July 1st, 1942
Alger - As a meeting of the Council of Ministers is about to end, General De Gaulle asks to speak. The participants, who had been practicing it for two years immediately suspect that this is not an incidental matter.
- Mr. President of the Council, Gentlemen..." begins the General, with a slight hesitation that hardly resembles him. "It is my duty to inform you of the fact that the services of the Ministry of War in charge of the morale of the troops currently receive from units made up in whole or in part of soldiers from the colonies engaged since June 1940, the echoes of a concern which seems to be shared by most if not by all of these men. It seems that these men would like to see the realization of other than by a title of citizenship, of little use for the moment, the fact that France now considers that they have the same rights as its metropolitan nationals.
As for the duties, they consider, with some reason, that they have been submitting to them for two years with an ardor that does honor to our flag. As the national holiday approaches, it occurred to me that this might be a good time to demonstrate in a tangible way that our government is responding to this expectation. It seems to me that a few years ago some measures were planned by the government of the time, without being able to succeed..." De Gaulle concludes, turning slightly to Léon Blum. This one seizes the ball.
- Certainly. In 1936, Mr. Maurice Viollette, Minister of State in my government, had planned to give French nationality to an elite of 25,000 Algerian natives approximately. But the alliance of circumstance of the local notables had made the deal fail, to my great regret.
- Mr. Viollette could perhaps take up the file again in order to take into account the specific aspirations of our new citizens," says Paul Reynaud.
- Certainly," Blum enthuses. "He is no longer young, but he is all the more respected, and the indigenous population will be able to see that he is a man who has been attentive to their problems for a long time. I propose that you create for him the position of Under Secretary of State... let's say, "in charge of the indigenous population acceding to full citizenship for acts of war."
- Perfect," agrees Reynaud. "What do you say, General?
- That it's an excellent idea. Although the title of his position seems to me to be a bit... administrative. But I think that he will soon be called "Minister of the citizens by the blood spilled".
According to a recent biography of Georges Mandel (Le Moine de la Politique, by Nicolas Sarkozy, 1994), the latter would have noted in the evening of this meeting that the General had then the air of the cat who sees the mouse coming all alone between his paws. In fact, we know today that De Gaulle had discreetly approached Viollette before this Council meeting. In any case, the subject was launched, and the first measure proposed seems to have been taken independently of the Minister of War. He can push further.
- That said, you will understand, Gentlemen, that I have been lately particularly attentive to everything that could enlighten me on the current state of mind of the colonial populations, inasmuch as this state of mind conditions the recruitment of our Armies. I therefore received with the greatest interest Mr. René Maran, who was sent to me by Mr. Félix Eboué, governor of Equatorial Africa, whose competence and untiring devotion to France you are well aware of. [Here again, we know today that it was De Gaulle who, on the advice of Marius Moutet, Minister of the Colonies, had first asked Félix Eboué for information on this subject]. Mr. Maran is a former Colonial Administrator who was fired from the administration for having published a novel denouncing precisely the way in which our colonies are administered. Aggravating circumstance no doubt, this novel had won the Goncourt Prize. You may remember, gentlemen, that I myself have published a few years ago one or two works which did not please my hierarchy, while at the same time being highly regarded... [Smiles around the table, especially since several of the ministers, including Blum and Reynaud, had indeed read and appreciated Colonel de Gaulle's works at the time]. I had not had the honors of the Goncourt nor suffered the indignity of being expelled, but I felt some kinship with Mr. Maran, even though he was of West Indian origin. [In fact, René Maran became an advisor for native troops in the War Department]. Finally, I have verified his statement thanks to other precise, reliable and concordant sources and with the precious help of Monsieur Moutet. [He has been smiling broadly for a few moments now.]
Well, gentlemen [suddenly there is no trace of lightness in the voice, which becomes hoarser], if what I have learned is correct, if half of what I have learned is correct, it seems to me that the honor of Fighting France and of this government requires the abolition of the Code de l'Indigénat and the system of forced labor. The former contravenes the republican principle that a man should be judged according to his acts and not according to his origin. The second is simply a kind of survival of slavery. I would like to point out here that Monsieur Moutet worked, alas without success, before the war, to obtain the abolition of these laws. It is time to put an end to it!
These abolition measures can be openly credited to the voluntary commitment of a large number of voluntary commitment of a great number of men under the French flag, showing that the enlisted men have not only won for themselves the citizenship which puts them in the shelter of the Indigénat, but that their courage benefits everyone, which will reinforce their prestige and that of our Armed Forces.
Announced at the right time - and what better time to find than July 14th? - these measures will show that France, even though it is in a historically unique and seemingly hopeless situation that would seem hopeless for any other nation, does not abandon its secular civilizing and liberating mission. They could not fail to have on the peoples of the Maghreb, Black Africa and Asia, but also on the peoples of the whole world, whether they live free or under constraint, an immense impact."
After this "immense impact" that resounds in the boardroom, the General suddenly pauses, gauging the reactions of the room. Blum and Mendès are close to applauding, but it was a given, and the important thing is not there. Mandel growls: "Abolishing the Indigénat, like that, in the middle of a war! Have you thought about the reactions of the colonists, the administrators..." Mendes then, sweetly:
"Don't tell us that you fear they will listen to the speeches of Laval's henchmen, who will still speak of a government of africans, for africans..." Mandel, stung: "Certainly not! But such an administrative upheaval would require to be solidly organized and closely supervised. One cannot impose such a task on the services of the Ministry of the Colonies, whose activity is essentially devoted to the daily management or to the satisfaction of the needs of the Defense. [The Ministry of Colonies, officially renamed since the beginning of 1941 as the Ministry of Overseas France, has in fact been attached to the Defense since Japan entered the war]. Moreover, it is not an insult the personnel of this ministry to say that they do not have the proper political competence necessary for such a delicate task.
- I am afraid so," Reynaud acknowledges. "This is a serious obstacle, General, isn't it?
De Gaulle looks embarrassed for a moment, then, as if the light had come to him: "No doubt, Mr. President of the Council. But, under these conditions, would I dare to propose to you to attach the Ministry for Overseas France to the Ministry of the Interior? The services of the Interior unfortunately have much less work to do with the metropolitan departments, and no one here doubts the great capacities of the Minister of the Interior, who will be able to implement this reform in an exemplary manner for the future of the country and its colonies, with the support, I am sure, of Monsieur Moutet."
Marius Moutet stands up, beaming: "I have already stated, Mr. President of the Council, Gentlemen, that a colonial regime is not viable when it cannot be animated from within by the indigenous people who should benefit from it. What more beautiful symbol of the right of the natives to manage than the integration of the Colonies into France within the Ministry of the Interior, at a time when the new French citizens will see their aspirations defended by a new ministry and where the odious regime of the Indigénat is abolished! It is with joy that I will work under the authority of the Minister of the Interior."
The biography of Mandel by N. Sarkozy informs us again: the Minister of the Interior is perfectly aware that he has been outmaneuvered, but cannot help but be both honored... and admiring. Besides, how could he refuse such a proposal? His master Clemenceau, who was always a virulent anti-colonialist, would he not have approved? This is why, when Reynaud approves the idea and turns to him, he could only stand up and declare, "I will strive to be worthy of the country's trust."
There remains an obstacle: Henry de Kérillis does not resign himself. "Before the war, these measures were one of the battle horses of the Communists. I know that, Mr. Hitler having had the good taste to attack the USSR, the French Communist Party is in the process of regaining an appearance of respectability. But it is a great gift to welcome the return of this prodigal son, who has nevertheless missed during three years to the war effort, by killing the the fattened calf and applying his policy! I think it would be better to encourage him to be modest!"
De Gaulle then turns to him and, in his warmest voice: "I am pleased to see that we are in perfect agreement on this point: the Communists must be encouraged to be modest. This is precisely why it is important to deprive them of the formidable lever of opinion represented in the Colonies by the Indigenat and forced labor. If we abolish them, the CP will not be able to hide behind these scarecrows to make people forget that it defected as soon as the German-Soviet pact was signed and until the launching of the German attack on Russia...".
Caught at his own game, Kerillis remains silent. This time, the case is heard. For those who had not yet understood, De Gaulle's political apprenticeship is complete. It is true that he had had, for two years, excellent teachers and equally remarkable examples in the Council!