PART 9: ‘NUMEROUS OUR FOES, AND UNCERTAIN OUR ALLIES’
“…Working together, the Persian and Roman armies easily took Ctesiphon from Vologases’ forces, then went on to sack Susa. [1] There, the local governor attempted to swell his ranks with soldiers fleeing the rout at Ctesiphon. This backfired, as the soldiers only spread unease and fear among the ranks with their tales of the formidable ability of the allied forces. Increasingly fearful his troops would betray the city in a prolonged siege, the governor was forced to meet the two armies on the field of battle, where a masterful pincer attack turned the Parthian army into a panicking mob… Afterwards, the Persians invested the city before heading further east, while the Romans returned to Ctesiphon and Hatra. With the campaigning season coming to close, Macrinus decided to put in one last march and headed towards Babylon with his freshest troops…
“The news of the losses of the two capitals to the allied forces reached Artabanus and Vologases in the middle of subjugating the city of Esfahan.[2] Artabanus is said to have hurled a spear at the messenger who told them the information, screaming that Macrinus was ‘not a mortal man but my evil spirit! That is the only way he can be allowed by the heavens to dog me so!’ [3] The grim report put an end to the pair’s plan to launch an attack deep into Persian territory. The brothers agreed to split their armies, with Vologases going west to reinforce Ecbatana[4], while Artabanus remained in Esfahan. And yet this apparent harmony masked the widening gulf between the two Arsacids. Artabanus blamed Vologases for inviting the Romans back into the East--Vologases blamed Artabanus for convincing him to abandon the capital and join him in an assault on Persia--and for starting the civil war in the first place. Neither prince could forget that their brother was ultimately their greatest rival…
“Macrinus arrived in Babylon to find the gates opened for him, the humbler of two King of Kings, and conqueror of two capitals. ‘A fine reputation is a formidable weapon’ he would later write to his son, ‘destroying and weakening your opponents’ armies before the battle is even joined.’ Setting up winter camp in Babylon (and corresponding with his forces in Ctesiphon and Hatra, as well as the Imperial Senate and his son), Macrinus settled down for the long wait, busying himself with reading books on warfare in part of his ongoing effort to increase his capabilities as a military commander. He began several biographies of Alexander the Great, but discarded them all, noting to Cassius Dio that ‘the great lesson of all of them is that it is a very fine thing to be Alexander’. The Anabasis of Xenophon and Julius Caesar’s accounts of the Gallic and Civil Wars on the other hand, fast became favorites…
“The overall mood among the Romans was elation. Macrinus had, in the course of a single year, not only surpassed Septimus Severus, but the legendary emperor Trajan in the East. Songs were sung by the troops of their beloved Moor Emperor. Only one person was not caught up in this ecstatic mood--Macrinus himself. ‘It will turn, it will turn,’ Cassius Dio has him remarking. “The war’s not been fought that saw no setbacks.” [5] It was in this mood that he penned the famous ‘Letter to My Son’, a fascinating combination of philosophic instruction, and political will.[6] In the meantime, he had his legions work to improve Babylon’s defenses and perform various civic works in the great old city…
“In truth, Macrinus’ fears were well-founded. While his campaign against Babylon had been successful, Vologases had repulsed Ardashir at Ectbana--largely by staying in the city walls and refusing to give battle to the Persian King, while allowing local tribes to harass Ardashir’s army until he gave up. Returning to Susa, Ardashir began to reevaluate his policy in the war. While the alliance with Rome had brought many short-term advantages, ultimately it benefited Macrinus the most, allowing the Emperor to expand and strengthen Roman Mesopotamia. It was clear that if Ardashir fulfilled his goal of turning the realm of the King of Kings from a Parthian to a Persian dynasty, he would rule over a smaller empire, with a powerful Roman presence to his west. And that was if he was victorious--Ardashir knew the longer the war kept on, the more likely his followers were to desert him as his cause seemed less sure. He’d hoped that the seizing of the Parthian capitals would buoy their spirits--but the loss at Ectbana, minor as it was, undid much of that. Men whispered that Macrinus was the force that had won those cities, and that Ardashir had merely taken advantage of the Emperor’s puissance. This was undeserved, and Ardashir knew it--but still it rankled. As opposed to Macrinus, Ardashir saw himself first and foremost as a warrior-king.[7] To have that image threatened struck at the most vital part of the Persian king’s psyche…
“This combination of practical concern and gnawing jealousy soon had Ardashir looking for a way out of his alliance with Macrinus--and he quickly found one. The Arsacid brothers’ quarrel was quickly worsening, as Artabanus discovered that Vologases was paying nobles in his retinue to spy on him. The fact that Artabanus was doing the same things to nobles in Vologases’ retinue did not mollify Artabanus--he had always had a prickly, grudging nature, and since his defeat by Macrinus had come to view his standing as King of Kings with an even more elevated opinion, as if it were the only thing that could keep him afloat after such ignominy. Artabanus was now convinced that his alliance with Vologases was a failure--the Persian cause was, despite a few minor reversals, as strong as ever, while his brother seemed to be eclipsing him in the struggle for the Parthian throne under the guise of friendship. And worst of all, his loathed enemy Macrinus had thoroughly exploited the situation, with Rome well on its way to becoming the greatest power in Asia Minor! It was clear to Artabanus that he had misjudged the true threat. Thus, as Persian emissaries began to hint that they might be willing to come to an accommodation with the Parthians, Artabanus replied that he was the Parthian to deal with…
“That spring, the Persian and Roman forces in Ctesiphon marched out to assault Artabanus in Esfahan, the stated plan being to remove the Parthian threat to Persian territory. The principle author of this expedition on the Roman side was the ambitious young tribune Gordian the Younger. [8] Charming, brave, enthusiastic, Gordian had distinguished himself at several points during the Eastern Campaign, and saw the Esfahan campaign as a chance for more glory. While in theory, tribunes were supposed to take their cues from the centurions, Gordian’s boundless charm and undoubted courage earned those grizzled veterans respect--thus the Roman garrison marched from Ctesiphon BEFORE informing the Emperor of this plan. Macrinus, learning of it, was irritated, but not overly upset--he’d been considering such a campaign himself, and could understand Gordian’s enthusiasm, even if he wished the young tribune had seen fit to ask his permission first, so that he could make sure matters were adequately prepared. As Ctesiphon now needed to be reinforced, Macrinus and his legions set out from Babylon…
“The Roman army was deep in Susiana [9] when they received the horrible news from the lips of Gordian himself. As the tribune and his troops approached Esfahan, the Persian army turned on their supposed allies, with the assistance of Artabanus’ forces. Gordian, with a loyal corps of men, had fought free and made their way to Macrinus--but losses had been horrific. Suddenly, the position of the Roman army was reversed. Now, instead of an eternally victorious force with local support, they were besieged by enemies, and just coming off of a defeat. Critics of Macrinus are prone to dismiss the earlier portion of the Eastern campaigns as little more than a combination of luck and weak opponents. And yet even they are forced to admit that at a moment which would have destroyed a lesser man, Macrinus rose brilliantly to the challenge…
“Assembling his men, Macrinus revealed the loss near Esfahan and Persian perfidy. And yet, he extorted his men to stay strong. ‘Centuries ago, the Ten Thousand of Xenophon--betrayed as we have been, surrounded by Persians as we are--fought their way free through the empire of Artaxerxes, until they stood by the sea! You--you are the legions of Rome! Far better soldiers than they! And you are not mercenaries, fleeing the defeat of a Persian pretender--you are the loyal troops of your lawful Emperor whose cause is not--and will not be--lost! Is there a man among you who feels that we cannot equal their feat, over a much lesser distance? If so--no Roman he!’
“Macrinus’ speech met with the cheers and applause of his troops. It would prove a rallying point for Romans for years to come. ‘Is there a man who stood there with our good Emperor in Asia, whose mind does not go back to when we vowed to follow him back to Roman territory, through the swords of Parthia and Persia?’ Valerian would later write to his friend and fellow Eastern Campaign tribune Gaius Julius Priscus. [10] Rarely, does history give one moments that so dramatically signify the beginnings of new eras--and yet, sometimes they are undeniable. Macrinus, in his speech had made official what many had come to feel over the long years of Rome's rule--that the boundaries of Rome had expanded far past a city in Italy, whatever prestige it still possessed. Rome was an empire, and a Roman was a citizen of that empire. While it is likely Macrinus would have done much of what he would go on to do even if he had never made his speech, it is questionable that he would have done it with such a sense of commitment and purpose. [11]
“But all this was in the future. For now, Macrinus had to fight his way back to Hatra…”
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[1] Susa was the Parthian Empire's OTHER capital, which the Parthians regularly retired to when Ctesiphon was getting sacked. Susa was also sacked quite a bit, but not as much as Ctesiphon. And if it seems like the Parthian Empire was awash in capitals--well, that's because it was. Two capitals of the Empire proper, plus quite a few regional capitals, many of which had served as the capitals of empires in their own right, back in the day.
[2] Modern Isfahan. A prominent city in the Empire.
[3] I'm probably being a little hard on Artabanus in my treatment of him ITTL--but this is a man who managed to plunge the Parthian empire into a fatal civil war, just after it had finally reunified, and who seems to have pissed away the results of a victory over Rome in a handful of years. So, as I write him, he's an asshole.
[4] Ecbatana--another capital of the Parthian Empire--though by this time, that seems to have been in the past. For much of its history, it served as a mint for the Arsacids.
[5] Macrinus strikes me as something of a worrywart. It must be the busts...
[6] I've actually written a few extracts from this. I'll post it some time as a supplement. It should serve as a good 'bump with substance'.
[7] This is definitely true IOTL--Ardashir entire legitimacy came from his vanquishing of Artabanus. The present development of the war into a three-way quagmire with Rome acting as a spoiler is NOT helping him.
[8] IOTL, Emperor Gordian II. From what we know, Gordian seems to have been charming, brave, and willing to take on a legion of veterans with an untrained militia. He wasn't emperor very long, and honestly, his career ITTL will be an unmitigated improvement.
[9] The region of the Parthian Empire administrated by Susa. Like many of the kingdoms of the Parthian Empire, its borders were rather flexible. In fact, my fictional historian may be getting his facts wrong, as he's taking his cue from the Romans, who definitely THOUGHT they were in Susiana when this happened...
[10] Valerian, again, went on to be Roman Emperor IOTL, was captured by the Persians and died in captivity. Once more--a different, arguably better fate is in store for him here. Gaius Julius Priscus was the half-brother of Philip the Arab.
[11] While this is probably overstating it a bit, Macrinus has essentially identified being 'Roman' on significantly broader terms. Simply put--when the time comes to move the capital--people are going to be a lot more receptive to it.
