“A sagittis Hungarorum, libera nos Domine”
Excerpt: The Carolingian World and how it functioned – Godwin Albertsson, Whitewell Publishing (AD 1899)
The Magyars (also called Hungarians, Ugrians; Greek sources frequently called them Turks, and western sources oftentimes refer to them as Avars) defeated Frankish troops, conquered the Pannonian March and the eastern parts of Bavaria, destroyed the centralized power of the Moravian Empire, and ended the Nitra Principality just to resurrect it as one of their several chiefdoms within Pannonia. It is remarkable that, despite their importance for the political, cultural, and societal landscape of contemporary and future Europe, so little about them is known. [1]
We know, however, through admittedly sometimes unreliable Frankish or Rhomaian sources that the areas ruled by Magyars in the second half of the 10th century consisted of a number of Magyar tribal areas, of which that of the mainline of the descendants of Árpád was most likely only in northern Transdanubia. According to the available sources, the situation was such that the descendants of Árpád, in addition to the area already mentioned, were indirectly suzerain of the feudal principalities of Behar as well as Transylvania. The remaining areas were ruled by hostile Magyar tribal leaders. It must be noted here, however, that the Magyars did not rule an ethnically homogeneous country. The subjugated Slavic and Germanic peoples in the Pannonian basin were an essential part of the Magyar armies and the state apparatus, which can still be seen in the countless Slavic and Germanic loanwords in the Magyar language.
The defense of the Magyar territories had to be directed mainly to the east and north, since the Magyars always carried out their attacks and campaigns to the west, often as an ally of a western state. In the 10th century, these campaigns determined the entire Magyar foreign policy. They procured luxury items and expensive goods – including prisoners sold to the slave markets of Constantinople and even as far as in Umayyad Iberia or Baghdad– through raids and more raids across Europe. The armies of western states at that time consisted largely of heavily armored cavalry, while the riders of the Magyars were fast and always agile, an advantage that guaranteed their success for a long time. Their tactics were quite unusual for the time: They tried to encircle the enemy’s army and fire arrows from their horses. After a while, they fooled themselves into fleeing, only to turn around in the moment of surprise and lure the enemy into the trap. With this tactic, they managed to plunder many culturally and technically relatively highly developed regions of Europe. Other factors also favored the successes of the Magyars: the grueling wars between the individual post-Carolingian statelets, but also the very structure of feudalism, which was weakening the various kingdoms from within prior to major legal reforms. In the Magyar State, the forays led to further differentiation of the population. The ruling class of the state became increasingly wealthy, mainly through spoils of war such as silver, animals, and expensive materials, later also through tribute payments. Indeed, with the defeat of Lothair III at the battle of Wenzelbach, it may look like, at least for the eyes of the uninitiated, that the Magyar raids would continue well into the 10th or even the 11th century. But that was not the case.
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Excerpt: Born into the Purple: A Short Introduction to the Christian Orient – Abdenbi El Yaacoubi, Walili Publishing Company (AD 1976)
Magyar raids significantly increased in numbers after 932, and raiding activity escalated on almost all fronts but was still mostly focused on Francia and Italy. Their influence elsewhere did change, however, as well, once delegates of the Rhomaioi approached the Magyar chieftains regarding the Bulgar issue which was in a constant state of diplomatic conflict with Constantinople concerning a potential restoration of the union between the Bulgarian and Greek churches, among other more pragmatic reasons such as an undefined border and certain customs duties which were highly detrimental to Bulgarian trade. These bad relations were very disadvantageous for both sides. Emperor Bardas I and his successors could not pour all their forces into the struggle with the eastern Arabs in the heart of Asia Minor and the western Muslims in Italy. The khans and kings of Bulgaria, in turn, didn’t enjoy the peace needed for an internal upbuilding of his kingdom, which had only recently adopted Christianity and still faced considerable opposition by Hellenophiles and Pagans within the empire. Bulgaria was ruled at this time by its very famous King Simeon the Pious [2], son of Boris. His “love of knowledge led him to reread the books of the ancients,” and he rendered his kingdom great services in the realms of culture and education. His wide political schemes were to be realized at the expense of the Rhomaian Empire, however. Antigonos I, who succeeded him in 881, aware of the fact that he was unable to offer adequate resistance to Simeon because the Rhomaian army was engaged in the Arabian campaigns, appealed for help to the wild Magyars. The latter agreed to make an unexpected invasion of Bulgaria from the north in order to divert Simeon’s attention from the borders of the empire of the Rhomaioi [3]. This was a very significant moment in the history of Europe. For the first time, at the end of the ninth century, a new people, the Magyars, became involved in the international diplomacy between the European states. Indeed, this was the first appearance of the Magyars on the arena of European wars as an ally of one of the most civilized nations. Simeon was defeated by the Magyars in several early battles, but he showed much skill in handling the difficult situation, by trying to gain time in negotiations with the Rhomaian Empire, during which he succeeded in winning over the Pechenegs. With their aid, he defeated the Magyars and forced them to move north to the place of their future state in the valley of the Middle Danube. After this victory, Simeon turned his attention to Constantinople. A decisive victory over the Greek troops brought him to the very walls of the city of the world’s desire. The defeated Emperor succeeded in negotiating a peace treaty according to which he bound himself to refrain from any hostile action against the Bulgarians and to send rich gifts, which modern historians would call tribute, to Simeon every year. After a Saracen siege and pillage of Thessalonica in the year 908 [4], Simeon became very desirous of annexing this great city to his kingdom. Emperor Antigonos I, however, died in suspicious circumstances in Constantinople at the same time, with his teenage son Michael IV ascending to the Purple. A plot commonly attributed to various generals who were dissatisfied with Antigonos I lacking interest in Bulgar and Arabian affairs and overindulgence of worldly pleasures with his mistresses, Michael IV only acted as a puppet of his mother Eudokia Baïana [5]; she most likely was part of the scheme against her husband, although no sources explicitly mention her involvement. This plot aimed at strengthening the empire in the face of two hostile powers in the East and the West, however, only weakened it, as a power struggle emerged over to whom Eudokia will, for now unofficially, entrust the affairs of state to. The main contenders were the young general Nicholas Epigingles and the Domestic of the School Leo Katakalon [6]. But a resolution to this rivalry will not come anytime soon as the rising tide of the Bulgar Empire began to threaten the Aegean Coast.
The immediate cause of the war was most likely a trade issue, which indeed was a rare occurrence for that era. At the instigation of his mother Eudokia Baïana, the unknowing emperor handed over the Bulgar-Rhomaian trade monopoly to a small selection of merchants from the Rhomaian Empire. Thereupon the merchants, without consulting the Bulgarian khan, closed the market for Bulgarian imported goods in Constantinople, fearing for their safety in the Thracian ara. In addition, the Bulgarian merchants were further burdened by even higher tariffs which broke the last straw for the relationship which already stood on precarious grounds [7]. Once the peaceful means were insufficient to remedy this situation, Simeon invaded the surprised Rhomaioi in 909 and managed to defeat Leo Katakalon on multiple occasions. Nicholas Epigingles, who was previously unceremoniously “exiled” to Meridia, was called back again to fight the Bulgars who almost effortlessly took the hinterland of Thessaloniki. The situation worsened and an increasingly anxious court in Constantinople sent multiple envoys to the Pechenegs and Magyars who both declined to intervene in this war. While Nicholas Epigingles was able to relieve multiple cities and their hinterland on the Western and Southern Coasts of the Haemus, particularly Serres in the Theme of Strymon, Katakalon’s final defeat came in the Battle of Develtos which was fought outside of the small Thracian settlement.
Earlier Bulgarian estimates put around 15,000 fighters on the Bulgarian side and around 10,000 on the Roman side. Non-Oriental historians, however, have always reckoned with considerably lower numbers. Today, among Bulgarian experts, 3,000 to 4,000 fighters on the Bulgarian side – including Khan Simeon – are considered likely. The Rhomaian armed forces, on the other hand, probably consisted of only 500 to 600 mounted soldiers and 1,000 to 1,200 Greek foot soldiers. According to another historical chronicle, there were only 20 real armored riders from the Rhomaioi, each with two or three other riders at their side. That would result in a number of at most 60 riders.
The battle began at dusk with an attack by the mounted forces of Leo Katakalon. They advanced in a wedge formation against the Bulgarian center, which consisted of foot troops. These fell back as far as the Develtos settlement and their lines were almost broken. On the marshy ground, however, the Rhomaioi could not fully unleash their power. In addition, the left and right flanks of the Bulgarian army withstood all attacks and prevented Katakalon's troops from being able to use their partial success in the center. The final phase of the battle began when the Bulgars sent into battle the mounted men they had been holding back until then in order to conduct an ambush. The horsemen bypassed the right wing of the Rhomaioi and attacked it in the back. Now surrounded on all sides and crowded together in a very small space, the Rhomaioi no longer succeeded in using their usual fighting technique.
On the other side, the Bulgars could push the few mounted Rhomaioi from their horses and then kill them. Only a few Rhomaioi managed to break through the encirclement and flee across the marshland in the direction of the western shore of the Black Sea away. According to a Bulgarian source, around 500 Rhomaioi, including Katakalon, and numerous fighters from the Rhomaian infantry are said to have been slain and 50 potentates from Constantinople were taken prisoner. Here, too, the numbers seem overblown and Western historians are giving way lower estimates, especially since it can be proven that Katakalon was not captured.
Nonetheless, the Bulgars succeeded in the night in Develtos. Thus, the successful Bulgar armies ravaged the countryside of Thrace and marched onwards to Constantinople as the roads to the city lay open for anyone to take. Nicholas Epigingles reached the capital of the empire by sea after hearing from the news that the Bulgars are preparing to lay siege and moved his last available troops to defend it. But, as the Bulgar advance towards the Eternal City of the East accelerated and bribes for the Pechenegs to intervene in the war against the Bulgars were delayed through bad weather in the Black Sea, Alexios Bogas, on behalf of the regent Eudokia, finally sent a peace offer to Simeon who promptly denied it, as he was eager to claim the Rhomaian capital Constantinople for himself [8]. The suburban palaces of the throne of the Rhomaioi were put to the torch. Meanwhile, Simeon attempted to form an alliance with the African Arabs for a joint siege of the capital, although this effort seemed to have been done in vain as no Arab fleet ever arrived on behalf of the Bulgar Khan. With the siege and subsequent fall of Thessaloniki in 911, all of Thrace and Macedonia, except Constantinople, were in the hands of the Bulgarian forces. It was partly because of the possessions of the larger Greek part of Rhomaian territory of the Haemus that Simeon began to call himself “emperor of the Bulgarians and Rhomaioi.” and already began to use “Caesar” or “Basileus” in official documents. In an act to appease the new “tsar” of the Bulgars, Simeon was invited for peace talks into the city, as it became more evident that, while the Rhomaioi had lost the war, a Bulgar siege of Constantinople without a proper fleet is an impossible task. Patriarch Nicholas I Mystikos [9], the nominal head of the seven-head regency council for Michael IV, greeted the visitor from beyond the walls and they conversed; although their actual discussion has not been preserved. Some sort of truce was arranged, with conditions comparatively not too harsh, though the Rhomaioi had to pay a yearly tribute to Simeon and recognize the painful loss of Thessaloniki. Simeon was crowned Basileus of Bulgaria, although it was made clear to him that he did not become Caesar of the Rhomaioi. This new title for the Bulgar Khan would shortly after be recognized by Pope Celestine II in Rome. Simeon, however, was not able to enjoy the truce with Constantinople and was compelled to retreat from the city because he anticipated great danger from the emerging Serbian kingdom, which was carrying on negotiations with the Rhomaian Empire, and also because he had not attained satisfactory results in his negotiations with the Arabs.
By this point, the aforementioned Leo Katakalon reappeared in many Rhomaian and Arabic chronicles. As his political career in Constantinople was over, he fled to the Saffarid-Abbasid court in Baghdad which seemed to have received him in grace. Meanwhile, with the help of the imperial widow and regent Eudokia Baïana and patriarch Nicholas I Mystikos, Nicholas Epigingles was given supreme command of the Eastern Army. Thanks to his popularity in the army and the eunuchs within the administration of the empire, and the need to legitimize the de-facto rule of Eudokia, Nicholas was proclaimed co-emperor on 17 August 913, although Eudokia’s regency already ended in the following year [10].
FOOTNOTES:
[1] As said in a previous update, TTL lacks some of the resources we have, especially because we don’t have anyone writing the De Administrando Imperio which IOTL is one of the most important resources for Magyar historiography.
[2] Actually the same person, in the sense of having the same genes, as OTL. Just that he is following the Latin Rite of Christianity ITTL.
[3] The invasion itself happened IOTL as well, but butterflies regarding the Magyars will begin here.
[4] Some years later than IOTL.
[5] OTL third wife of Emperor Leo VI the Wise. She will live longer ITTL as she won’t die while giving birth to another child as she will have only two children with Antigonos I: the aforementioned Emperor Michael IV and a young daughter named Theodora.
[6] Also a Domestic of the School IOTL.
[7] We prevented the earlier trade war of OTL between the two empires through butterflies regarding the ITTL even worse relationship between the khan and basileus, which led to a slight decrease of trade and already high tariffs, to begin with. But butterflies won’t change everything.
[8] Similar motivations, but not the same circumstances, as IOTL.
[9] Same one as IOTL.
[10] As we already know from other chapters of this TL, Michael IV is a rather incompetent ruler which sooner or later leads to a palace coup installing Nicholas Epigingles as the sole emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire. This update should thus cover all of the major events leading up to the Chrysabian Dynasty of the Byzantine Empire.
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