Fantasque Time Line (France Fights On) - English Translation

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July 24th, 1943

Trondheim - A raid by the American 9th AF strikes the German naval base. The submarine U-622, moored to a pier outside the recently completed Dora 1 bunker, is sunk, but without casualties. Workshops in the vicinity are destroyed, but also civilian buildings. The construction site of the Dora 2 bunker is also touched (it will take three months of delay). The U-boot was raised in 1944, but never put back in service.

 

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July 24th, 1943

Xinjiang - Alvin McBride, whose real name is Frank Gleason, is officially a prospector, and since his arrival, he has indeed been prospecting a lot... but he is not looking for oil. In fact, he has to make sure that Xinjiang, an ethnic mosaic of autonomist and even independentist tensions, remains under Chinese control.
Of course, Sheng Shicai, the governor, has all the more interest in strengthening his ties with the nationalist government as he is now definitely compromised to his former Soviet allies, but in Chongqing, no one wants to take any risks. It has been too long that the USSR has intervened with impunity in the internal affairs of Xinjiang, arming local movements when it does not directly send its own soldiers; as a result, Moscow now has many pawns in the region. But there are some elements that work in the KMT's favour, such as the fact that Xinjiang is home to tens of thousands of Kazakhs and Kyrgyz who fled the USSR, having lost everything due to political repression and the forced collectivization of the land. If they don't hold the Chinese in their hearts, the last thing they want is to fall back under Soviet rule.
Under the cover of his official activities, which give him a good pretext to visit many places in Xinjiang, Gleason has begun to make contact with moderate elements among the Uyghur autonomists as well as with Kazakh and Kyrgyz refugees, while laying the foundations of an intelligence network under the aegis of the SACO. He is thus preparing the ground for a card that Chongqing is preparing to play.

 

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July 24th, 1943

Kiev - After nine days on the front line, the team of the Kubinka test center sends a first report to GABTU. Caught in the whirlwind of the fighting and the retreat, neither Kalidov nor his two assistants were able to approach a working Ferdinand, or even a carcass. Apologizing in advance for this failure, the engineer colonel nevertheless gathered as much information as possible, relying on the testimonies of soldiers and tankers, aerial photographs, combat reports and some interrogations of prisoners. Lieutenant-General Fedorenko was the first to consult it before having it sent to the different commanders of the armoured corps operating in Ukraine.
The Kalidov report first describes the powerful armament of the Ferdinand, recalling the lethality of the 88 mm guns. Faced with this firepower, approaching at less than 2,000 meters from the front is considered suicidal for any attacker. Even the KV-85 are not safe from a direct hit at this distance.
In addition, all the Soviets quoted in the text mention the vehicle's massive armor.
The 76.2 mm tubes of the T-34 proved to be totally ineffective, even in the rare cases where they could be used at a thousand meters or less. In the absence of directly inspected wrecks, the figures given for the armor of the superstructure are only estimates, but according to the technicians, it reaches at least one hundred and fifty millimeters on the front and probably one hundred on the sides. Only the upper part seems weaker and vulnerable to artillery projectiles and aviation bombs, provided that the aim is right or that one is a bit lucky.
The absence of light on-board weaponry is notable, but the Ferdinand is never alone. The destruction of one or two vehicles by explosive charges or grenades is not enough to prove their vulnerability to an infantry attack. As a general rule, only large-caliber have a chance against them... provided that they have the possibility to open fire. The tracks of these monsters do not take well to anti-tank mines, but the Ostheer's maintenance teams have so far not failed to repair them relatively quickly.
Only good points for its opponents: heavy and massive, the machine is visible from afar. It probably has limited ability to cross heavy or muddy ground. Finally, its weight must weigh heavily on its suspensions and mechanics.
There remains the thousand rubles question: how to destroy such a behemoth?
Having lost a part of their work during the evacuation of Korosten and having been unable to get hold of a tank the GABTU team admits to lacking reliable data.
But it seems that no weapon with a calibre of less than 85 mm has a chance of doing real damage, except at very short range. Without going so far as to hope to pierce the protection of a Ferdinand, Kalidov judges that the SU-85 and the SU-122 are the most likely to neutralize one at medium range. The MKSU-57s, lighter and more mobile, could in a pinch be used against its flanks, their armour-piercing shells having demonstrated very good ballistic qualities. But they are still few and far between, and can only be found in the special anti-tank brigades that Stalin placed on the supposed axes of progression of the PanzerKorps... but behind the actual front.
In any case, it is better to engage the enemy in numbers and target him massively as soon as possible. This implies either to keep the maximum of silent pieces until we shoot at minimum range or to carry the Soviet self-propelled guns forward - indeed, for the insistent, the SU-122 are kept four hundred meters behind the T-34 and T-50, which reduces their usefulness against the Ferdinand.
Apart from the anti-tank guns, it is proposed to saturate the battlefield by the action of tactical aviation and artillery. The disruption of the terrain would slow down the large tank hunters while the numerous projectiles would have a better chance of destroying the episcopes or damaging the body or undercarriage, or even the gun.
The in-depth study of the Kalidov report will have repercussions on Soviet industry.
The introduction of increasingly heavy German tanks had already prompted the design of the KV-85 and the IS-1. But the appearance of the Ferdinand required to further strengthen the firepower of the Red Army's tanks. With Stalin's approval, Fedorenko could thus communicate to the designers the need to equip the Soviet armored vehicles with calibers superior to the 85 mm. Two guns in particular will hold the attention of the GABTU: the new 107 mm ZIS-6 and the 122 mm D25.
Another consequence will be to accelerate the production of the T-34/85, the first examples of which are expected to enter service in August. Although the 85 mm gun with which it is equipped now seems too light in comparison with the German behemoths, it nevertheless represents an essential progress to relieve the old T-34/76.

 

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July 24th, 1943

On the outskirts of Tuyen Quang (Tonkin) - In the early morning, the outposts of the relief column are attacked with grenades. This time, they are French legionnaires, one company of whom had arrived the day before to reinforce the Vietminh. The Japanese have a dozen wounded, two of them seriously. Exchanges of fire go on for an hour before the French withdraw.
Around noon, the Japanese column gets close enough to Tuyen Quang to be engaged by the 65 mm of the besiegers. A counter-attack by the legionnaires and the Vietminh pushes back the Japanese, who are forced to retreat behind the dikes of the rice fields. Among the dead bodies, the legionnaires take three officer's swords - highly prized trophies.
The rain, which had not stopped since the day before, drowns the landscape and muffles the sounds, but in the moments of calm, the men of the relief column hear firing from Tuyen Quang. They are so close! But they do not advance any further. The lead units hold a low hill above the rice fields, while the rest of the column has dispersed to the relative shelter of the dikes.
The Franco-Vietnamese attempt a new attack, but it fails because of the intervention, despite the bad weather, of some Japanese ground support aircraft.
Around 15:00, the Japanese attack to break the encirclement of Tuyen Quang, but they are decimated by the automatic weapons with which the legionnaires are equipped. After two hours of fighting and heavy losses, the Japanese withdraw to their starting positions.
At nightfall, however, a new charge finally succeeds in breaking through the Allied lines and the first men of the relief column enter Tuyen Quang. The Japanese command decides to evacuate the town immediately, taking advantage of the fact that the Franco-Vietnamese are still disorganized.

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

New Georgia - In the north, the 172nd Infantry Regiment of the 23rd Infantry Division, whose positions are now consolidated, set up a defense, the time to get supplies. At nightfall, it receives a first convoy of supplies, commanded by the future Admiral Arleigh Burke, who at that time commands the 23rd Destroyer Squadron.
It took two regiments two weeks to eliminate two battalions, benefitting, it is true, of one of the best defensive grounds ever.

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

Latvia - Under the rain coming from Belarus, the days follow one another and are similar for the troops of General Popov. North of Riga, the arrival of the SS of the Wiking stops the little progress that General Kurkin had noted the day before. Between Vecmīlgrāvi and Ulbroka, the situation thus remains sadly blocked. One point, however, gives some comfort to the heart of the Soviets: the Axis forces are beginning to be worn down by five days of uninterrupted fighting and their reinforcements cannot be everywhere at once. We can therefore hope to erode the cliff... with time.
In the Kegums pocket, the 4th Army suspends for a moment its progression towards the west in order to launch a joint offensive with its neighbor the 7th Army towards Birzgale, intended to worry the Germans trying to push the 7th Army's elements in Jaunjelgava into the river.
This push surprises the unsupported 1. ID, which has to withdraw. A tactical success then, but which is not decisive... It simply forces the 21. ID and 1. LFD to retreat in their turn to realign themselves - they thus abandon the village of Silzemnieki, which the Red Army will occupy in the night in the hope of continuing towards Zvirgzde.
But even if these few actions are encouraging, they can do nothing for the forces of the 7th Army in Jaunjelgava - only the absence of German reserves in the area prevents that the bridgehead is eradicated in the afternoon. At night, General Krutikov takes it upon himself to evacuate his troops still on the south side, under the cover of the guns of the 15th Armored Corps.
Two rifle divisions and a brigade of engineers escaped destruction. The Germans could do nothing to prevent this withdrawal - and after all, isn't the main thing that the Reds run away?
In the Koknese peninsula, the situation is improving a little for the 42nd Army - at least, the situation is no longer deteriorating, while the 7th Guards of General Berzarin tries to escape in the direction of Buivāni in front of the 254. ID (Friedrich Köchling) supported by the Tiger of the 505. schw. Pz Abt. The Landsers, solidly entrenched in a terrain already very unfavorable to the attacker, however, fear for a while to be overrun and called on their commander Kurt Herzog, who orders the 58. ID to support them - which was precisely the aim. This diversion cost the Red Army in one day a mere 2,500 men and 19 tanks... Berzarin, disgusted, can only obey - he now plans to go himself in the front line to direct the operations and (especially...) to limit the damage.
Diversion, again, in Courland. Stung to the core by the reproaches of the Stavka - where one evokes in barely veiled words an inaction bordering on defeatist wait-and-see attitude! - the 4th Marine Division of General Andrei Kuleshov prepares an action for the next day. After all, doesn't it have in its ranks Komsomols who are burning to fight for the Revolution? They will finally be able to prove their bravery! And then, the departure of the Wiking did not go unnoticed by the Soviet scouts either...

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

Operation Zitadelle
Sector of the 3. PanzerArmee - After his triumphant report in Rastenburg, Kluge does not let his army commanders off the hook. The capture of Kiev should be the crowning achievement of his campaign - but there is still a long way to go from the cup to the lips. He must therefore continue to keep the pressure on his subordinates.
Because of his undisciplined character and his contacts with high-ranking members of the Nazi party, Model remains his favorite target. Model is aware of this and is therefore not surprised to receive a letter at dawn (Kluge knowing Model's now well-established habit of leaving very early for the front to keep a close eye on the fighting). In the midst of reproaches about the poor use of the means generously allocated to his army, a major question: when will we see the definitive breaking of the enemy lines? This question, Model asked himself this question as well, and the frustration at the top of HeeresGruppe NordUkraine joins his own. After almost a fortnight of hard fighting, his troops still have a good hundred kilometers to go before they reach their objective. So, before leaving his headquarters, he sends the pressure he is under from Kluge back to the commanders of his PanzerArmee corps in the form of half ironic, half angry messages. He had already told them over and over again: we must win as quickly as possible before the Red Army rises up, which will happen sooner or later. It's time to get started, because Model doesn't want to find himself in the middle of nowhere when the counter-offensive arrives.
.........
On the ground, the battle is of uneven intensity.
In the north, the XXIV. PanzerKorps continues its march towards the left bank of the river Ouj. Von Langermann-Erlencamp pushes his three divisions, meeting only weak and erratic resistance. The biplanes that prowl around at night, often piloted by women, are a greater nuisance than the small groups of soldiers who tried to harass the Landsers. Refusing a fight that he judges to be ineffective in advance and persuaded - like Vatutin - that the decision will be made in the west, Trofimenko withdraws his forces on the right bank of the Uzh.
However, the bulk of his forces remained east of Ovruch, in the Chernigovka [Mala Chernihivka] salient. Never quiet on the Russian front, the night in this sector is marked by skirmishes of particular intensity: simultaneous attempts by German and Russian patrols to infiltrate the positions of the opposing camp quickly degenerate into a furious fight that extends from Mallye Moshki [Mali Moshky] tto Gladkovichi [Hladkovychi]. The Soviet artillery reacts with unusual speed and precision, crushing the lines of the 38. and 39. ID under heavy fire, aiming at coordinates recognized in the previous days.
At dawn, the 57th Army tries its luck against an opponent supposedly still suffering from heavy losses. But, badly organized, the attack is muzzled by German machine guns, especially since Gagen and Trofimenko also have to prevent the LVI. PanzerKorps from overrunning them from the north.
After tough confrontations, the 290. ID captures Gusarov [Husarivka] but could not do the same with the station a little further south. For its part, the 81. ID is trying to take Novaya Radcha [Radcha] but failed in front of a tenacious defense. Assisted by the 504 s.Pz Abt, the 82. ID makes a narrow breakthrough around Detkovichi [Didkoychi]. During the day, the LII. ArmeeKorps attacks again, supported by Tiger of the 501 s.Pz Abt, gaining ground here to lose some elsewhere. Von Scheele reports this situation to Model; he alerts him to the growing impotence of the Luftwaffe to hold the skies and on the regular arrival of Soviet reinforcements that help to wear down the attackers.
But like the day before, the attention of both camps is fixed on the east of Korosten. The XLVII. PanzerKorps resumes its role as a can opener to break through the Soviet front. In addition to the 2. Panzer and 5. Panzer, Eberbach succeeds in recovering about ten Ferdinand tank hunters just out of overhaul. In the morning, well protected by an air umbrella, he knocks down Domoloch and then Sobolevka [Sobolivka] before turning his effort against Balyarka [Bolyarka]. Around noon, powerfully assisted by Rudel's Stuka and by all the Luftwaffe could engage, the panzers sweep away the Soviet dikes and end up forming a salient a dozen kilometers deep, which sinks to Stremingorod [Stremyhorod] and Meleni. But in the afternoon, the VVS regain control in the air and force a slowing down and then a halt of the progression, saturating roads with PTAB bombs and attacking convoys with rockets and guns. On the Soviet side, the restored air cover allows the supply convoys to reach the first front line units more easily and quickly*. The 5th Army's fierce resistance tends to shift the initially planned German breakthrough along the Korosten-Malin railroad.
If the Stavka is satisfied with the behavior of the 5th Army, the use in counter-attack of the 6th Armored Corps on the other hand is only criticized. The superiority of German gunners and the better length of their tubes condemns to failure each frontal assault of Bogdanov. Supported by Voronov, Vassilievsky soon orders to abandon this tactic, arguing with Stalin about the waste of means it generates and asking to accelerate the arrival of fresh units around Malin, where the final battle will certainly be played.
Opposite, the 4. Panzer, in the process of gathering since its transfer from Ovruch, arrived at the end of the evening. In Model's mind, it should allow the next day to reinforce the beginning of the breakthrough obtained during the day.
.........
Sector of the 6. Armee - The success of the tanks of the XLVII. PanzerKorps to the north of its positions gives Paulus some air. The 11th Soviet Armored Corps is still prowling on its left wing, but the irruption of the panzers on their right would surely draw them to that side, thus decreasing the risk of an armored counterattack on his forces.
Harassed by their march of the last two days, the men of De Angelis have hardly time to put down their packs before they had to leave. Mobilizing his three divisions, the XLIV. ArmeeKorps attacked the 4th Shock around the city of Lesovshchina [Lisivshchyna], while at the same time the LV. ArmeeKorps tries to seize Ryzhiny [Ryzhany] and Volodarsk [Volodarsk-Volynsky] from the 37th Army. The two German corps nibble away at the positions, making regular gains... but terribly limited.
The discovery of younger and younger bodies on the Soviet side seems to support Zeitzler's idea that the enemy's reserves are running out. But Paulus deduces that the Red Army continues to receive reinforcements. Although inexperienced and falling by the dozen every day, the recruits thrown into the battle by Vatutin gain the time he needs. And he can replace at least part of his losses... unlike Paulus. Using all possible channels of communication, the latter continues to alert the OKH to his growing needs, as well as to the dramatically insufficient number and quality of the few replacements that reach him from Germany or Poland. Devouring its structure, the 6. Armee is losing strength every day, wearing out its men at a much too fast pace. In desperation, Paulus sends a telegram to Kluge to ask him if it will be necessary to send to the front the stretcher bearers and the cooks! The answer of the commander of HG North-Ukraine is fast and without appeal: "Do not forget the veterinarians!"
.........
Battle of Zhitomir - Spurred on by a threatening call from Stalin demanding that the Germans be driven out once and for all the Germans from the outskirts of the city, Vlassov resumes his assaults against the 205. and 304. ID, reinforced by the SS of the Galizien Division. Getting along discreetly among themselves, the three German divisional officers opt for a strict defense, against the orders of Paulus to fix the 1st Shock Army by constant attacks. Instead, the Germans are content to build a wall of fire with all available machine guns in order to mow down the Soviets at a safe distance.
At the same time, the 5th Shock Army is trying to reconquer Zhitomir quarter by quarter, house by house. The sectors of Pushkinskaya (between the southern part of the church triangle and the Teterev river) and Ivanovskaya street (north of the triangle) arethe focus of the day's fighting. By a sort of tacit agreement, neither the Luftwaffe nor the VVS intervene in the city. For a Soviet airman, "The two sides are so mixed up on the ground that bombing any urbanized area would be like shooting at random in a corridor of a Moscow stadium crowded with Dynamo and Locomotiv fans in the midst of an exchange of good proceedings after an overheated derby. We would hit every time, but not necessarily the supporters of the opposing team." On the other hand, both air forces are not afraid to strike elsewhere. Although outnumbered, the Luftwaffe is still able to bomb, but can no longer prevent Soviet strikes.
Further north, the fighting is "cleaner" than the appalling melee between the two sides inside the city, but they are just as intense. Having managed to keep a direct link with Zhitomir, Leliushenko obtains Vassilievsky's approval to keep his 17th Armored Corps in contact with the enemy, without attacking him recklessly. Voroshilov's proposal to engage these tanks to assist the 5th Shock in Zhitomir is strongly rejected by the Stavka, but Stalin wants to take back the city for good! A patient but determined diplomatic enterprise led by Vassilievsky and Shaposhnikov has softened the ire of the Vojd. Vlassov has an infantry army, Leliushenko has T-34 and KV-85S. Rather than immolate a hundred good tanks and their crews in the face of a German mobile division, we might as well keep this precious force for the future. Protected by the air force, it will be unmovable and will deprive by its only presence the 6. Armee of units of inestimable value for the continuation of the campaign. On the other hand it is advisable to send urgently to Chernyakovsky of heavy artillery and flame throwers to allow him to finish with the occupants of Zhitomir once the next counter-offensives are launched.
In the afternoon, Gollnick launches a new operation to push back the 17th Armored Corps to the east, but faced with an adversary now in a defensive position, the balance of power is no longer the same. Dominated at long range by the tubes of Soviet self-propelled engines, the Panzer IIIs have to take reckless risks to find targets within their range. No doubt something is happening for the Soviets refuse to use this formation offensively. The information is transmitted to Paulus and the OKH, but does not awaken any echo.
.........
Sector of the 8. Armee - Rokossovsky and Zhukov look with concern at the state of their reserves and especially their communications. The capture of Kalinovka and the irruption of German tanks east of the Vinnitsa-Kazatin railroad strangles the rail traffic to the 3rd and 13th Armies. As trains cannot come from the north, they cannot arrive from the east either. The line from Uman [Uman] via Gaissyn [Haïssyn] and Nemirov [Nemyrov] is impassable, because the KorpsAbteilung B occupies Nemirov. To supply Pukhov and Shumilov, Antipenko has only one paved road left from Uman via Lipovets [Lypovets], but even the mobilization of thousands of trucks cannot compensate for the loss of rail service. However, the risks of a logistical disaster are mitigated by the presence of relatively well-stocked warehouses in Vinnitsa and by the implementation of drastic rationing measures concerning food and supplies deemed secondary. Everything has to be sacrificed to fuel and ammunition!
The German thrust is contained, but neither Hausser nor Kempf have any intention of staying there. The former will have more means of his ambitions.
Manstein orders the 132. ID and the 125. ID (recalled from the west) to attack the 26th Army to immobilize it and prevent it from helping the 4th Guards. The latter is to be the target of a full-scale attack in which the SS, swallowing their pride, agreed to participate under the orders of the Heer. To the north, the 11. Panzer and the 141. ID on the one hand, the Das Reich and the LAH (which made a long detour to bypass Kazatine by the south) on the other hand will be in charge of holding at a distance the two armored corps of Chanchibadze and Katukov while the 305. ID will enter Kazatin from the west. Further south, the Totenkopf will have to repel the threat of the 5th Armored Corps before opening the road to Samgorodok. Well identified, the presence of three Soviet armored corps in the area prompts Göring to personally order the IX. FliegerKorps to concentrate almost all of its remaining resources on the Kazatin sector. Paulus and Kempf will only have the crumbs, to their great frustration.
Taking speed the Soviet fighters having to ensure the protection of the air space over the city, the Luftwaffe strikes first. The price of this promptitude is that the German pilots
pilots lack information and do not know exactly what they are going to fall on. Nevertheless, a poorly coordinated flak allows the bombers to attack fortified points and artillery batteries. Weakened by the strikes, the Soviet barrage suffers a lack of punch and the 305. ID can thus approach Kazatin before entering it under the protection of its own howitzers. Rushing to the sound of the gun, the reinforcements dispatched by the rest of the 4th Guards are dispersed as soon as they leave by the air attacks, while Muzychenko has to cover Belopol'ye [Bilopillia], Verbolozi [Verbolozy] and the north of Kazatin against the 141. ID.
Massed on a narrow front, the LAH and Das Reich vigorously attack Katukov's forces before Chanchibadze is able to react. Burning some of his assets to save the rest, the leader of the 1st Guards Armored Corps withdraws to the northeast and the Sestrenovka [Sestrynivka] station to maintain contact with the defenders of Kazatin.
In the air, the initial blow gradually digested, the planes of the 16th Air Army sent to cover the two armored corps begin to regain the advantage, but Rudenko has difficulty understanding what is happening on the ground.
Confusion is all the 11. Panzer to distinguish itself again.
Refusing to be satisfied with infantry support and aware that the lines of the 4th Guards are still too strong to attempt a solitary breakthrough, Balck seeks to repeat the feat of the 2. Panzer at Lygini. Lacking captured T-34s, his tankers are content to repaint some Panzer IVs with paint cans found in an abandoned field workshop near Berdichev. Once equipped with tracks and surrounded by Landsers dressed in rifle uniforms, the tanks simulated a frantic retreat and presented themselves in front of the Soviet lines at Belopol'ye. However, the untimely arrival of two Junkers Ju 88 gave the alert to the defenders and an inextricable melee ensued. Despite resistance, Balck's men succeed in securing a bridgehead a little further north, at Kashperovka [Kashperivka].
.........
At Kempf's, the securing of Kalinovka has dampened the hopes of the day before. His III. PanzerKorps is not thirty kilometers from Vinnitsa and two Soviet armies are between him and von Arnim.
This aspect of Zitadelle has hardly been developed during the gestation of the operation. Everything had been thought around the breakthrough of the two armored corps of Manstein, without really thinking what would happen if, contrary to the forecasts, the Soviets continue to hold on to the flanks, or even to one of them. No sensible German officer would have accepted to see his army flanked by two powerful enemy forces and threatened of encirclement! So why did Pukhov not decamp as he should have? And can we continue to advance while letting this threat remain?
There is another option, which Kempf thought about during the night. By temporarily abandoning the idea of pushing eastward and acting in concert with the 2. PanzerArmee, the Ostheer could create a cauldron enclosing both Pukhov and Shumilov. Two complete armies annihilated, Vinnitsa taken back, the right flank of the III. PanzerKorps cleaned up, these arguments seem to be able to convince even the most reticent of the marshals! Reached by phone at dawn, Manstein finds the idea reasonable. But Kluge, contacted in his turn, immediately cools the two men: there was no question of diluting the main effort for what he called "a clean-up operation"! The Soviets would eventually evacuate Vinnitsa.
Kempf returns to the charge: as it is, he does not have enough infantry and he must hold Kalinovka in addition to his other missions. Couldn't we at least find him a fresh infantry division? Another refusal. Heeresgruppe NordUkraine does not have that in reserve anymore! At the most we can give him some battalions of the 9. or 10. Luftwaffen-Feld-Division...which could only arrive, at best, in two or three days. Until then, it will be necessary to maintain elements of the 6. PanzerDivision. This is what is finally decided.
While waiting for the promised battalions, the 7. Panzer and part of the 6. Panzer holds back on its flank and to the rear, Kempf only has the 8. Panzer and the rest of the 6. Panzer. This is enough to continue to push back the Soviet 4th Armored Corps and to make further progress on the ground... but very little: only a few kilometers around Kalinovka. At the end of the day, the German effort is broken by resistance at Staraya Priluka [Stara Pryluka].
But by this time, Kempf has many other problems. He has barely digested his breakfast and Kluge's refusals that the front again ignited on his back. Still covered by the 323. ID and the 7. Panzer, his right flank was once again subjected to Soviet pressure. But this pressure is much more serious today. The entire 13th Army seems to have set out to migrate north with the clear intention to force its way through.
Violent fighting breaks out on about twenty kilometers of the front and at the end of the day, Khmelnik [Khmilnyk] is threatened.
.........
Sector of the 2. PanzerArmee - Kempf is unaware that the Hungarians of the 4th Corps had indicated that the 3rd Army was also on the move opposite them. It is impossible to know whether this was the beginning of a new offensive against the 2. PanzerArmee, or whether these forces would redeploy elsewhere. Von Arnim does not fail to alert the OKH... but not Kempf, who was not under his authority**! Moreover, he thinks, it would be absurd to consider that Shumilov would attack the latter. The 3rd Army would not abandon Vinnitsa or weaken its defense to attack the III. PanzerArmee in a position to take advantage of it. One would have to be really crazy to decide such a thing! And even Stalin is not that crazy, said his chief of staff.
Von Arnim's thoughts are overshadowed by one last piece of information. Perceptive observers have noted that at Bagramian too there is a certain agitation, especially in the lines of the 10th Army and the 2nd Shock. If it does not yet seem to be a question of preparations, Weidling diplomatically expressed reservations about the strength of the right wing of the 2. PanzerArmee. Opposite him were several infantry armies, including a Shock, which, if they came out, would fall on... not much. Indeed, the right flank of von Arnim's army is formed only by the 7th Hungarian Corps and the XLIX. ArmeeKorps, i.e. a total of five infantry divisions (three of which are Hungarian) and a composite formation, the KorpsAbteilung B, regrouping the remains of two divisions during the Soviet offensive of the previous spring. The only reserves are the 20. PanzerGrenadier and a small assault gun Abteilung. Of course, one could always ask Kluge for the help of an armored division, but one would have to be satisfied with a Hungarian unit, the 23. PanzerDivision being much further north. And it would be useless to ask for air support: all that the Luftwaffe has in the area is to the north - the few valid Hungarian planes would not be able to challenge the 17th Air Force.
Although his situation requires him to keep the 2nd Ukrainian Front at bay, von Arnim also knows that his forces would have to intervene during "Zitadelle". Waiting for a hypothetical attack of Bagramyan would be of no use if he had to assist Manstein further north!
While he is more and more worried, the teletype facilitates (a little) his decision. In response to the uncertainties and in particular to the elements that indicate a conversion towards the north of the 3rd Army, Zeitzler asks him to urgently plan a new attack against Vinnitsa and to commit the IV. ArmeeKorps on the rear of the 13th Army. The aim is to relieve Kempf and even to succeed in encircling two Soviet armies.
But how to attack without tanks and with an army composed of Hungarians and German survivors of the spring... in other words, second-rate troops?

* On express order of the Stavka, priority is given during the whole operation Zitadelle to ammunition, fuel and foodstuffs... vodka is given priority over rations.
** The lack of cooperation between the 8. Armee and the 2. PanzerArmee was the rule rather than the exception during operation Zitadelle. It will be underlined after the war and presented by several former generals and historians - like Manstein and Paul Carell - as one of the causes of the failure of "Zitadelle".

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

Moscow - Vasilyevsky's request for new reinforcements the day before is not an isolated step. Indeed, the development of transverse communications (thanks, in large part, to the delivery of American radio sets, an element that is little remembered in the post-war memories of many Soviet military and political figures) allows Zhukov and Vasilievsky to tune their violins. A very large number of forces are massed behind the Dnieper in anticipation of the operations of late summer and autumn... Now, Vatutin and Rokossovsky need them right now! The two generals of the Stavka propose to use a part of them to fill the gaps and to definitively stop Zitadelle.
As expected, the suggestion meets a certain defiance of the GKO. A good part of the reserves on which Vassilievsky counts is formed of mobile forces which will be most needed to reconquer western Ukraine by the end of the year. Many of them are cavalry divisions, which are not intended to fight directly against German armored units. They certainly have the advantage of being numerous and easily mobilized, but throwing them under the tracks of the panzers would be an unjustified and unjustifiable wast, Malenkov and Voznessensky cried out. Beria - for once, it is not usual - plays the diplomat: there is certainly no question of sending these units to the massacre, but to restore the situation by a purely temporary measure... a measure to which the NKVD will make a point of contributing with one or two divisions from its reserves. Molotov intervenes in his turn: the cavalry units are not the only reserves available! Before the conflict, great sacrifices were made to organize a quality airborne force. It too can be used in case of emergency. Moreover, some of its units are stationed near Kiev - why haven't we thought of them yet?
Feeling the eyes turn to him, Novikov receives unexpected help from Stalin: the Vojd drops a hint that he had personally ordered the head of the Soviet air force not to engage his paratroopers. Not yet. But the time seems right.
Eventually, a consensus proposal was agreed upon. On the orders of the GKO, the Stavka will proceed as soon as possible to send to the front several corps and divisions from its reserves. Vatutin obtains the 4th Airborne Corps (3rd, 5th and 6th Airborne Brigades, which he had already commanded during Operation Mars in November 1942), as well as the 5th Cavalry Corps (24th, 82nd and 85th Cavalry Divisions, 302nd and 312th Armored Brigades) of General Kryuchenkin. These two corps are sent to Malin. Two other cavalry divisions (the 49th and 51st), under the command of General Pliev, will be put at the disposal of the 3rd Ukrainian Front. As for Rokossovsky, he will be able to quickly use the 1st Cavalry Corps of General Dovator (20th, 50th and 53rd Cavalry Divisions, 25th and 29th Armored Brigades), the 10th Rifle Division of the NKVD (coming straight from Stalingrad) and a new special anti-tank brigade sent expressly to help its colleague near Pogrebishchenskiy. Stalin reserves exclusive control of the 21st and 22nd Armored Corps, the ultimate insurance to protect the Ukrainian capital.

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

Dniester Front - Around 15:00, everyone can see that from the Ukrainian plains south of Odessa and from Mohyliv-Podilsky to the beaches of Sanzhiika, the rain does not stop falling. And on all the German, Romanian and Soviet positions, hampering the work, hindering the maneuvers, bogging down the machines and soaking the equipment.
Everyone can see the obvious, if not express it freely: crossing the Dniestr in these conditions would be... dangerously unproductive (some capitalist generals would probably use other words, such as "criminal" or "foolish"). After studying the question at length and discussing it with his neighbor Ivan Petrov - Tolbukhin decides to ask Zhukov for a postponement of operation Molot. The latter understands the situation, but can only promise to talk to Marshal Stalin about it, but only on the condition that the preparation of the troops should not be stopped.
Meanwhile, ignoring this debate, the Axis forces remain well protected in their trenches and positions - the agitation that can be seen in front is only a diversionary maneuver, that's for sure. Even the Reds are not crazy enough to try to cross under such a deluge.
.........
Kremlin, 18:00 - General Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov leaves the Vojd office with a lot of business to attend to, as usual. Among them, there is the question of "Molot", of course - but under the operations maintained according to the original plan.
Stalin, who is fully concentrated on the confrontation in front of Kiev, does not want to know about these stories of floods, rain and sunshine. While the other Ukrainian fronts are facing the heart of the fascist forces, it would be inadmissible for the southern fronts to remain inactive. The Germans do not have any significant armored forces in the area, their Romanian auxiliaries are decimated - to worry about some meteorological is counter-revolutionary obstruction, Comrade General! Besides, how to convince Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary and even Yugoslavia of the future triumph of Socialism if the Red Army cannot pass a river under the pretext that it is raining?
Stalin does not trust experts, everyone knows it since the Russian-Polish war of 1921.
So Zhukov prudently prefers to change the subject. And he calls the 4th Ukrainian Front to say that "Molot" should start tomorrow morning according to the plan - that's an order.

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

South of France - The German defenses of the Südwall are attacked by both the B-25 of the 12th BG accompanied by fighters of the 33rd FG in the sector of Fos-sur-Mer and by the 25th EB, escorted by Mustangs of the 7th EC, further west, south of Montpellier, towards Palavas-les-Flots. These raids drive the bulk of the JG2 deployed in this sector towards them, which allows two other attacks to reach their targets in relative peace.
The first one targets the Orange air base; it was carried out by B-26s of the 319th BG escorted by the 4th EC ; this one has to ensure the high coverage, but also to neutralize the flak with its "Percherons". The second raid, carried out by the Fortresses of the 2nd BG and the Lightning of the 1st FG, aims at the bridges over the Rhône in the Montélimar sector.
The global toll of the day is five bombers and four fighters shot down on the Allied side, against seven fighters destroyed on the German side.

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

Italian Front - Nothing to report on the front except for a few exchanges of fire. In both sides, the troops are redeploying.
On the American side, the 1st Armored Division begins to withdraw to recompose itself, but also to reposition itself on its future axis of attack.
The 4th Belgian ID, after its exploits, will redeploy, this time in the center of the IVth French Corps.
At the IV Corps headquarters, the 86th DIA, which is a mountain division with two brigades, is indeed a little light to hold the front alone along the Gothic line. It will be the role of the most powerful division of the Corps to support it on a future axis of attack due north in the direction of the Pratovecchio valley. Finally, Florence would undoubtedly be left to the Italians, but no possibility should be overlooked: the 6th BMLE would return to the Corps reserve, at least for the time it needed to replenish itself; it should operate on the left of the Corps, with the 83rd DIA, in the offensive to seize the capital of Tuscany.
Above the French front, it is the turn of Captain Gabriel Gauthier, of the GC I/3, to illustrate himself. In the morning, while leading a patrol, he shoots down a Fieseler Storch which, as we will learn later, was carrying the second in command of the 263. ID. In the afternoon, during an alert takeoff, he shoots down an Fw 190 - his seventh personal victory.

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

Adriatic - The sun is barely up when the air base of Udine is seasoned by Sqn 69, covered by Sqn 145. Eight German fighters in cover of the base try to interpose themselves but falls in a trap. Indeed, as soon as they cross the coast, a part of the Spitfires of the escort "climb to the pigeonhole" to benefit from the advantage of the altitude, while the Beaumonts fly low over the ground, multiplying the changes of course. Three Bf 109s go down (plus three damaged) against only one Spitfire. One Beaumont is lost, shot down by Flak - airfields are among the most difficult targets from the point of view of the flak.
Shortly after noon, the defenders of the island of Cres are attacked by the Beaufighters of Sqn 39, accompanied by Spits from 119. It is the last raid of Sqn 39 on this twin-engine plane, it must be re-equipped in the coming days with Banshees. The transformation will be very brief: the Banshee takes over many of the features of the Beaufighter, including the instrument panel. Pilots who tested the first aircraft, delivered the day before, said they had the sensation of going from a tractor to a sports car.

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

Rome-Athens - On the plane back to Greece, Montgomery keeps dictating to his faithful De Guincamp a stream of ever more precise instructions on his next offensive.
De Guincamp, who knows him well, would later say that "his exuberance of the last few days hid a certain disappointment: in the end, the Allies had refused him the great means that he considered necessary for the reconquest of the Balkans. But he had to maintain a certain level of activity in Greece, and especially to give the impression of it, in order to keep the Germans on edge while other operations were being prepared elsewhere. Capital mission, but which did not satisfy him..."*

* Arthur Chalfont, Montgomery of Attica, Atheneum, 1976.

 

[Wings]

July 24th, 1943

Platamon (Greece), 23:00 - Winding south along the coast, the Salonika-Athens railroad line works, despite aerial bombardments, commando raids and resistance actions. Oh, of course, it only runs trains only at night, and it stops well before Athens! But it continues nevertheless to supply the German forces preventing the Allies from forcing the Attica Narrows, and therefore to break through to the north.
In anticipation of Operation Butress, and the air force being unable, in front of a very biting Flak, to close for good this communication route, Montgomery is obliged to resort to... unexpected actors to hinder German rail traffic as much as possible. In this case, submarines - surface ships, whose use would be more risky, would soon be in great demand. Even more unexpectedly, the vessels in question are those of the French Navy. Indeed, the Navy's submersibles are already on their way to the Pacific, while some Frenchmen lingered in the allied lake that had become Mare Nostrum.
Thus, under a slightly overcast night sky, a dark and massive shape surfaced a short distance from the coast in the most complete discretion, after careful sightings made with the periscope during the day. Five minutes later, the Landsers guarding the railroad have the surprise to see falling on their depot, located at less than 2 kilometers from the coast, a succession of 100 mm shells. Believing it to be the umpteenth mortar attack launched by partisans, the soldiers deploy and search for the enemy in the hills and streets of the town...
But the fire came from the sea. After more than ten minutes of careful bombardment, carried out without opposition, Lieutenant Georges Saglio, commander of the MN Fresnel, can consider himself satisfied. He even takes a photo of the fires - which will nicely illustrate his report - before giving the order to dive and withdraw.
This is the last combat action in the Eastern Mediterranean of the 1,500 t "2nd Hydrographic Group" (MN Fresnel, Henri-Poincaré and Monge), before a discreet participation in Dragon, which should be followed, if all goes well, by their departure for the Pacific. The gunners, a little frustrated by most of the Fresnel's missions, where the greatest discretion is primordial, take their pleasure of bludgeoning the Teutons before going to settle their score with the sons of the Rising Sun. And by reintegrating the bowels of the building which is preparing to dive after setting sail, they sing a well-known song: "Ce n’est qu’un au revoir, mes frères...".

 

[Wings]

July 25th, 1943

Essen - In order to take advantage of the fact that the Germans have not yet found a way to defeat the Windows, the city is attacked by 505 aircraft - 194 Lancaster, 171 Halifax, 30 Victoria, 24 Lincoln, 37 Wellington, 49 Mosquito. The commander of the US XVth Air Force, General James Doolittle, takes part in the raid as a passenger in a Lancaster from Sqn 83.
As hoped, the raid is successful. The most important damage is done to the industrial areas in the eastern part of the city. The Krupp factories suffer without doubt the worst damage of the war. The next morning, Doktor Gustav Krupp has a stroke from which he never fully recovers, which will save him from being accused of war crimes after the armistice. The losses are 26 aircraft - 10 Halifax, 5 Lancaster, 11 Wellington.

 

[Wings]

July 25th, 1943

Yevpatoria (Crimea) - CC Lagadec is not idle!
"These four days were very busy with the presentation of all the Russian aeronautical equipment currently used in the front line, and in particular the models that are to be entrusted to the 52nd Wing. These are quite good aircraft, even if, compared to American aircraft, they seem rustic and often uncomfortable.
The Yakovlev 9 is lightly armed (one cannon and one machine gun), but against fighters, it should be enough, especially with an armament firing in the axis. Moreover, there exists a version with a 37 mm gun - with such a gun, it must get out of the way! I regret that the pilot's field of view is poor. However, a lighter version (called 9U) should be available soon. The Ilyushin 2, the famous Sturmovik, or Chtourmovik, is obviously so robust that it could come from Grumman ! The Petliakov 2 is a good quality light bomber. On the whole, our guys of the 52nd will not be in a bad position against the Boche, but there are still a lot of technical details that leave me dreaming - the Russians still use solutions that we knew were already outdated in France in 39. The radio equipment was very basic, and most of the time we operated by sight. As for radars, they seem to be limited to the protection of the bases.
Anna Ivanovna is indeed a very pretty blonde, whose French is excellent, but whose knowledge of the technical words of aeronautics is limited, whatever the language. However, she learns quickly and her help is most precious. She allowed me to have a pleasant and long conversation with S.A. Khudyakov, the number 2 of the VVS, the Soviet air force.
Khudyakov fought the Japanese in Manchuria, "before the war", he says - it was in 1939, but the operations he describes have all the characteristics of a war! Anyway, I found it exciting to compare our experiences. He seemed equally interested and I think we hit it off (judging by the number of drinks we had, anyway).
I was also introduced to S.F. Zhavoronkov, the boss of the VMF-VVS (their Naval Aviation), but obviously he is more interested in bombing than in hunting.
However, he organized a kind of conference where I explained the particularities of carrier operations to a small group of extremely attentive pilots.
Today I met a certain A.I. Pokrychkin, whose unit is resting - or rather, preparing to be re-equipped with MiG-9s. He is an ace, and even a very great ace, according to Anna Ivanovna, who looks at him with big eyes of wonder. Well, I will not be jealous, all the same! Especially since Alexander Ivanovich is a very nice guy and obviously a very good tactician. With the help of scale models and our pilot's instinct, we almost manage to tell each other our... hunting stories without Anna's help."

 

[Wings]

July 25th, 1943

Hôtel Matignon - Heinrich Himmler calls Jacques Doriot to tell him good news: he has the ideal man to form the new Charlemagne Division from the volunteers that would not fail to come in. It is Lieutenant-Colonel Edgar Puaud! The man is not particularly well regarded by Doriot, but the latter obviously accepts. What one would not do to please a friend?
Born in 1889, Puaud entered Saint-Maixent in 1907. After the First World War which he ended with the rank of captain, he served in the Legion from 1923 (in the 3rd and then the 5th REI) in Morocco, the Levant and Indochina. Battalion commander in Indochina in 1939, he was sent to France in early 1940 to take care of the training of foreign volunteers at the Septfonds camp. The Puaud Battalion, integrated into a regiment of foreign volunteers, had an exemplary behavior in the fighting of South-West in the summer of 1940, but ended up being decimated. Seriously wounded, its leader could not participate in the Grand Demenagement...
After a year of convalescence, he did not refuse his recruitment in the FST, with a promotion to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. And it was a German officer who had fought against him in July 1940 who gave his name to Himmler: Puaud had the advantage of not being affiliated with one of the clans of the NEF (doriotist, lavalist, deatist...). In his heart of hearts, he does not appreciate the Occupiers and the Occupation, but he tends to dream of a great destiny, military and political, and he accepts the mission to set up the Charlemagne. Going to war against the Bolsheviks, he thinks, is not really betraying, and allows him to be immediately promoted to the rank of colonel - the general's stars are soon to come!
It is only a little later - too late no doubt - that he will discover that his official rank will be Obersturmbannführer SS... Finally, Colonel or "Obermachin", he will remain a quality leader for his men, who more or less affectionately called him "General Mille-Morceaux".

 

[Wings]

July 25th, 1943

New-Georgia - With great force, the 24th US-ID (south) and the 43rd US-ID (north), undertake a pincer assault on Munda. To do so, they applied the same technique that had been successful at Enogai - massacring the jungle with shells. The heavy cruisers of Ainsworth approach the coast at close range, in a perfectly secure air and sea environment. They fire no less than 4,000 5" and 8" shells in half an hour, for a density of 70 shots per thousand square yards. However, this volume of fire is still insufficient. Indeed, according to Rear Admiral Wilkinson, it would take at least two and a half times as many shells to obtain a real result on the Japanese defensive positions.
Moreover, the Japanese had assimilated the lessons of July 12th and had brought their troops as close as possible to the American lines as soon as the bombardment started, in order to take advantage of the usual generous American safety zone. The allied fire control remains well and truly too cautious, because one always fears a deadly friendly fire and very bad for the morale.
The American HQ adds to the shells the bombs of three TBF squadrons from Guadalcanal, this fear prevents any satisfactory result. Progress is therefore extremely slow, the identified positions have to be reduced one by one with tanks and flamethrowers, which have to be brought under the enemy fortifications with great effort and risk.
On the south side, it is the turn of the 169th Infantry Regiment of the 23rd ID to go in reserve. It moves towards the beach of Lana for rest and recomposition.
.........
"The Americans stopped their offensive for nearly a week after Hester's ouster, time to bring up reinforcements, secure their rear and close the island to the Japanese for good. Now, General Griswold feels that he can move forward again. The heavy cruisers came back to pound the jungle about a kilometer from our lines... with still mediocre results according to Simpsons, whose opinion I agree with! The Japanese are really aces in fortification, their coconut blockhouses are frighteningly solid: a sergeant of the 24th told me one day that only a direct fire could shake them. So much for the saturation fire! Nevertheless, our friends seem to be in less of a hurry than before. In view of their forces, it is obviously only a matter of time." (L.V. Jacques Chambon - op. cit.)

 

[Wings]

July 25th, 1943

Latvia - For the first time since the beginning of the offensive, the weather is really nice on the territory of the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic - unlike on the shores of the Black Sea... But it does not matter to General Popov, who knows that the announced start of Molot does not help his business, on the contrary: his Front is going to fall even further in the hierarchy of the Stavka's concerns. Fortunately, Comrade Rybalchenko's air force can finally give full throttle, while the entire Luftwaffe seems to be over the Ukraine - which is new and may well prove very useful very quickly.
North of Riga, the 1st Army finally tears the Vidzeme lock from the 217. ID (Otto Lasch).
The Landsers withdraw a handful of kilometers further in the suburbs of the Latvian capital, still largely covering with their fire the railway station and Lake Ķīšezers. At least Lake Juglas is finally clear! However, it will still take time for the Soviets to rally before continuing south, especially since the Red Fleet can not offer them any support...
Facing Kegums, the combined forces of the 4th and 7th Armies continue to withdraw in the woods, trying to reorganize to advance and finally cut the road Riga-Daugavpils. The action of the previous day towards the Birzgale marshes is costly and causes a loss of time, without being able to save the bridgehead of Jaunjelgava. General Krutikov's only ambition now is to cover the left flank of Gusev against the 1. ID and 21. ID, thus facilitating his progression southwest - and for once, it is he who will be in defense and will take advantage of the terrain, as infamous as ever. But in the evening, it must be noted that the 4th Army has not yet reached Zvirgzde, still being effectively delayed by the combined forces of the 11. ID, l. LFD and 184. StuG Abt. Less than 15 kilometers in six days - what a misery! Hoping to break the deadlock and accelerate the movement somewhat, the 12th Armored Corps finishes crossing the Dvina and begins to regroup towards Silzemnieki, to carry the iron against the Luftwaffe creepers. Will woods and swamps prevent the red armor to break through and push the fascists? Of course not!
Meanwhile, the 22. Panzer gather under the cover of the trees towards Piebalgas, with a caution stemming from the total air superiority of the VVS in the area. General Eberhard Rodt, who commands the division, is more than circumspect: his unit is not really at ease on this terrain - no more than the Soviet armor, in truth - and he would let the StuGs of Major Ernst Schmidt to pass in front of them, as he has already lost several several vehicles due to explosive traps, anti-tank pieces or bogging down (or even all three at once!). The Sturmgeschütz have however for them a low silhouette, with a gun and armor at least equivalent to those of its Panzer III ... And Rodt has no confidence in the infantrymen of the Big Herman to ensure the close protection of his crews. In fact, he never really believed in the idea of a ride towards the Dvina - this is not Belarus or Ukraine. If the Russians are so slow, it is certainly because they too have encountered serious problems. And looking at the terrain in front of him, he can easily imagine why... But still: the attack will begin tomorrow at dawn !
Further on, at Koknese, Morozov's 42nd Army continues to blow, under the exchange of fire between its artillery and that of the 15th Armored Corps on the one hand, and the guns of the 58. ID and 96. ID on the other hand - the two German divisions are preparing a next push.
On the left of the 42nd Army, the 7th Guards continue to try to reach Buivāni, and even the Vecsēlpils-Bajāri line. In vain - despite the massive and relatively effective support of the VVS (General Zhuravlev's 14th Air Force), the XXXVIII. AK of Kurt Herzog holds the door well and truly closed! Berzarin, himself a former member of the Komsomols, is exasperated by what he considers a waste of men and materials. In his shelter buried in Pļaviņas, he storms against the frustrations that build up, when the command post takes a 150 mm shell in full force! The general is painfully extracted from the rubble - seriously wounded, he is evacuated. The 7th Guards Army finds itself without a leader, and is thus in great danger of losing the little momentum it still has ... Harassed by the Stavka, Meretskov, waiting for the appointment of a replacement for his subordinate, orders with the tip of his fingernails a diversionary operation in the vicinity of Jēkabpils, for the sake of form...
Finally, in Courland, the 4th Marine Division launches a determined action, but rather limited in scope, from Talsi to Tukums. Despite all the efforts of the Communist Youth, the 18. LFD holds out. It is true that it is very well informed by part of the local population and that it is supported by the SS Germania regiment, left behind by the Wiking. The attackers are stopped shortly after the capture of Kāķīši. This is a fine performance, but a single division, however valiant, cannot claim to have taken the whole of Courland.