants not sharing this worldview.

As for foreign policy, the 1440’s as Eric enacting several measures to counterbalance the resurgent Holsatian counts on his southern border. The first of these were cooperation with the peasants of Dithmarschen. The Frisian peasants had long resisted both Danish and German attempts to enforce feudalism on them and were able to hold their own against the knightly armies of the Holsatians. By propping the republic up, Eric gained a valuable buffer to the west of count Adolf of Schauenburg. Additionally, Eric kept bankrolling the Dukes of Saxe-Lauenburg who were the ‘de jure’ lieges of Holstein, even if they had long been eclipsed by their theoretical vassals in terms of power. Bernard II of Saxe-Lauenburg was married to another of Eric’s cousin and could thus easily be swayed to act as a thorn in the side of the Holsatians. Through these measures, the southern threat was limited for now.

To the east, the death of Bishop Johann Schütte of Ösel provided Eric with an opportunity to secure his hold on northern Estonia. The Bishop was one of the main threats to Eric’s rule over the Duchy, and threatened Nordic hegemony over the northern Baltic Sea. As such it was a delightful opportunity for Eric when the two possible successors to the bishopric began feuding over the position. While Johann Krewl had official papal support, Rome was a long way from Estonia, and Eric could readily support the anti-bishop Ludolf Grau with making too much noise in the catholic world. Through this measure, Eric hoped to one day wrestle the Bishopric out of the grasps of the Livonian Confederation and turn it into a vassal of his. Doing so would make the Gulf of Finland all but an inland sea of Eric’s domain, save for the mouth of the Neva where the Republic of Novgorod kept a weary eye on the King’s ambitions. Indeed, following the conquest of Estonia, the fragile at best peace that had existed on Sweden's eastern border began to crumble. Bands of Karelian raided into Finland by land, causing the Swedish nobility to urge the King to strengthen it’s eastern defenses, while piracy in the White Sea and saw both Norwegians and Novgorodians launch small scale attacks on each other’s coasts.

Yet it was not only through territorial ambitions that Eric intended to strengthen his position in the Baltic Sea, diplomacy and economics went hand in hand to this end. The Dutch-Hanseatic wars which had pitted the town of the Burgundian Netherlands against the Wendish Hansa would come to an end in 1441, and just like Eric had promised he would serve as a mediator in the peace negotiations. The resulting treaty of Copenhagen would further benefit Eric’s economic interests, as it opened the Baltic Sea to Dutch trade, further limiting the Hansa’s dominance of the grain and salt trade there. Eric also continued the expansion of the Visborg castle on the island of Gotland. Having placed the first stone of the castle in 1411, the fortress was a project dear to Eric’s heart. The idea was not only to revitalize the role Gotland would play in the Baltic Sea trade, Eric also saw Gotland as a lynchpin in his efforts for military domination of the Baltic. After all, the Vitualian brothers had proved in the 1390’s that the island poised an excellent base to strike at any target around the Baltic Sea, and even further beyond. As Eric would remark in Latin to an advisor: “I put my hope in Gotland and the Sea.”
 
Tldr: Eric meanders around and is mad that he's not the King of France. Next update will have some more international ramifications.
 
Very interesting! Perhaps we’ll see a title like Prince of Skåne or Prince of Sønderjylland come into play for the Danish heir
I remember it was discussed in one of my abandoned (or I guess technically hiatused) TLs that Schleswig become a sort of 'Wales' for Denmark, while I still like that idea I also am debating if Eric would find it appealing. He largely wanted to rule his Kingdoms as one unit, so he may see it as counterintuitive to this goal to have seperate titles for the heirs of Norway, Denmark and Sweden respectively, but finding a title that will be recognized in all three Kingdoms is likely genuinly impossible with his tools at hand. He's way more of a compromiser and realist in this TL than otl, so perhaps he would bite the sour apple and recognize that he'll have to treat his three kingdoms as seperate entities in this case, but I'm not sure yet.
 
I remember it was discussed in one of my abandoned (or I guess technically hiatused) TLs that Schleswig become a sort of 'Wales' for Denmark, while I still like that idea I also am debating if Eric would find it appealing. He largely wanted to rule his Kingdoms as one unit, so he may see it as counterintuitive to this goal to have seperate titles for the heirs of Norway, Denmark and Sweden respectively, but finding a title that will be recognized in all three Kingdoms is likely genuinly impossible with his tools at hand. He's way more of a compromiser and realist in this TL than otl, so perhaps he would bite the sour apple and recognize that he'll have to treat his three kingdoms as seperate entities in this case, but I'm not sure yet.
I think he'd be fine with the current situation rn (as the United Kingdom) while wanting to create a new title like the 'emperor of the North sea' or something to that effect like 'king/emperor of Scandinavia'.
 
I remember it was discussed in one of my abandoned (or I guess technically hiatused) TLs that Schleswig become a sort of 'Wales' for Denmark, while I still like that idea I also am debating if Eric would find it appealing. He largely wanted to rule his Kingdoms as one unit, so he may see it as counterintuitive to this goal to have seperate titles for the heirs of Norway, Denmark and Sweden respectively, but finding a title that will be recognized in all three Kingdoms is likely genuinly impossible with his tools at hand. He's way more of a compromiser and realist in this TL than otl, so perhaps he would bite the sour apple and recognize that he'll have to treat his three kingdoms as seperate entities in this case, but I'm not sure yet.

It seems to me that they best thing would be make the heir ruler of a region in Sweden maybe Västergötaland, the benefit of making the heir prince (Fyrste, Prins, or Hertuge?) of Västergötaland is that it raise the price significant of Sweden electing another king (even if the heir gracefully accept it, they still have to go to war with him to regain the region), it also have a lot of synergy with the Norwegian and to lesser extent Danish crowns. It’s also one of the most densely populated regions in Sweden.

The problem with Schleswig is that the region means nothing to the Swedes and Norwegians, and it involves the heir in a lot of mess in Germany. While there could be benefits with the heir being involved in foreign policy, Schleswig is just a mess and doesn’t make him ready for dealing with the Danish, Swedish or Norwegian estates.
 
I remember it was discussed in one of my abandoned (or I guess technically hiatused) TLs that Schleswig become a sort of 'Wales' for Denmark, while I still like that idea I also am debating if Eric would find it appealing. He largely wanted to rule his Kingdoms as one unit, so he may see it as counterintuitive to this goal to have seperate titles for the heirs of Norway, Denmark and Sweden respectively, but finding a title that will be recognized in all three Kingdoms is likely genuinly impossible with his tools at hand. He's way more of a compromiser and realist in this TL than otl, so perhaps he would bite the sour apple and recognize that he'll have to treat his three kingdoms as seperate entities in this case, but I'm not sure yet.
Hmmm, would Prince of (the) Goths maybe work? It’s a title connected to both Denmark and Sweden and it doesn’t take it’s name from a specific place in particular, and if it did then it would kinda be Sweden? That might suit Erik. On a less serious note, the title of Prince of Goths is fairly amusing heh
 
It seems to me that they best thing would be make the heir ruler of a region in Sweden maybe Västergötaland, the benefit of making the heir prince (Fyrste, Prins, or Hertuge?) of Västergötaland is that it raise the price significant of Sweden electing another king (even if the heir gracefully accept it, they still have to go to war with him to regain the region), it also have a lot of synergy with the Norwegian and to lesser extent Danish crowns. It’s also one of the most densely populated regions in Sweden.
Something like that is probably the best bet, if Eric can come to terms with having to employ seperate strategies in his different kingdoms. Hertig/Duke would be the 'historic' title given to the King's son, with Westrogothia being a province that had previously been made a Duchy. There was also the elusive 'Duke of Sweden' that occasionally pops up among the early Folkung dynasty, perhaps something Eric could try to reinstate too.

Hmmm, would Prince of (the) Goths maybe work? It’s a title connected to both Denmark and Sweden and it doesn’t take it’s name from a specific place in particular, and if it did then it would kinda be Sweden? That might suit Erik. On a less serious note, the title of Prince of Goths is fairly amusing heh
Long term I have considered the whole concept of Gothia to be a useful term to bridge the gap between Sweden and Denmark, I had originally planned to do something with it in my first Kalmar Union timeline. However I don't think the term would carry much meaning to either Swedes or Danes at this time, unless Eric finds a way to 'make it' meaningful.

I think he'd be fine with the current situation rn (as the United Kingdom) while wanting to create a new title like the 'emperor of the North sea' or something to that effect like 'king/emperor of Scandinavia'.
Not really practical in the 15th century, creating a new royal title isn't something rulers could really just do, and especially not Imperial ones.
 
There is only one emperor and he rules Rome!(or two, in new Rome and Germany, but whos counting).
Though it should be mentioned that some historians have interpreted pictures like this to mean that he was considered to be similarly high-ranking as the other Emperors of Europe:

Emperors_John,_Sigmund_&_Eric.jpg

(John VIII Palaiologos, Sigismund of Luxembourg and Eric of Pomerania from left to right).

I have my doubts about this theory though, especially since Eric (never a humble man) himself doesn't seem to have believed himself to be in any way equal to his cousin, stating something of the effect that the "King of the Romans (i.e Sigismund) is the ruler and Lord of all lands."
 
There was a theological aspect as well, though more high medieval than early modern/Renaissance, that the emperor of the romans was going to last to the end times, connected to the coming of the antichrist in 2 thessalonians so he had no mortal equal which is (partly) why the Byz emperor was called equal to the apostles
 
Something like that is probably the best bet, if Eric can come to terms with having to employ seperate strategies in his different kingdoms. Hertig/Duke would be the 'historic' title given to the King's son, with Westrogothia being a province that had previously been made a Duchy. There was also the elusive 'Duke of Sweden' that occasionally pops up among the early Folkung dynasty, perhaps something Eric could try to reinstate too.

The reason I thought about going with ”Fyrste” is because it would make it much clearer that this is hereditable possession.
 
The reason I thought about going with ”Fyrste” is because it would make it much clearer that this is hereditable possession.
I think that’s a good idea in principle but it may be harder to carry out. It’s the Middle Ages after all, and ‘reintroducing’ an old title is way easier than inventing a new one. Then again, the benefits of creating a hereditary principality would probably outweigh the drawbacks here, as well as open up for possible dynastic struggles a la the sons of Gustav Vasa if a future king has multiple sons.
 
I think that’s a good idea in principle but it may be harder to carry out. It’s the Middle Ages after all, and ‘reintroducing’ an old title is way easier than inventing a new one. Then again, the benefits of creating a hereditary principality would probably outweigh the drawbacks here, as well as open up for possible dynastic struggles a la the sons of Gustav Vasa if a future king has multiple sons.

Honestly with the vast amount of territory the Kalmar Union control, I think it would be a good idea to give second and third sons some possessions in more strategic unimportant regions of the realm. These possessions could follow the borders of bishoprics and the son in question could either get the title "junker" or "greve". So, you could have Christoffer potential second son becoming "greve" or "junker" of Hamar or Ribe, a county following the borders of the medieval bishopric of Hamar or Ribe and make it a rule that this postersession should be divided among his sons and if any individual line dies out the possessions are returned to the crown. This will have the benefit of having potential replacements if the main line dies out, while leaving the replacements relative weak.
 
The last Crusade
The last Crusade

Wladyslaw III of Poland, born in 1408 to Lithuanian Grand Duke-turned King of Poland Jogaila and his wife Anna of Cilli, had spent most of his reign as King fighting. Succeeding his father in the midst of war with the Teutonic Order in 1434, the young King was able to start off his rule with an early victory, recapturing Danzig and the surrounding lands with the help of Hussite and Nordic allies. With Wladyslaw’s Piast blood ensuring a smooth succession to the Polish throne, and his sister Hedwig’s marriage to Bogislaw of Pomerania ensuring a strong alliance to the north, the ambitious King could turn his attention south. As the dust of the Hussite wars settled, and especially after Emperor Sigismund died, Wladyslaw joined the fray of the succession struggles engulfing Bohemia and Hungary, wishing to claim either or both thrones for himself. As a mean to this end, he married Catherine of Saxony, sister of Elector Frederick II of Saxony, and as such gained a valuable ally on the Bohemian border. When Albert II of Habsburg died, leaving two daughters and a pregnant wife behind him, Wladyslaw capitalized on the situation, and managed to be elected King of Hungary.

Now ruling a vast amalgamation of lands and titles, stretching from the Baltic to the north, to the Black Sea in the east and the Adriatic in the south-west, Wladyslaw could not help but believe himself to somehow be destined. Prophecies of a King who would lead a crusade from the north abounded in this era, and with his realm now directly bordering the ever-expanding Ottoman State, the time seemed right for Wladyslaw to fulfill his fate. In the first years of the 1440’s, calls for a crusade against the Turks were sounded across Europe, reaching as far as the chilly plains of Scandinavia. There, King Eric was gladdened by the news. Though the Turks posed no threat to him and his Kingdoms, Eric did view himself as a proper christian knight and desired to join his sword with that of the other warriors of Christ. Yet, though his spirit remained strong, the King could not deny that his body was growing old. Having passed his sixtieth birthday, the prospect of a continent-spanning journey like the one he had made in the 1420’s was none to appealing. In conversation with his young son Christopher, Eric lamented the timing of the crusade – for the father was too old to join it, and the son too young.

Nevertheless, Eric remained steadfast that he would support the crusaders in what ways he could from his northern realm. The King met with his cousin Bogislaw, ever his man on the ground when it came to continental affairs. As Wladyslaw III’s brother-in-law, it was natural that Bogislaw would leave his wife Hedwig and teenage son Bogislaw, to join the campaign against the Ottomans. He would serve as leader not only of the soldiers from his own minor Duchy, but also a contingent of soldiers from Eric’s kingdoms. Among these where much of the Estonian knighthood, which had recently become vassals of King Eric, as well several Danes, Swedes and Schleswiger volunteers. As these men marched south from their rendezvous point in Pomerania, Eric could not help but wonder if there wasn’t a better route to get soldiers from the north further south. Most of the wars and campaigns undertaken during Eric’s reign had been fought in and around the Baltic Sea, there his forces could relatively quickly and safely move and strike where they pleased. Whenever he had ventured from the coasts, such as his war against Frederick of Brandenburg and his attempts get involved in the Hussite Wars, he had found his logistical capacities quickly stretched.

Was there truly no way to get Scandinavian soldiers all the way to the Balkans without having to march across the continent? There was of course the sea, ships from the Burgundian Netherlands were known to have taken the western route to lend their support to the crusaders, but the sailors of Eric’s realms had little experience in those waters, being mostly familiar with the Baltic and North Sea. However, there was another route south. Eric had read and heard the stories of how northern warriors in the olden days would sail east, across the rivers of the Rus’ and reach as far as Constantinople. If they had done so in centuries past, why not do so again? Though Eric could perhaps not fully fathom how conditions had changed over the centuries, he did recognize one roadblock: the Novgorodians. The sons of Alexander Nevsky would be none too happy letting crusaders from the north pass through their lands, remembering bitterly the brutal though failed crusades of Magnus Eriksson nearly a century ago.

It was around the same time, as skirmishes and raids across the Swedish-Novgorodian border broke out, and as Eric began to consider the Republic’s rivers as a transit road for his crusading ambition, that stories of a ‘testament of Magnus Eriksson’ began to circulate around the Baltic region. According to the supposed testament, the old King of Sweden had not drowned in a Norwegian fjord as previously thought but gone into exile in the Karelian monastery of Valamo. Supposedly having converted to Orthodoxy, the former King pleaded to his countrymen not to repeat his mistake and remain at peace with the Novgorodians. The testament was largely decried as a fake in the Catholic world, and King Eric saw it as particularly insulting – remembering the ‘fake Olaf’ that had attempted to undermine his reign in 1402. Eric began to see full-on war against Novgorod as a distinct possibility, perhaps even a necessity. There were already calls for retribution for the raids in Karelia and the North Sea. It would seemingly make logistical sense, as it was believed that securing the Russian waterways would make it easier to support crusades in southern Europe. Additionally, it would satisfy the general air of crusading that hung heavy in Europe at this time. Capturing the mouth of the Neva would also be another piece of the puzzle when it came to Eric’s goal of Baltic hegemony.

Yet, there was neither time nor means to set these plans in motion before the shocking news from the Balkans reached north. The crusade had been defeated after seemingly great initial success, utterly smashed by Turkish forces near Varna. Worse – King Wladyslaw had been slain in the fighting. Any hope of driving the Turks from Europe were dashed for now, and the future for the remaining christian princes of the Balkans seemed bleak. Yet, for all the uncertainty and dire prophecy that befell Europe, there was a silver lining for Eric. King Wladyslaw’s marriage to Catherine of Saxony had not produced any heirs. As such the last remaining strand of the Piast dynasty’s blood were found in Hedwig Jagiellon and her son, a lad of 17 years named Bogislaw – and a kinsman of Eric. With one fell swoop the Jagiellon dynasty fell, and in place the Griffin's wings were stretched even further.
 
Top