Odd that a Sun god would be 'god of the mountain', but there you are.
"For I Am One Favored By the Gods": The Rise And Fall of the Mauritian Dynasty
- Thread starter Space Oddity
- Start date
Oh, not so odd. Mountains are high. So is the Sun. Therefore, the Sun rules mountains. Especially the mountain next to us, his extra-special, most-beloved people.
It's common sense, really.
Continues to be good, Space Oddity. I continue to have a feeling that Rome has lost her Empire (or rather, the Empire has lost Rome--the Empire, to be clear, seems to be fine) once and for all.
Thank you. And I think the best way to put it is--the city of Rome has lost the Roman Empire. Largely by choosing the worst possible Emperor for this situation.
Again--thank you. Next post--back to Macrinus, where we see just what the actual Emperor is up to.
PART 5: ‘HERE WAS I BORN, HERE SHALL I LIVE, HERE WILL I REIGN…’
“…Macrinus arrived in Caesarea of Mauretania to the rejoicing of the populace, the local boy made spectacularly good. [1] Settling in the governor’s palace, he set himself to the busy task of directing the Empire, all the while waiting for the Senate of Rome to come to its senses and for Elagabalus’ reign to collapse upon itself. The latter would come in months, but the former would sadly take far longer then he ever imagined…
“While there’s a tendency to see Macrinus’ plan for dealing with Rome’s rebellion as part of a grand design to reduce the capital and exalt the Emperor--and his birthplace--much of this is the result of hindsight, encouraged by historians with their own agendas, such as Thaddeus Major. What contemporary evidence we have suggests that Macrinus began with no greater goal than his own political survival. Mustering the troops and marching on Rome was a risky move for an Emperor who was still not sure exactly who he could trust. Any governor or allied king whose lands he passed through could attack him to curry favor with the Senate and the Pseudo-Severans. His troops could rebel and turn on him, especially as an attack on Rome would most likely prove far from profitable. And if he did succeed, leading an army against Rome would not win the city’s love. Finally, Macrinus, for all the skill he would come to show in war, never held much love for it, preferring to settle his problems peacefully if at all possible. Caracalla may have considered
himself Alexander the Great reborn--when a flatterer attempted to apply the sobriquet to Macrinus, he declared that he certainly hoped that this was not the case, as Alexander’s son was a half-wit, and his kingdom collapsed on his death.
“When this prickly situation was joined to Macrinus’ naturally cautious personality, the initial result was his careful move to a location he felt would prove reasonably safe, as he worked to break the Pseudo-Severan cause. The city of his birth seemed a natural choice. Caesarea of Mauretania was a lovely and venerable city, its buildings a magnificent blend of Egyptian, Greek and Roman styles. [2] An Emperor of Rome would not be out of place there. Macrinus busied himself with the administration of the Empire, while indulging in a few architectural projects to beautify the city of his birth. While it’s tempting to mark the construction of the magnificent Capitoline Temple to Jupiter Most High as the first step in Caesarea’s elevation from a mere base of operations into the new capital of the Empire, there’s no evidence Macrinus saw it as anything more than a gift to his birthplace. [3] At this point, the Emperor was still convinced that Rome would be swiftly brought back into the fold, and would soon enjoy its accustomed place of imperial privilege…
“Macrinus’ donations and gifts to local temples included one that was fairly revolutionary--a bequeathal to the local Christians for the maintenance of their church with a sincere wish that the Emperor be included in their prayers. Despite later tales, there is no evidence that Macrinus was ever a Christian himself, or had anything but a cursory knowledge of the faith at this time. However, like most Imperial citizens of Africa and the East, he viewed Christians with a measure of respect, and unlike the fervent traditionalists in the Senate saw no harm in the sect or its teachings. [4] Additionally, Caesarea of Mauretania had a sizable Christian community, which Macrinus wished to win over. [5] While a few staunch traditionalists grumbled, most cared little about the Emperor’s actions. Indeed, quite a few thought it sensible to try and bring the Christians into the fold, as decades of persecution had only succeeded in strengthening the cult. Among the sect’s adherents the response was more complex, though many churches across the Empire began to celebrate Macrinus’ ascension, and as he’d asked, include him in their prayers… [6]
“Within a few months of the Emperor’s arrival, Caesarea of Mauretania was a busy hive of activity, seeing a steady stream of office-seekers, petitioners, and Senators fleeing the madness of Rome. This last group in particular were greeted with delight by Macrinus, who was eager to establish his regime’s legitimacy. Men who had thrown their support to the Pseudo-Severans came begging forgiveness, assuring Macrinus that they had only done so because of the pressure of the mob and the Julias’ lies. A lesser man would have indulged in the Senators’ humiliation and proclaimed it justice, but the reign of Caracalla had taught Macrinus the dangers of tyranny, and he was by nature a magnanimous soul. Indeed, the Emperor pronounced his hopes to see the fine institutions of the Republic strengthened. Positions that had degenerated into impotence and pageantry would be given a real share in the running of the Empire… [7]
“Soon the Imperial Senate, made up of a combination of the defecting Senators and Macrinus’ carefully selected new men, was meeting in Caesarea’s magistrate’s hall--a stopgap measure, most members felt, before the inevitable return to Rome. Macrinus presided over these meetings as Princeps Senatus, but declined to serve as a Consul, leaving this honored office to the Senatorial old hands Pupienus Maximus and Messalla Apollinaris. Young Diadumenian attended these meetings at his father’s side, Macrinus insisting his son learn the duty of ruling the Empire. Like so much of Macrinus’ early reign, the revolutionary developed not out of any plan, but out of the needs of the moment, and with little understanding of just how revolutionary it was. Without even realizing it, those Senators who’d come to the Emperor’s court and aided him in the creation of his new Senate had begun to divorce the very concept of government from the city of Rome…
“Macrinus realized that his plan to starve Rome into submission by withholding grain and money ultimately relied on the good will of the governors and allied kings, and he worked carefully to see they came to his side. He knew that most governors in this situation would be inclined to at first sit on the fence, aware that a wrong choice would be fatal--he thus determined to show them that he was the right choice. His assiduous efforts (utilizing numerous emissaries) not only bore fruit, but laid the groundwork for the bureaucratic network that Macrinus and his descendents would use to monitor the Empire in the future. The Pseudo-Severans’ folly and tyranny only made his efforts easier, as whatever qualms the governors may have felt about siding with an Emperor in the provinces over one in Rome were put to rest by the grotesque spectacle of Elagabalus’ rule. A handful of attempted uprisings fizzled, most notably one by Gellius Maximus, the head of the Fourth Legion, who had attempted to lure his men into revolt with offers of superior pay. [8] The legion, wary of the fate of the Third, has seized him, and had him crucified.
“By the time of Elagabalus’ death, Macrinus had gained near total control of the Empire over his rivals with a minimum of force. News of the Pretender’s end was met with rejoicing in the Imperial Senate, with Consul Pupienius Maximus rising to his feet and declaring ’Praise be to almighty Jupiter! The fellator is finally gone!” Sending Gordian the Elder as an emissary to the city, accompanied by three ships laden with grain, the Emperor declared that if the Senate and People of Rome surrendered, and acknowledged his rule he would forgive all their treason and treachery, ‘which has surely been the responsibility of the False Antonius and his women, of whom you have been greater victims than myself’. The response to this mild and reasonable missive was discouraging. On his return, Gordian explained that two of the grain ships had been seized by two different imperial claimants in the city, while the third had been set on fire by an angry mob. It had taken a week to get the various factions that more or less compromised the Senate of Rome together, and once that had happened, they had demonstrated there was one thing that they could all agree on--they would not accept Macrinus as Emperor. ‘Tell the Moor,’ the pretender Quintus Tineius Sacerdos had declared, ‘that the city of Rome shall never bow before Carthage!’… [9]
“Macrinus and the Imperial Senate received this news with a mixture of incredulity and weariness. While an expedition against the city was considered, Macrinus’ cautions won out. Aside from the natural reluctance to move against Rome, Gordian’s report made the city sound like a nightmare to attack at that time, and the present policy appeared to be working. Further, the Empire faced issues of more importance than what had essentially become a small rebellious province. The King of Armenia and the Governor of Mesopotamia brought startling news--an offer of alliance with the Parthian King of Kings. Or rather--a Parthian King of Kings.
“…Artabanus’ defeat at Nisibis had caused the Parthian King of Kings considerable harm. As stories circulated of the Great King giving up his jewelry, his crown, and in some tales, even his fine robes to pay Macrinus’ exorbitant demands, his shaky hold on the vast Kingdom of the Parthians weakened, his subject monarchs and satraps whispering to themselves. Ardashir, the King of Persians, who had been engaged in a quiet campaign of empire-building, now openly rose in defiance against Artabanus. [10] Artabanus’ brother Vologases, who had been licking his wounds in Babylonia since Artabanus had seized the throne, marched on Ctesiphon, and was allowed in by the treacherous populace, soon declaring himself the Parthian King of Kings once again. [11] Artabanus, desperate for an army, had fled across the Kingdom to Parthia, and from Asaak, had launched a counterattack against his brother. [12] Vologases, busy now with the Persians, lost his allies in Hyrcania to Artabanus, and now faced an attack on two fronts. In desperation, the newly-restored King of Kings had decided to reach out to the Roman Emperor. Centuries of hostility had given the Parthians a healthy respect for their rivals--and Vologases knew that Macrinus had beaten his brother before… [13]
“…Vologases’ offer was debated and considered by Emperor and Senate. Macrinus was not eager to face the Parthians again, but the chance for a friendly monarch in the East ultimately was too tempting to resist. Roman Mesopotamia needed some form of security, and the legions were growing restless. This expedition stood a good chance of not only firming up an often shaky province--for a while at least--but of helping to ensure the soldiers’ loyalty. And so, despite misgivings, Macrinus prepared once again to head towards the East…"
******
[1] Caesarea of Mauretania--so-called to distinguish it from the many other Caesareas in the Empire--is the city from which the modern Algerian town of Cherchell is descended, and served as the capital of the province of Mauretania Caesariensis. Before that, as the City of Iol, it happened to be the on and off capital of Numidia, and later the capital of Mauretania.
[2] Archaelogical findings date the city's founding back to the Egyptians, with the Carthaginians expanding it greatly. Of course most of the building took place during the reign of Juba II.
[3] Macrinus had a similar Capitoline Temple built IOTL at Volubilus, dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. This is naturally a much grander building.
[4] There's no record of Macrinus' attitude towards Chrisitianity--I've taken the liberty of assuming the typical attitude of the Eastern/African citizens of the Empire, which was far more tolerant than that of Europe. (IOTL, for example, the Syrian Alexander Severus is reported to have considered paying for the construction of a Christian church.) Heavy opposition to Christians seems to have been a preoccupation of the Senate conservatives, in much the way that flag-burning tends to be dragged out in the modern Congress.
[5] How sizable? Well, records a century later have the city supporting four titulars, and a Donatist. I think it's safe to assume that such a community did not spring into existence overnight, though it's almost certainly quite a bit smaller at this point.
[6] The full Christian response to this will be detailed later. Needless to say, it is complicated.
[7] A good example of this is the position of Consul, which now regularly resigned during their turn to make way for--more consuls. The position by this time served as little more than a mark of favor, with the greatest honor to be the consul ordinarius--thus getting the year named after you--or to serve as cocounsul with the Emperor. That said--the general nature of these reforms are to win over a Senate nostalgic for a Republic it barely understands. Thus--more power to Senatorial officials--who play ball, and support Emperor Macrinus.
[8] Gellius tried something similar IOTL against Elagabalus, who he'd rushed to support earlier, and failed then too. ITTL, he sat on his hands during the conflict between Macrinus and the Severans, and only rebelled later on because he thought he saw an opening. His failure is because many of the officers are wary about taking on Macrinus on.
[9] IOTL, Quintus Tineius Sacerdos was consul with Elagabalus in 119. Here, he held a similar position, which gave him a percieved claim on the Imperial title. The problem is, Rome's rather full of people with percieved claims, and none of them are doing a very good job convincing the world at large that these claims are worth very much. His little speech is quite absurd, incidentally, as Septimus Severus and his sons were of Punic descent, meaning he deprives his claim FROM a Carthaginian, but then, he's not in situation where logical arguments are much help...
[10] It should be pointed out that while Artabanus is in a much worse position ITTL, Ardashir is somewhat weaker himself, having not done much of the earlier empire-building that kicked off the Sassasnid Empire.
[11] Vologases VI was the Parthian King of Kings before his brother, who started a civil war and tore away much of the Parthian Empire from him. IOTL, Vologases remained in control of Babylonia, even outlasting his brother's defeat and death by Ardashir by a few years. ITTL, Artabanus' defeat has reenergized his cause, allowing him to reclaim much of what he lost.
[12] Just to be clear, Parthia was a kingdom in the Parthian Empire--the homebase of the Arsacids. Asaak was its capital, and had seen the coronation of many Kings of Kings.
[13] The Parthian relationship with Rome saw many strange alliances over the years. Believe it or not, according to some sources, Artabanus had earlier tried to reach an arrangement with Caracalla, offering the Emperor marriage with a daughter of his. Caracalla supposedly pretended to accept, then massacred the wedding party, in another display of his brilliant political and tactical ability.
****
Just to be clear, everyone--yes, there will be war in the East in the future. No, Rome is not going to annex Parthia/Persia. Just to get that out of the way.
“…Macrinus arrived in Caesarea of Mauretania to the rejoicing of the populace, the local boy made spectacularly good. [1] Settling in the governor’s palace, he set himself to the busy task of directing the Empire, all the while waiting for the Senate of Rome to come to its senses and for Elagabalus’ reign to collapse upon itself. The latter would come in months, but the former would sadly take far longer then he ever imagined…
“While there’s a tendency to see Macrinus’ plan for dealing with Rome’s rebellion as part of a grand design to reduce the capital and exalt the Emperor--and his birthplace--much of this is the result of hindsight, encouraged by historians with their own agendas, such as Thaddeus Major. What contemporary evidence we have suggests that Macrinus began with no greater goal than his own political survival. Mustering the troops and marching on Rome was a risky move for an Emperor who was still not sure exactly who he could trust. Any governor or allied king whose lands he passed through could attack him to curry favor with the Senate and the Pseudo-Severans. His troops could rebel and turn on him, especially as an attack on Rome would most likely prove far from profitable. And if he did succeed, leading an army against Rome would not win the city’s love. Finally, Macrinus, for all the skill he would come to show in war, never held much love for it, preferring to settle his problems peacefully if at all possible. Caracalla may have considered
himself Alexander the Great reborn--when a flatterer attempted to apply the sobriquet to Macrinus, he declared that he certainly hoped that this was not the case, as Alexander’s son was a half-wit, and his kingdom collapsed on his death.
“When this prickly situation was joined to Macrinus’ naturally cautious personality, the initial result was his careful move to a location he felt would prove reasonably safe, as he worked to break the Pseudo-Severan cause. The city of his birth seemed a natural choice. Caesarea of Mauretania was a lovely and venerable city, its buildings a magnificent blend of Egyptian, Greek and Roman styles. [2] An Emperor of Rome would not be out of place there. Macrinus busied himself with the administration of the Empire, while indulging in a few architectural projects to beautify the city of his birth. While it’s tempting to mark the construction of the magnificent Capitoline Temple to Jupiter Most High as the first step in Caesarea’s elevation from a mere base of operations into the new capital of the Empire, there’s no evidence Macrinus saw it as anything more than a gift to his birthplace. [3] At this point, the Emperor was still convinced that Rome would be swiftly brought back into the fold, and would soon enjoy its accustomed place of imperial privilege…
“Macrinus’ donations and gifts to local temples included one that was fairly revolutionary--a bequeathal to the local Christians for the maintenance of their church with a sincere wish that the Emperor be included in their prayers. Despite later tales, there is no evidence that Macrinus was ever a Christian himself, or had anything but a cursory knowledge of the faith at this time. However, like most Imperial citizens of Africa and the East, he viewed Christians with a measure of respect, and unlike the fervent traditionalists in the Senate saw no harm in the sect or its teachings. [4] Additionally, Caesarea of Mauretania had a sizable Christian community, which Macrinus wished to win over. [5] While a few staunch traditionalists grumbled, most cared little about the Emperor’s actions. Indeed, quite a few thought it sensible to try and bring the Christians into the fold, as decades of persecution had only succeeded in strengthening the cult. Among the sect’s adherents the response was more complex, though many churches across the Empire began to celebrate Macrinus’ ascension, and as he’d asked, include him in their prayers… [6]
“Within a few months of the Emperor’s arrival, Caesarea of Mauretania was a busy hive of activity, seeing a steady stream of office-seekers, petitioners, and Senators fleeing the madness of Rome. This last group in particular were greeted with delight by Macrinus, who was eager to establish his regime’s legitimacy. Men who had thrown their support to the Pseudo-Severans came begging forgiveness, assuring Macrinus that they had only done so because of the pressure of the mob and the Julias’ lies. A lesser man would have indulged in the Senators’ humiliation and proclaimed it justice, but the reign of Caracalla had taught Macrinus the dangers of tyranny, and he was by nature a magnanimous soul. Indeed, the Emperor pronounced his hopes to see the fine institutions of the Republic strengthened. Positions that had degenerated into impotence and pageantry would be given a real share in the running of the Empire… [7]
“Soon the Imperial Senate, made up of a combination of the defecting Senators and Macrinus’ carefully selected new men, was meeting in Caesarea’s magistrate’s hall--a stopgap measure, most members felt, before the inevitable return to Rome. Macrinus presided over these meetings as Princeps Senatus, but declined to serve as a Consul, leaving this honored office to the Senatorial old hands Pupienus Maximus and Messalla Apollinaris. Young Diadumenian attended these meetings at his father’s side, Macrinus insisting his son learn the duty of ruling the Empire. Like so much of Macrinus’ early reign, the revolutionary developed not out of any plan, but out of the needs of the moment, and with little understanding of just how revolutionary it was. Without even realizing it, those Senators who’d come to the Emperor’s court and aided him in the creation of his new Senate had begun to divorce the very concept of government from the city of Rome…
“Macrinus realized that his plan to starve Rome into submission by withholding grain and money ultimately relied on the good will of the governors and allied kings, and he worked carefully to see they came to his side. He knew that most governors in this situation would be inclined to at first sit on the fence, aware that a wrong choice would be fatal--he thus determined to show them that he was the right choice. His assiduous efforts (utilizing numerous emissaries) not only bore fruit, but laid the groundwork for the bureaucratic network that Macrinus and his descendents would use to monitor the Empire in the future. The Pseudo-Severans’ folly and tyranny only made his efforts easier, as whatever qualms the governors may have felt about siding with an Emperor in the provinces over one in Rome were put to rest by the grotesque spectacle of Elagabalus’ rule. A handful of attempted uprisings fizzled, most notably one by Gellius Maximus, the head of the Fourth Legion, who had attempted to lure his men into revolt with offers of superior pay. [8] The legion, wary of the fate of the Third, has seized him, and had him crucified.
“By the time of Elagabalus’ death, Macrinus had gained near total control of the Empire over his rivals with a minimum of force. News of the Pretender’s end was met with rejoicing in the Imperial Senate, with Consul Pupienius Maximus rising to his feet and declaring ’Praise be to almighty Jupiter! The fellator is finally gone!” Sending Gordian the Elder as an emissary to the city, accompanied by three ships laden with grain, the Emperor declared that if the Senate and People of Rome surrendered, and acknowledged his rule he would forgive all their treason and treachery, ‘which has surely been the responsibility of the False Antonius and his women, of whom you have been greater victims than myself’. The response to this mild and reasonable missive was discouraging. On his return, Gordian explained that two of the grain ships had been seized by two different imperial claimants in the city, while the third had been set on fire by an angry mob. It had taken a week to get the various factions that more or less compromised the Senate of Rome together, and once that had happened, they had demonstrated there was one thing that they could all agree on--they would not accept Macrinus as Emperor. ‘Tell the Moor,’ the pretender Quintus Tineius Sacerdos had declared, ‘that the city of Rome shall never bow before Carthage!’… [9]
“Macrinus and the Imperial Senate received this news with a mixture of incredulity and weariness. While an expedition against the city was considered, Macrinus’ cautions won out. Aside from the natural reluctance to move against Rome, Gordian’s report made the city sound like a nightmare to attack at that time, and the present policy appeared to be working. Further, the Empire faced issues of more importance than what had essentially become a small rebellious province. The King of Armenia and the Governor of Mesopotamia brought startling news--an offer of alliance with the Parthian King of Kings. Or rather--a Parthian King of Kings.
“…Artabanus’ defeat at Nisibis had caused the Parthian King of Kings considerable harm. As stories circulated of the Great King giving up his jewelry, his crown, and in some tales, even his fine robes to pay Macrinus’ exorbitant demands, his shaky hold on the vast Kingdom of the Parthians weakened, his subject monarchs and satraps whispering to themselves. Ardashir, the King of Persians, who had been engaged in a quiet campaign of empire-building, now openly rose in defiance against Artabanus. [10] Artabanus’ brother Vologases, who had been licking his wounds in Babylonia since Artabanus had seized the throne, marched on Ctesiphon, and was allowed in by the treacherous populace, soon declaring himself the Parthian King of Kings once again. [11] Artabanus, desperate for an army, had fled across the Kingdom to Parthia, and from Asaak, had launched a counterattack against his brother. [12] Vologases, busy now with the Persians, lost his allies in Hyrcania to Artabanus, and now faced an attack on two fronts. In desperation, the newly-restored King of Kings had decided to reach out to the Roman Emperor. Centuries of hostility had given the Parthians a healthy respect for their rivals--and Vologases knew that Macrinus had beaten his brother before… [13]
“…Vologases’ offer was debated and considered by Emperor and Senate. Macrinus was not eager to face the Parthians again, but the chance for a friendly monarch in the East ultimately was too tempting to resist. Roman Mesopotamia needed some form of security, and the legions were growing restless. This expedition stood a good chance of not only firming up an often shaky province--for a while at least--but of helping to ensure the soldiers’ loyalty. And so, despite misgivings, Macrinus prepared once again to head towards the East…"
******
[1] Caesarea of Mauretania--so-called to distinguish it from the many other Caesareas in the Empire--is the city from which the modern Algerian town of Cherchell is descended, and served as the capital of the province of Mauretania Caesariensis. Before that, as the City of Iol, it happened to be the on and off capital of Numidia, and later the capital of Mauretania.
[2] Archaelogical findings date the city's founding back to the Egyptians, with the Carthaginians expanding it greatly. Of course most of the building took place during the reign of Juba II.
[3] Macrinus had a similar Capitoline Temple built IOTL at Volubilus, dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. This is naturally a much grander building.
[4] There's no record of Macrinus' attitude towards Chrisitianity--I've taken the liberty of assuming the typical attitude of the Eastern/African citizens of the Empire, which was far more tolerant than that of Europe. (IOTL, for example, the Syrian Alexander Severus is reported to have considered paying for the construction of a Christian church.) Heavy opposition to Christians seems to have been a preoccupation of the Senate conservatives, in much the way that flag-burning tends to be dragged out in the modern Congress.
[5] How sizable? Well, records a century later have the city supporting four titulars, and a Donatist. I think it's safe to assume that such a community did not spring into existence overnight, though it's almost certainly quite a bit smaller at this point.
[6] The full Christian response to this will be detailed later. Needless to say, it is complicated.
[7] A good example of this is the position of Consul, which now regularly resigned during their turn to make way for--more consuls. The position by this time served as little more than a mark of favor, with the greatest honor to be the consul ordinarius--thus getting the year named after you--or to serve as cocounsul with the Emperor. That said--the general nature of these reforms are to win over a Senate nostalgic for a Republic it barely understands. Thus--more power to Senatorial officials--who play ball, and support Emperor Macrinus.
[8] Gellius tried something similar IOTL against Elagabalus, who he'd rushed to support earlier, and failed then too. ITTL, he sat on his hands during the conflict between Macrinus and the Severans, and only rebelled later on because he thought he saw an opening. His failure is because many of the officers are wary about taking on Macrinus on.
[9] IOTL, Quintus Tineius Sacerdos was consul with Elagabalus in 119. Here, he held a similar position, which gave him a percieved claim on the Imperial title. The problem is, Rome's rather full of people with percieved claims, and none of them are doing a very good job convincing the world at large that these claims are worth very much. His little speech is quite absurd, incidentally, as Septimus Severus and his sons were of Punic descent, meaning he deprives his claim FROM a Carthaginian, but then, he's not in situation where logical arguments are much help...
[10] It should be pointed out that while Artabanus is in a much worse position ITTL, Ardashir is somewhat weaker himself, having not done much of the earlier empire-building that kicked off the Sassasnid Empire.
[11] Vologases VI was the Parthian King of Kings before his brother, who started a civil war and tore away much of the Parthian Empire from him. IOTL, Vologases remained in control of Babylonia, even outlasting his brother's defeat and death by Ardashir by a few years. ITTL, Artabanus' defeat has reenergized his cause, allowing him to reclaim much of what he lost.
[12] Just to be clear, Parthia was a kingdom in the Parthian Empire--the homebase of the Arsacids. Asaak was its capital, and had seen the coronation of many Kings of Kings.
[13] The Parthian relationship with Rome saw many strange alliances over the years. Believe it or not, according to some sources, Artabanus had earlier tried to reach an arrangement with Caracalla, offering the Emperor marriage with a daughter of his. Caracalla supposedly pretended to accept, then massacred the wedding party, in another display of his brilliant political and tactical ability.
****
Just to be clear, everyone--yes, there will be war in the East in the future. No, Rome is not going to annex Parthia/Persia. Just to get that out of the way.
Oohh, good stuff. So I take it that:
i: The Imperial dignity will be moving to Africa in the future. This will have important consequences, obviously. It may completely butterfly the existence of Constantinople (as opposed to Byzantium)
ii: Christians will be at least moderately tolerated earlier but will be under rather pagan rulers, at least for a while. That could have interesting effects. The response is implied to possibly cause schisms (not that any excuse was necessary, in the early church).
iii: The Empire might be getting a more professional and, well, "modern", for lack of a better term, bureaucracy. That might help it hold together better.
yes?
It might not conquer Persia, but that's neither necessary nor desirable in my book, so it's fine.
i: The Imperial dignity will be moving to Africa in the future. This will have important consequences, obviously. It may completely butterfly the existence of Constantinople (as opposed to Byzantium)
ii: Christians will be at least moderately tolerated earlier but will be under rather pagan rulers, at least for a while. That could have interesting effects. The response is implied to possibly cause schisms (not that any excuse was necessary, in the early church).
iii: The Empire might be getting a more professional and, well, "modern", for lack of a better term, bureaucracy. That might help it hold together better.
yes?
It might not conquer Persia, but that's neither necessary nor desirable in my book, so it's fine.
Good work Space Oddity, engrossing update as usual.
First of all love the way you have set it up so that the Senate will have a more itinerant role in the developing new Imperial system. Hopefully this will prevent it from becoming more and more irrelevant as the the centre of gravity moves away from Rome as we saw in OTL. Also nice to see that you've taken the figures who were part of the sort of senatorial comeback of the early crisis period and given them a chance to not get killed by the army/mob/each other. Hopefully more of the major personalities from OTL Alexander Severus' regency council like Ulpian and Cassius Dio could make an appearance.
Also good to see butterflies completely redrawing what was OTL's Sassanid revolt. With multiple sides, there is a good chance that Rome can do a little divide et impera and ensure that their Eastern border remains a relatively quite front thereby allowing themselves to focus on the still forming Germanic super confederacies on the Danube and Rhine frontiers.
Finally, by having Macrinus be relatively friendly to Christianity, are you setting up for an earlier rise in Christianity? OTL the faction most anti-Christian in the Roman Empire were the conservative Roman aristocracy. With their apparent loss of power and prestige, Christianity is going to be a much stronger force. Although all this can be counter-acted if you get a successor emperor who hates Christianity and has the requisite peace on the borders that will allow him to launch a systematic empire-wide purge.
Anyway keep up the great work ! Can't wait for the next update.
First of all love the way you have set it up so that the Senate will have a more itinerant role in the developing new Imperial system. Hopefully this will prevent it from becoming more and more irrelevant as the the centre of gravity moves away from Rome as we saw in OTL. Also nice to see that you've taken the figures who were part of the sort of senatorial comeback of the early crisis period and given them a chance to not get killed by the army/mob/each other. Hopefully more of the major personalities from OTL Alexander Severus' regency council like Ulpian and Cassius Dio could make an appearance.
Also good to see butterflies completely redrawing what was OTL's Sassanid revolt. With multiple sides, there is a good chance that Rome can do a little divide et impera and ensure that their Eastern border remains a relatively quite front thereby allowing themselves to focus on the still forming Germanic super confederacies on the Danube and Rhine frontiers.
Finally, by having Macrinus be relatively friendly to Christianity, are you setting up for an earlier rise in Christianity? OTL the faction most anti-Christian in the Roman Empire were the conservative Roman aristocracy. With their apparent loss of power and prestige, Christianity is going to be a much stronger force. Although all this can be counter-acted if you get a successor emperor who hates Christianity and has the requisite peace on the borders that will allow him to launch a systematic empire-wide purge.
Anyway keep up the great work ! Can't wait for the next update.
The Sandman
Banned
I suppose that regaining the entirety of Mesopotamia for the Empire would be a way to cement Macrinus' support, what with the rich new tax base and the sense of regaining past glories. Having the Zagros Mountains as a natural border in the East would also help, assuming that Macrinus holds up there and fortifies instead of continuing onward into Persia.
I also wonder to what degree sitting across the Mediterranean from the earliest targets of the Great Migrations will affect how the Emperor in Nova Roma deals with the barbarians.
I also wonder to what degree sitting across the Mediterranean from the earliest targets of the Great Migrations will affect how the Emperor in Nova Roma deals with the barbarians.
Philip
Donor
Nice update. One thought: It is likely that the Christians were already praying for the emperor. St Paul commanded it. IIRC, Justin Martyr, among others, reported they did. Of course, if could be that Macrinus' actions encouraged them to recognize Macrinus as the rightful emperor.
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Zioneer
Banned
This is an awesome TL, and it just keeps getting better. A Moor Emperor? Sure, why not? A pretender as mad as a hat? Cool, those are a dime a dozen. But a Moor Emperor ruling a neoCarthage-esque Roman state in Northern Africa?
Rad as heck, and totally awesome. Continue, please. Macrinus seems to be a very good Emperor for being one in the.. Third Century, right?
Rad as heck, and totally awesome. Continue, please. Macrinus seems to be a very good Emperor for being one in the.. Third Century, right?
wolf_brother
Banned
Lots of interesting butterflies here. Might the Romans have more contact with the African states as their power base has moved closer, specifically those in IOTL Western Africa and along the Southern Nile?
Thanks everyone for the kind words. And now, a few responses.
Oh, most definitely. While it's likely some future emperor is going to build up Byzantium some--the position really is too ideal to be completely ignored--you definitely won't see it become the Second Rome it wound up IOTL.
In many respects, it will not so much as cause schisms as build upon schisms that are already present...
It might. And simply having competent men at the top is going to keep things from getting quite as awful as they got. But some problems were deep-rooted enough that they will pop up here in a similar form--though they might prove easier to handle ITTL--and there will be different problems that never occurred at all...
Both are scheduled for appearances. And honestly, it's tough not to have a soft spot for the 3rd century Senators, many of whom were first-rate second level men who found themselves thrust into a job they weren't quite up to.
Pretty much inevitable. So far as we can tell--Parthian/Persian history is amazingly sketchy--by the time Vologases could have taken advantage of his brother's defeats by the Persians, the Sassanids had pretty much taken over the empire, leaving him an afterthought. A defeat like Artabanus has suffered ITTL would revive all but the most discredited causes--and Vologases was far from that.
That might be what happens. Or it might be something else. Wait and see.
Yes and no.
Simple version--becoming more respected and accepted earlier is going to result in a very different faith from OTL. And this shall have profound effects, especially when you factor in the various preexisting schisms...
That's one thing that could effect Christianity.
I've no doubt some were. Macrinus is essentially going for the arrangement the Empire had with the Jews--'you can do your own thing provided you respect the government, and make sure to tell your god that we're nice, and deserve some support.' That said, Christianity was as divided as always in this time, and opinions on the Empire were--varied...
Again, thanks. I have to mention that TTL's Elagabalus is actually more restrained that his OTL counterpart--this was him trying not to actively offend people, as best as he was able to. Though IOTL, he left Christians alone, largely because he didn't have quite the huge money and legitimacy problems that he had here. (Like I said--four years. He lasted four years.)
As for Macrinus--while some of it's no doubt the nostalgia of 'what might have been', he seems to fit the general mold of the potentially decent Emperors of the Crisis period--the Legions were apt to prefer bad Emperors to good ones because bad Emperors paid more and relied more on the Legions...
Oh, most definitely. While it's likely some future emperor is going to build up Byzantium some--the position really is too ideal to be completely ignored--you definitely won't see it become the Second Rome it wound up IOTL.
In many respects, it will not so much as cause schisms as build upon schisms that are already present...
It might. And simply having competent men at the top is going to keep things from getting quite as awful as they got. But some problems were deep-rooted enough that they will pop up here in a similar form--though they might prove easier to handle ITTL--and there will be different problems that never occurred at all...
Both are scheduled for appearances. And honestly, it's tough not to have a soft spot for the 3rd century Senators, many of whom were first-rate second level men who found themselves thrust into a job they weren't quite up to.
Pretty much inevitable. So far as we can tell--Parthian/Persian history is amazingly sketchy--by the time Vologases could have taken advantage of his brother's defeats by the Persians, the Sassanids had pretty much taken over the empire, leaving him an afterthought. A defeat like Artabanus has suffered ITTL would revive all but the most discredited causes--and Vologases was far from that.
That might be what happens. Or it might be something else. Wait and see.
Yes and no.
Simple version--becoming more respected and accepted earlier is going to result in a very different faith from OTL. And this shall have profound effects, especially when you factor in the various preexisting schisms...
That's one thing that could effect Christianity.
I've no doubt some were. Macrinus is essentially going for the arrangement the Empire had with the Jews--'you can do your own thing provided you respect the government, and make sure to tell your god that we're nice, and deserve some support.' That said, Christianity was as divided as always in this time, and opinions on the Empire were--varied...
Again, thanks. I have to mention that TTL's Elagabalus is actually more restrained that his OTL counterpart--this was him trying not to actively offend people, as best as he was able to. Though IOTL, he left Christians alone, largely because he didn't have quite the huge money and legitimacy problems that he had here. (Like I said--four years. He lasted four years.)
As for Macrinus--while some of it's no doubt the nostalgia of 'what might have been', he seems to fit the general mold of the potentially decent Emperors of the Crisis period--the Legions were apt to prefer bad Emperors to good ones because bad Emperors paid more and relied more on the Legions...
PART SIX: ‘ONCE THE CITY OF EMPERORS, NOW THE DOMAIN OF FOOLS’
“The breath had scarcely left Elagabalus’ body when the Pretender gained two would-be successors. Valerius Comazon Eutychianus, head of Elagabalus’ Praetorians, Prefect of the City and former leader of the Third Legion, had his motley troops proclaim him--while one Hierocles, a charioteer of doubtful provenance, claimed the Pretender had adopted him as his son and declared him Caesar, raising his own army of thugs and ex-gladiators. [1] It is a sign of the weakness of the Pretender’s forces that Eutychianus’ Praetorians, which had been in charge of security for a year, were unable to defeat Hierocles’ motley collection of rogues, leading to three days of fighting in the streets. In desperation, the Senate of Rome acted.
‘Meeting in an emergency session, they stripped the absent Eutychianus of his commands, and appointed Balbinus Prefect of Rome. The Senator quickly gathered his own small army and lead them against the two pretenders’ mobs, quickly dispersing them. Eutychianus and Hierocles were both killed, their heads stuck on pikes, and displayed in the Forum. With this swift action, Balbinus had made himself master of the city, and could, perhaps have claimed the purple and served as a reasonable challenge to Macrinus. But the old Senator had too much respect for the law. He disbanded his forces, and called together his colleagues in the Senate of Rome. Perhaps he thought they would acclaim him Emperor, and in saner times, they would have. But these times were from sane. In that meeting of the Senate, Balbinus found himself accused by the consuls, Quintus Tineius Sacerdos and Seius Sallustius, of conspiring to seize control of the city, and hand it over to the Moor Emperor. [2]
‘Even now, Balbinus could have saved himself, if he had simply denied the charges, and pledged himself to resisting Macrinus’ claim. But instead he savaged his accusers, openly casting scorn on their ridiculous claims. Even worse, he compounded his effrontery by stating to the Senate of Rome that if they cared at all about the welfare of the city, they would have to come to some accommodation with Macrinus, who, whatever they might think of his claim, most definitely possessed control of the Empire. This was too much for the Senators, who, depending on the story, either had him seized by their guards, and then executed, or fell on him themselves and beat him to death. Whatever occurred, Balbinus’ head joined those of Hierocles and Eutychianus in the Forum. It is said that Gordian the Elder, when he came to the city, wept when he saw this grisly token, and declared he did not know whether he wept for his friend, the city, or the state that the Senate of Rome had degraded to…
‘Balbinus’ death ended the last hope the rebels’ had of unified leadership. A mere day later, an athlete named Aurelius Zoticus, claiming to be the adopted son of Hierocles, just as Hierocles had claimed to be the adopted son of Elagabalus, declared himself Emperor, and seized control of Ostia. [3] This pretender bolstered his claim by stating that Elagabalus had his relations killed because they’d been plotting to surrender the city to Macrinus, with Julia Avita Mamaea offering to marry the Emperor if he would adopt Alexander as his son, thus neatly tying their respective claims to the purple together, a story some historians suspect may have had more than a grain of truth behind it. The Senate, still reeling from their hasty killing of Balbinus, met with a general goal of dealing with this threat.
‘It was not a fortuitous meeting. The Senators all came with armed guards, and according to Thaddeus Major, half of them chose to garb themselves in the Imperial purple. In no time at all, they fell to bickering and outright violence. All agreed that they needed a new Emperor--unfortunately, none could agree who that was to be, with many thinking it should be themselves… The city fell further into chaos. Senator killed Senator, and soon the city was beset by roving gangs and factions...
‘By the time Gordian the Elder arrived, the situation had stabilized around three Senatorial Pretenders--and Zoticus in Ostia, who ironically, had a firmer power base than any of them. The greatest of the Senatorial Pretenders at the time was Quintus Tineius Sacerdos who had served as consul with Elagabalus, and whose daughter Tineia was the wife of Pupienius Maximus’ son, Pupienius Pulcher. [4] It was he who spoke at the meeting of the Senate of Rome with Gordian, where he emphatically denounced Macrinus, swearing, rather ridiculously, that Rome would never bow to Carthage. However, Marcus Flavius Vitellius Seleucus and the soon-to-be infamous Seius Sallustius rivaled him so closely in strength that any claims to supremacy were illusory. [5] Inded, Sacredos would be the first of the three to be killed, only a short time after this meeting…
“…Our records of the city’s are fragmentary at best, and obscured by myth and propaganda at the worst. We know that Sacerdos sent a letter to Pupienius Maximus, offering to share the throne with his in-law--and we know that Pupienius Maximus read the letter out to the Senate and denounced his former friend as a traitor and a lunatic. But we may only assume that he died soon after this, as our sources offer little illumination in dating his murder… Indeed, even the stories we read are contradictory. Was Sacerdos killed by a mob screaming for bread as he left a feast, as Thaddeus Major insists? Or did Seleucus bribe one of Sacerdos' own bodyguards to kill him? The truth can never be known… What is certain is that after his death, his elder brothers Quintus Tineius Rufus and Quintus Tineius Clemens claimed a joint-emperorship. [ 6]
"By this point, the four Senators and Zocrinus were only the most prominent of a horde of claimants. A man claiming to be the illegitimate son of Severus Septimus briefly held the area around the Vatican, before Zocrinus’ men killed him. Another man claiming to be the bastard of Commodus had his career ended before it began when one man in the crowd recognized him as one Verrus, a cobbler…
“Perhaps the most startling--and surprisingly successful--of these bizarre claimants was the False-Nero. This strange figure, taking advantage of a long-held superstition that the Emperor Nero had not died and would one day return to rule Rome, held court in the Janiculum Forum for an outstanding two years, partially due to love the people came to hold for him, and partially because he was so pleasant and harmless that no other claimant viewed him as a threat… [7]
“The behavior of the more formal claimants was hardly better. Seleucus became infamous for his draconian punishments, on one occasion having man’s eyes, nose, and mouth all sewn shut for coughing during a speech, on another dousing a man in pigs’ blood and setting dogs upon him for writing an insult about him in the Forum… [8] Seius Sallustus began his own career in notoriety by marrying his own daughter, Sallustia Orbiana, and siring a son on her. As for the brothers Tineius, they fell to quarrelling, and finally perished in a fire begun during a brawl… [9]
“For several years, the city limped on in decrepitude as the Empire continued to function around it. Macrinus and the Imperial Senate were preoccupied by affairs to the East, and wary of Rome’s madness. Affairs in the city, tragic as they were, could wait until the campaigns were finished, and Mesopotamia was secure. As for the Governors and prefects--they saw no reason to support the various Pretenders, and were reluctant to march on the city themselves, fearing that Macrinus would interpret such a motion as a sign of imperial ambition. Affairs in Rome would be resolved in time--but in a manner so startling it can truly be said none expected it…”
*****
[1] Both of these figures were attached to Elagabalus IOTL--Eutychianus in the manner mentioned, Hierocles as his lover and supposed husband. (Elegabalus DID supposedly try to get him named Caesar by the way, but there was a limit to how much crap the Senate could accept.) IOTL, both were killed shortly after Elagabalus.
[2] Sallustus was a prominent Roman senator who would reach his greatest power under Alexander Severus IOTL. Here, he has a different career, and winds up with a much blacker reputation...
[3] Zocrinus was a Smyrnan wrestler, by some reports, who Elagabalus took a shine to and named Master of the Bedchamber. The Augustan History claims that they were publically married, but the Augustan History rarely lets the facts get in the way of a good yarn...
[4] All this is true IOTL.
[5] Marcus Flavius Vitellius Seleucus is one of two suspects for the Seleucus that launched a counterclaim to Elagabalus.
[6] Rufus and Clemens both served as Consuls both IOTL and ITTL, prior to the POD. While we can't say for sure they were the older brothers, the fact that they served before Sacerdos suggests this was the case.
[7] The legend of Nero's future restoration to the throne is referenced by Tacitus, AND Saint Augustine--the latter hundreds of years after Nero's death. Which makes Nero one of the oldest 'Kings under the hill' on record.
[8] How true are any of these stories ITTL? Well, on the one hand, the Pretenders are not only on the losing side of history, they lose in such a way that makes even those who dislike Macrinus hate them. On the other hand, these are men in a desperate situation, with pretences to absolute power, rarely a recipe for good mental health...
[9] Sallustia Barbia Orbiana was one of the wives of Alexander Severus, famed for her beauty--one of the images we have of her is a nude statue depiciting her as Venus. Her father ultimately attempted a coup--supposedly for her benefit--resulting in his execution and her banishment to Africa. There were no rumors of their having an incestuous relatiohship IOTL--at least, that I know of. But again, this situation breeds both horrible stories and horrible behavior...
“The breath had scarcely left Elagabalus’ body when the Pretender gained two would-be successors. Valerius Comazon Eutychianus, head of Elagabalus’ Praetorians, Prefect of the City and former leader of the Third Legion, had his motley troops proclaim him--while one Hierocles, a charioteer of doubtful provenance, claimed the Pretender had adopted him as his son and declared him Caesar, raising his own army of thugs and ex-gladiators. [1] It is a sign of the weakness of the Pretender’s forces that Eutychianus’ Praetorians, which had been in charge of security for a year, were unable to defeat Hierocles’ motley collection of rogues, leading to three days of fighting in the streets. In desperation, the Senate of Rome acted.
‘Meeting in an emergency session, they stripped the absent Eutychianus of his commands, and appointed Balbinus Prefect of Rome. The Senator quickly gathered his own small army and lead them against the two pretenders’ mobs, quickly dispersing them. Eutychianus and Hierocles were both killed, their heads stuck on pikes, and displayed in the Forum. With this swift action, Balbinus had made himself master of the city, and could, perhaps have claimed the purple and served as a reasonable challenge to Macrinus. But the old Senator had too much respect for the law. He disbanded his forces, and called together his colleagues in the Senate of Rome. Perhaps he thought they would acclaim him Emperor, and in saner times, they would have. But these times were from sane. In that meeting of the Senate, Balbinus found himself accused by the consuls, Quintus Tineius Sacerdos and Seius Sallustius, of conspiring to seize control of the city, and hand it over to the Moor Emperor. [2]
‘Even now, Balbinus could have saved himself, if he had simply denied the charges, and pledged himself to resisting Macrinus’ claim. But instead he savaged his accusers, openly casting scorn on their ridiculous claims. Even worse, he compounded his effrontery by stating to the Senate of Rome that if they cared at all about the welfare of the city, they would have to come to some accommodation with Macrinus, who, whatever they might think of his claim, most definitely possessed control of the Empire. This was too much for the Senators, who, depending on the story, either had him seized by their guards, and then executed, or fell on him themselves and beat him to death. Whatever occurred, Balbinus’ head joined those of Hierocles and Eutychianus in the Forum. It is said that Gordian the Elder, when he came to the city, wept when he saw this grisly token, and declared he did not know whether he wept for his friend, the city, or the state that the Senate of Rome had degraded to…
‘Balbinus’ death ended the last hope the rebels’ had of unified leadership. A mere day later, an athlete named Aurelius Zoticus, claiming to be the adopted son of Hierocles, just as Hierocles had claimed to be the adopted son of Elagabalus, declared himself Emperor, and seized control of Ostia. [3] This pretender bolstered his claim by stating that Elagabalus had his relations killed because they’d been plotting to surrender the city to Macrinus, with Julia Avita Mamaea offering to marry the Emperor if he would adopt Alexander as his son, thus neatly tying their respective claims to the purple together, a story some historians suspect may have had more than a grain of truth behind it. The Senate, still reeling from their hasty killing of Balbinus, met with a general goal of dealing with this threat.
‘It was not a fortuitous meeting. The Senators all came with armed guards, and according to Thaddeus Major, half of them chose to garb themselves in the Imperial purple. In no time at all, they fell to bickering and outright violence. All agreed that they needed a new Emperor--unfortunately, none could agree who that was to be, with many thinking it should be themselves… The city fell further into chaos. Senator killed Senator, and soon the city was beset by roving gangs and factions...
‘By the time Gordian the Elder arrived, the situation had stabilized around three Senatorial Pretenders--and Zoticus in Ostia, who ironically, had a firmer power base than any of them. The greatest of the Senatorial Pretenders at the time was Quintus Tineius Sacerdos who had served as consul with Elagabalus, and whose daughter Tineia was the wife of Pupienius Maximus’ son, Pupienius Pulcher. [4] It was he who spoke at the meeting of the Senate of Rome with Gordian, where he emphatically denounced Macrinus, swearing, rather ridiculously, that Rome would never bow to Carthage. However, Marcus Flavius Vitellius Seleucus and the soon-to-be infamous Seius Sallustius rivaled him so closely in strength that any claims to supremacy were illusory. [5] Inded, Sacredos would be the first of the three to be killed, only a short time after this meeting…
“…Our records of the city’s are fragmentary at best, and obscured by myth and propaganda at the worst. We know that Sacerdos sent a letter to Pupienius Maximus, offering to share the throne with his in-law--and we know that Pupienius Maximus read the letter out to the Senate and denounced his former friend as a traitor and a lunatic. But we may only assume that he died soon after this, as our sources offer little illumination in dating his murder… Indeed, even the stories we read are contradictory. Was Sacerdos killed by a mob screaming for bread as he left a feast, as Thaddeus Major insists? Or did Seleucus bribe one of Sacerdos' own bodyguards to kill him? The truth can never be known… What is certain is that after his death, his elder brothers Quintus Tineius Rufus and Quintus Tineius Clemens claimed a joint-emperorship. [ 6]
"By this point, the four Senators and Zocrinus were only the most prominent of a horde of claimants. A man claiming to be the illegitimate son of Severus Septimus briefly held the area around the Vatican, before Zocrinus’ men killed him. Another man claiming to be the bastard of Commodus had his career ended before it began when one man in the crowd recognized him as one Verrus, a cobbler…
“Perhaps the most startling--and surprisingly successful--of these bizarre claimants was the False-Nero. This strange figure, taking advantage of a long-held superstition that the Emperor Nero had not died and would one day return to rule Rome, held court in the Janiculum Forum for an outstanding two years, partially due to love the people came to hold for him, and partially because he was so pleasant and harmless that no other claimant viewed him as a threat… [7]
“The behavior of the more formal claimants was hardly better. Seleucus became infamous for his draconian punishments, on one occasion having man’s eyes, nose, and mouth all sewn shut for coughing during a speech, on another dousing a man in pigs’ blood and setting dogs upon him for writing an insult about him in the Forum… [8] Seius Sallustus began his own career in notoriety by marrying his own daughter, Sallustia Orbiana, and siring a son on her. As for the brothers Tineius, they fell to quarrelling, and finally perished in a fire begun during a brawl… [9]
“For several years, the city limped on in decrepitude as the Empire continued to function around it. Macrinus and the Imperial Senate were preoccupied by affairs to the East, and wary of Rome’s madness. Affairs in the city, tragic as they were, could wait until the campaigns were finished, and Mesopotamia was secure. As for the Governors and prefects--they saw no reason to support the various Pretenders, and were reluctant to march on the city themselves, fearing that Macrinus would interpret such a motion as a sign of imperial ambition. Affairs in Rome would be resolved in time--but in a manner so startling it can truly be said none expected it…”
*****
[1] Both of these figures were attached to Elagabalus IOTL--Eutychianus in the manner mentioned, Hierocles as his lover and supposed husband. (Elegabalus DID supposedly try to get him named Caesar by the way, but there was a limit to how much crap the Senate could accept.) IOTL, both were killed shortly after Elagabalus.
[2] Sallustus was a prominent Roman senator who would reach his greatest power under Alexander Severus IOTL. Here, he has a different career, and winds up with a much blacker reputation...
[3] Zocrinus was a Smyrnan wrestler, by some reports, who Elagabalus took a shine to and named Master of the Bedchamber. The Augustan History claims that they were publically married, but the Augustan History rarely lets the facts get in the way of a good yarn...
[4] All this is true IOTL.
[5] Marcus Flavius Vitellius Seleucus is one of two suspects for the Seleucus that launched a counterclaim to Elagabalus.
[6] Rufus and Clemens both served as Consuls both IOTL and ITTL, prior to the POD. While we can't say for sure they were the older brothers, the fact that they served before Sacerdos suggests this was the case.
[7] The legend of Nero's future restoration to the throne is referenced by Tacitus, AND Saint Augustine--the latter hundreds of years after Nero's death. Which makes Nero one of the oldest 'Kings under the hill' on record.
[8] How true are any of these stories ITTL? Well, on the one hand, the Pretenders are not only on the losing side of history, they lose in such a way that makes even those who dislike Macrinus hate them. On the other hand, these are men in a desperate situation, with pretences to absolute power, rarely a recipe for good mental health...
[9] Sallustia Barbia Orbiana was one of the wives of Alexander Severus, famed for her beauty--one of the images we have of her is a nude statue depiciting her as Venus. Her father ultimately attempted a coup--supposedly for her benefit--resulting in his execution and her banishment to Africa. There were no rumors of their having an incestuous relatiohship IOTL--at least, that I know of. But again, this situation breeds both horrible stories and horrible behavior...
PART SEVEN: ‘A MORE CURIOUS FAITH CANNOT BE IMAGINED…’
‘And so they who were of no renown rose against the honorable; those of no reputation against the respected; those who were foolish against the wise; those who were young against the venerable.’
--EPISTLE OF CLEMENT, II.3 [1]
“…The effect of Emperor Macrinus’ tacit declaration of tolerance and even limited support for the Christian faith would be profound--but largely unexpected by the Emperor. Macrinus and Rome’s imperial elite failed to understand the divisions of the Christian faith, seeing a uniform whole in what was in reality a loose collection of parts. While many--perhaps even most--were overjoyed at the chance for an end to persecution, others looked at Macrinus’ offer with suspicion--even hostility…
“As strange as this sounds, it must be put into context of early Christianity. For most of its existence, passive resistance to worldly authority and the resulting persecution this brought had been its cornerstones. While the faith’s growing wealth and the emerging power of the bishops and Patriarchs were tempering this rebellious streak, in some sections it loomed as large as ever. In particular, the followers of the self-proclaimed prophet Montanus, an early Apocalyptic who believed in continuing revelation from ‘the Spirit of Truth’, defined themselves by their defiance of not only the Empire, but the established church fathers.[2] Their great champion Tertullian, the foe of heretics turned heretic, rose from his deathbed to pen his grand Denunciation, where he called Macrinus ‘the Great Deceiver’, and the ‘Mighty Enemy’ who ‘under the guise of friendship, would destroy us more assuredly than did Nero, Domitian, Trajan, and all our enemies before’... [3]
“Underneath such hyperbole, the Montanists spoke to a worry of many Christians--that Macrinus’ toleration was the opening salvo of an attempt to co-opt, then dilute the faith. These were hardly idle fears. Indeed, the future would show them to be fairly prescient in some respects… And yet, for many Christians, the Montanists were not only unlikely champions of the faith, but a greater threat to it themselves, schismatics and heretics of the gravest sort. Most Christians with misgivings were willing to swallow them before embracing the Apocalyptic cause--for the moment… The great theologian Origen [4] spoke for many in his Reply to Tertullian’s Denunciation, when he declared the Denunciation to be a work of ‘swollen pride which claims to be the wisdom of Christ, while showing none of His grace and mercy,’ and said it only showed that Tertullian ‘who was once great among us, has fallen ever further into error, renouncing what he once held to be true in favor of lies and vanity’. [5]
“Whatever the opinions of the dissenters, the majority of bishops and presbyters eagerly pledged their loyalty to the Emperor, including the Patriarch of Alexandria, and Callixtus, the exiled Patriarch of Rome, who upon his arrival in Mauretania with his flock, sought and received an audience with the Emperor. [6] Calixtus’ enthusiastic praise of the Emperor earned him the scorn of his rival claimant Hippolytus, one of the earliest documented counter-Patriarchs, who remained in Rome, leading the greatly diminished Christian community there. [7] His ‘Purified’ Church, while lacking the Apocalyptics’ at times hysterical hostility towards Macrinus were suspicious of the Emperor’s toleration, steering a third path between the Apostolic Church and the Apocalyptic Church.
“The quarrel between the rivals--begun by Callixtus’ granting absolution to murderers and adulterers who he felt showed true penitence--only deepened when Callixtus left the city with as many of Rome’s Christians as he could gather. [8] Hippolytus saw it as an act of cowardice that had proven his to be the true claim--Callixtus saw it as an act designed to save his flock from a worsening situation, and the Christian community found itself forced to take sides, with Hippolytus soon found himself receiving the unwanted support of the Monatists, a sect he despised. Even Hippolytus’ subsequent martyrdom in the chaos that engulfed Rome failed to end the dispute, as the exiled Purified Church in Sardinia then proceeded to select their own counter-Patriarch, young Novatian of Rome… [9]
“For the next twenty years, these disputes would simmer, quietly dominating the faith, setting Purified against Apostolic, Apostolic against Apocalyptic. None would realize that an even greater dispute was waiting in the wings, one that would transform the Church--forever…”
--BETWEEN DISPENSATIONS--THE AGE OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS, Antonia Marian
_______________________
[1] This is an actual quote--which I have admittedly touched up--from the first Epistle of Clement, IOTL a deutrocanonical letter, albeit one that was very respected in the early Church. Obviously, the Bible's--a bit bigger ITTL.
[2] An actual heresy, with more than a casual resemblence to modern Pentecostalism. Montanus and his followers, the female prophetesses Maxima and Priscilla, were quite prominent in the African and Asian faith--though all three are dead by now. IOTL, the sect was already winding down, but ITTL, this controversy is giving it a shot in the arm.
[3] Again, Tertullian moved from "orthodox" to Montanism IOTL, making him one of the strangest church fathers on record. Here, his conversion to Montanism is viewed even more darkly.
[4] Origen is a close rival for 'strangest church father', held some fairly odd opinions, and castrated himself to preserve his chastity--something he did not recommend to others. Many consider him Christianity's first true theologian.
[5] Tertullian had previously recommended praying for the Emperor to keep the apocalypse at bay. Obviously, with his conversion to Montanism and Macrinus' offer, his opinion has changed. (If it isn't clear, he's fairly certain that Macrinus is the Antichrist. Or an antichrist.)
[6] Callixtus I was pope from 217 to 222, IOTL, and was supposedly martyred. Here, he's going to reign a bit longer.
[7] Hippolytus is a genuine antipope IOTL as well--though there he was reconciled to the faith, and believe it or not, is now a saint. Obviously, he gets a different career ITTL...
[8] The confession issue is what caused their dispute IOTL as well.
[9] Novatian was another antipope, who was selected in 251 and served until his death in 258 IOTL. His schismatic church--a sort of European Donatism before there was Donatism--persisted for several centuries before dying out. While I have no proof that he was a follower of Hippolytus, it seems likely--they both shared a more rigorous view of confessions and sacrament--and to be frank, the info on third century heresies is not so good...
‘And so they who were of no renown rose against the honorable; those of no reputation against the respected; those who were foolish against the wise; those who were young against the venerable.’
--EPISTLE OF CLEMENT, II.3 [1]
“…The effect of Emperor Macrinus’ tacit declaration of tolerance and even limited support for the Christian faith would be profound--but largely unexpected by the Emperor. Macrinus and Rome’s imperial elite failed to understand the divisions of the Christian faith, seeing a uniform whole in what was in reality a loose collection of parts. While many--perhaps even most--were overjoyed at the chance for an end to persecution, others looked at Macrinus’ offer with suspicion--even hostility…
“As strange as this sounds, it must be put into context of early Christianity. For most of its existence, passive resistance to worldly authority and the resulting persecution this brought had been its cornerstones. While the faith’s growing wealth and the emerging power of the bishops and Patriarchs were tempering this rebellious streak, in some sections it loomed as large as ever. In particular, the followers of the self-proclaimed prophet Montanus, an early Apocalyptic who believed in continuing revelation from ‘the Spirit of Truth’, defined themselves by their defiance of not only the Empire, but the established church fathers.[2] Their great champion Tertullian, the foe of heretics turned heretic, rose from his deathbed to pen his grand Denunciation, where he called Macrinus ‘the Great Deceiver’, and the ‘Mighty Enemy’ who ‘under the guise of friendship, would destroy us more assuredly than did Nero, Domitian, Trajan, and all our enemies before’... [3]
“Underneath such hyperbole, the Montanists spoke to a worry of many Christians--that Macrinus’ toleration was the opening salvo of an attempt to co-opt, then dilute the faith. These were hardly idle fears. Indeed, the future would show them to be fairly prescient in some respects… And yet, for many Christians, the Montanists were not only unlikely champions of the faith, but a greater threat to it themselves, schismatics and heretics of the gravest sort. Most Christians with misgivings were willing to swallow them before embracing the Apocalyptic cause--for the moment… The great theologian Origen [4] spoke for many in his Reply to Tertullian’s Denunciation, when he declared the Denunciation to be a work of ‘swollen pride which claims to be the wisdom of Christ, while showing none of His grace and mercy,’ and said it only showed that Tertullian ‘who was once great among us, has fallen ever further into error, renouncing what he once held to be true in favor of lies and vanity’. [5]
“Whatever the opinions of the dissenters, the majority of bishops and presbyters eagerly pledged their loyalty to the Emperor, including the Patriarch of Alexandria, and Callixtus, the exiled Patriarch of Rome, who upon his arrival in Mauretania with his flock, sought and received an audience with the Emperor. [6] Calixtus’ enthusiastic praise of the Emperor earned him the scorn of his rival claimant Hippolytus, one of the earliest documented counter-Patriarchs, who remained in Rome, leading the greatly diminished Christian community there. [7] His ‘Purified’ Church, while lacking the Apocalyptics’ at times hysterical hostility towards Macrinus were suspicious of the Emperor’s toleration, steering a third path between the Apostolic Church and the Apocalyptic Church.
“The quarrel between the rivals--begun by Callixtus’ granting absolution to murderers and adulterers who he felt showed true penitence--only deepened when Callixtus left the city with as many of Rome’s Christians as he could gather. [8] Hippolytus saw it as an act of cowardice that had proven his to be the true claim--Callixtus saw it as an act designed to save his flock from a worsening situation, and the Christian community found itself forced to take sides, with Hippolytus soon found himself receiving the unwanted support of the Monatists, a sect he despised. Even Hippolytus’ subsequent martyrdom in the chaos that engulfed Rome failed to end the dispute, as the exiled Purified Church in Sardinia then proceeded to select their own counter-Patriarch, young Novatian of Rome… [9]
“For the next twenty years, these disputes would simmer, quietly dominating the faith, setting Purified against Apostolic, Apostolic against Apocalyptic. None would realize that an even greater dispute was waiting in the wings, one that would transform the Church--forever…”
--BETWEEN DISPENSATIONS--THE AGE OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS, Antonia Marian
_______________________
[1] This is an actual quote--which I have admittedly touched up--from the first Epistle of Clement, IOTL a deutrocanonical letter, albeit one that was very respected in the early Church. Obviously, the Bible's--a bit bigger ITTL.
[2] An actual heresy, with more than a casual resemblence to modern Pentecostalism. Montanus and his followers, the female prophetesses Maxima and Priscilla, were quite prominent in the African and Asian faith--though all three are dead by now. IOTL, the sect was already winding down, but ITTL, this controversy is giving it a shot in the arm.
[3] Again, Tertullian moved from "orthodox" to Montanism IOTL, making him one of the strangest church fathers on record. Here, his conversion to Montanism is viewed even more darkly.
[4] Origen is a close rival for 'strangest church father', held some fairly odd opinions, and castrated himself to preserve his chastity--something he did not recommend to others. Many consider him Christianity's first true theologian.
[5] Tertullian had previously recommended praying for the Emperor to keep the apocalypse at bay. Obviously, with his conversion to Montanism and Macrinus' offer, his opinion has changed. (If it isn't clear, he's fairly certain that Macrinus is the Antichrist. Or an antichrist.)
[6] Callixtus I was pope from 217 to 222, IOTL, and was supposedly martyred. Here, he's going to reign a bit longer.
[7] Hippolytus is a genuine antipope IOTL as well--though there he was reconciled to the faith, and believe it or not, is now a saint. Obviously, he gets a different career ITTL...
[8] The confession issue is what caused their dispute IOTL as well.
[9] Novatian was another antipope, who was selected in 251 and served until his death in 258 IOTL. His schismatic church--a sort of European Donatism before there was Donatism--persisted for several centuries before dying out. While I have no proof that he was a follower of Hippolytus, it seems likely--they both shared a more rigorous view of confessions and sacrament--and to be frank, the info on third century heresies is not so good...
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Zioneer
Banned
I have to say, I love how chaotic this period has become. Especially Rome itself, with charioteer pretenders and False Neros and Apocalyptic cultists running around, murdering, preaching and yelling at each other. And of course, through all this, Macrinus is just simply waiting. Waiting for the idiots in Rome to come to their senses and obey the Moor Emperor.
Keep up the great work!
Keep up the great work!