Fall Grun 1938: Are Germany's early-war odds really worse than OTL 1939?

marathag

Banned
1.) The French retreated from the saarland because they hit the german minefields. And realized they had no way to clear them, because they were so unorganized they had no engineers attached to their attacking units.


2.) No they would not have kept up even that slow advance. Their lack of engineering support would have ensured a stalled offensive as they had in addition to the minefields, rivers they would have had to cross. They only thing the Saarland offensive proved was just how unready the French truely were.

In 1938 the construction of the Siegfried Line had barely begun, and the what the French ran into in 1998 was the Limes, and hadn't been started till after Munich. At the start of the War in 1939, the German High Command had little faith in it.
In 1938?
even less
 

marathag

Banned
as in 1940 paraphrasing Guderian the most powerful weapon on the Pz2 was its radio. When they came across French tanks they would use there radios to coordinate the heavier gun tanks and anti tank guns to deal with them. I can't see Panzer divisions being anywhere near as successful without gun tanks within their arsenal.

The Panzer I had just receivers, and the FuG5 in the Panzer II had a range of 2–3 km when using voice and 3–4 km when using Morse.
It was a good tactical radio, but the Panzer III with more powerful radio gear to link with HQ and Luftwaffe units wasn't there in 1938 still in low number prototypes, and had to rely on the Panzer I command tanks, with the FuG6 Radio that had about twice the range of the FuG5, but no ability to talk with aerial units

The Radio that allowed comm with Luftwaffe units was the later FuG7, that was first fitted to the Czech 38 tanks, so that's not an option in 1938,either
 
In that worse case scenario that means Czech resistance might cease by the end of June, giving Hitler the late summer and early fall to attack France, which he probably will. The only thing that stopped Hitler from ordering the invasion of France right after Poland in 1939 was the worsening winter weather. That's really bad news for the French: it means the German army hits a France with only 40 divisions, all infantry, with only a portion of those likely combat capable even by French standards.

First of all I note you persist in giving Czech resistance a month tops. Since I believe Poland did better than that OTL (I checked, active resistance in Poland--Poles in exile of course kept fighting all through the war--collapsed in just over one month) you clearly badly underestimate CZ, in the context of all the reasons I have given why CZ is a fixed and known quantity but Germany 1938 is clearly weaker absolutely than Germany 1939 OTL.

I suppose Hitler can afford a month or two more delay than you allow for still and get a summer campaign in against France.

Except that you seem committed to the idea that Hitler can win (in the short run, conquering France and all of continental Europe with the few neutrals left initially leaning toward aiding the Reich) by following the same playbook as OTL.

I remain loath to grant that Hitler has the drop on the major Entente powers and that they are as kittenishly helpless as you portray them to make real trouble for him while he cracks Czechoslovakia like an almond as you assume he will do in just one month--very very unreasonably in view of the fact that it took him long that that to subdue Poland.

But even granting you are right there, and that France really can do nothing despite having seasoned troops from the colonies as well as bringing home the Spanish Civil War veterans, and they are doomed to be Sickle Cut just as OTL when Belgium and Netherlands fall right into Hitler's lap without more than a whimper

--Can he do all that and also secure Norway? Do you need me to expound on how important doing so was to him?

Can he reach Norway at all, bearing in mind the RN has little better to do than stop whatever ships he might have in 1938?

Can he take the time to secure Norway first, even if he can start as early as June, and then attack two kingdoms (Netherlands and Belgium--Belgium for obvious reasons and do you want me to paste back in all my reasoning about Netherlands or shall we just stipulate he'd better strike them all at once) and the army prewar conventional wisdom deemed the strongest on Earth bar none, and defeat them all in detail, or will a more realistic hold out time for Czechoslovakia mean it is already dangerously late in the year to try for any of these and all of this must wait for a Sitzkrieg as OTL until March or April 1939 or so?

Will that not buy both Britain and France a lot of time for buildup and shaking down?

Would not such a delay make the proposed (by us, not you) French intervention in Spain a done deal and lots of time to reintegrate the Civil War veterans and their lessons and seasoning into the drilling of French troops?

Is there no relevance in the different political situation in France of the OTL Spring 1938 government versus the one they had in 1940 OTL, rotten with right wing defeatists?

If Spain is Republican, cannot even a whipped French Army remnant manage to hold the Pyrenee line, if they dare leave their civilian relatives to Hitler's retaliation in the name of national honor and eventual victory?

Would not a French government in exile greatly shore up the Allied position in North Africa?

Is not the indirect contribution Japan made to the Reich cause by distracting Britain and the USA clearly off the table, unless Japan does something very stupid prematurely when they are much weaker than they would be by late 1941?

While the USA is pathetically weak in terms of Army and even air power in 1938, is not the USN pretty much as strong as was in late 1941, and is that not the relevant force for Japan to fear, nor can Japan hope to damage it preemptively nearly as much as the did OTL in December 1941?

And is not Hitler quite seriously hurt by not getting Soviet donations of supplies per the OTL Pact, even if he is not weakened in any way by active Soviet opposition, Stalin being most likely to stay neutral once Czechoslovakia does fall?

I may have been naive to hope CZ never falls because France simply cleans the German clock right then and there in spring and early summer 1938. But is not the general case that 1938 was much too early for Hitler to dare try to start his planned sequence of world conquest painfully apparent?

He knew he was not ready OTL and he waited until he was, then struck. He would be a plain fool to try it in Spring 1938.
 
He wasn't good, he was lucky. If the weather had been different, Elser's bomb would have got him. If Schlabrendorff's time bomb had gone off, it would have got him. If the Allies hadn't bombed the Berlin railyards the night before, destroying the sample uniform, von dem Bussche's suicide bomb would have got him.

And Hitler did nothing in any of those cases to avert being killed.
Yeah, but let's just stipulate his person was under the Devil's personal protection. If we roll fair dice, he clearly could be assassinated. But those dice sure seem to have been loaded somehow OTL! TLs about Hitler dying early are a different topic so let's just assume he is some kind of king vampire who cannot be killed as long as the Reich lives.

Anyway, secularly and seriously and objectively speaking, the whole mythos of "If only the good Junkers had taken out this monster!" stinks to high heaven as far as I am concerned; while you can see from my above post I am a true believer in the "1938 War...Hitler is Toast!" theory, or anyway insofar as it says he loses the war (he might be able to negotiate a truce in which he survives as ruler, if he could mentally manage to swallow the need to) I first of all think all this purported certainty about the alleged good intentions of these generals is so much postwar ass covering. Granted they didn't really like him and he was mean to them, we have to at least be suspicious these claims are, some and probably most of them anyway, so many self serving lies. Real plots were attempted and we may credit the people involved in those a sort of heroism if we like--I still think they were concerned with saving their own butts first. Well and good, not every good thing has to come from pure causes.

But alas, if it ought to have been humanly possible to take Hitler down, the notion that the assassins would live to see the next day seems ridiculously far fetched, let alone their taking over the government and negotiating some kind of "honorable" peace. If they weren't going to start negotiations with withdrawing to 1935 borders, cutting Czechia and Austria loose as well as Poland and returning to Versailles compliance in full, to hell with them anyway; they surely would not effectively de-Nazify. But anyway stipulating either the most honorable or the most cynical intentions to them, the latter to give them a plausible shot at actually ruling...they didn't have one of those. The Reich was Nazified through and through, there is no way they would have been allowed to prevail or even live longer than the most drawn out torture the SS could devise. Some other Nazi takes over anyway. We might as well just leave Hitler in that place then, for scenario purposes. Whether it is Hitler or Not-Hitler it is still some Nazi after all.

So I have always regarded that part of the conventional wisdom on this subject as so much mystical lunacy. Maybe a defeated Hitler will be taken down by some other Nazi, or Germany collapses and a mob does the job. This plot of the virtuous generals stuff is pure melodrama.
 
They really didn't. France could barely muster any troops in this offensive (the commonly quoted 40 divisions were a fantasy,which was clear to anyone with a passing knowledge of French moblization plans),and what was there completly and utterly embarassed itself to the point it was stalled by the lightest resistance. In 1938,the much less mobilized French army would be even more hard pressed to send anything at all over the border,and the unlucky few who actually have to go would be even worse equipped to deal with,well honestly anything.

I have suggested that while the mass conscript army can be stipulated to be as unsuitable as you say, that is not all the soldiers France has at her disposal. There are colonial forces who have seen action fairly recently, and the volunteer veterans of the Spanish Civil War, which it has been plausibly suggested a rather small French regular forces detachment could settle quite quickly, after which both the men in that expedition have some seasoning and the long time volunteers, now reincorporated into the regular forces, have a lot of it.

Cannot elite units composed of such seasoned forces, with the more promising recent recruits mixed in to bulk them up a bit, be given raid missions over the border?

And certainly the German works of 1938 are nothing like as developed as those of 1939. With these possibilities in mind, is it really that crazy to think the French Army, deemed by all conventional wisdom prior to this war to be the best and strongest in the world, can scrape up a percent or two of its total complement with the competence and experience to take some initiative and get something active done?

The point is not seriously, now that I have backed off of the romantiscism of faithful and glorious democratic France coming to the gallant aid of the worthy Czechoslovakian peoples, to save Czechoslovakia by putting the Reich on the ropes before CZ defenses crack. It is however to point out that France ought to be able to force Hitler to divert a lot of what he did have to his SW frontier and tie it down there. Station enough Wehrmacht troops, even green as they are, on that border and the raiders I claim could sally forth from the Maginot line can only accomplish raid stuff, and at great risk, and must retreat. But the mission of draining off a lot of what Hitler wants to use break Czechoslovakia earlier is accomplished. Which should buy CZ some time, and both the major Allies time to improve things. If CZ can hold out several months, then Hitler cannot launch the sequence of attacks he needs to accomplish his goals until spring of next year.

Also, what do you make of my suggestion that the politics of the government in place in 1938 is significantly different than that of the one that declared war in 1939 OTL or was in power in the Battle of France? I did not look up the political history and am not sure, but I think the simple fact France was supporting the Loyalist/Republican side at this time in Spain is significant, and that the government of a year later is one that went rightward in reaction to both the debacle of Munich and also the parallel debacle of the defeat of the Loyalists in Spain?

Finally, assuming a Republican Spain is secured and the Nationalists defeated, how feasible do you think my notion that the French forces can retreat to Spain and fortify it well enough to hold, given the natural defense augmentations holding the high Pyrenee passes would offer (and air defenses from both retreating Ad'A and RAF and British supplementary aid)? I think there would be no technical issues whatsoever; even a broken French set of forces ought to be able to hold that natural fortification, politically Spain bloody well owes the French refuge and besides, assuming they can hold with British aid, would be quite grateful for the protection against Hitler; to me the only question is, would enough French forces do this bearing in mind their kin are hostage to Hitler's wrath? But I think other nations' forces did it, so why not the French?

In my view between the earlier, pro-Spanish Republic hence somewhat left wing pro-labor government and the absence of the OTL guilt of the Munich betrayal of allied CZ, French morale ought to be better across the board and rather than defeatism, feasible defiance ought to prevail, as it did among say the Polish Army exiles OTL.
 
I have seen above a quote for around 65 French divisions available in 1938 of inferior quality to those of 1940. Does anyone propose how big the Germany army would be in the same year without Czech equipment and Czech industrial output.

And if the battle of France was fought in the Spring of 1939 what would be the relative amounts of divisons on each side again with significantly fewer Czech equipment (some would be captured).

My feeling is that the amount of albeit less well equipped German divisions would be much closer to the French army than in 1940 in relative terms before garrison forces are deducted from the German forces to watch the Polish and Italians boarders and to provide occupation forces for Czechoslovakia.

That would be before the forces of potential allies are taken into account.
 
Everyone has ignored my suggestion the fact that the League has not been discredited along with French assurances given Czechoslovakia might catalyze more effective European collective defense. The League is a vehicle of assurance of mutual support and a forum for denouncing Hitler that had been utterly deflated by September 1939, when many a nation would have a chilling sense of being each on their own unable to trust the Great Powers had their backs, but this deflation has not yet happened in 1938. If the two leading powers choose to use it, perhaps even if Hitler can crack Czechoslovakia long before either Britain or France can confidently move on a large scale, he will find the Netherlands and Belgium tougher nuts, and without being able to rapidly flank through Belgium Hitler cannot expect the same level of success against France if he is forced to tangle with the Maginot Line reinforced frontier directly. Now perhaps there are deeper reasons than the Munich accords for the League to be dismissed as a discredited and useless entity. But I think putting Hitler more in the wrong, with less cynicism about the spinelessness of the western democracies, will surely have some effect, and the irrelevance of the League might prove to be a self-fullfilling prophecy of OTL that is far less self evident ITTL.

Not quite sure the League would unify and all immediately oppose Germany. When Italy invaded Ethiopia, when Japan caused trouble in China, the League protested a bit but did nothing much more than that. Munich was the straw that broke the camels back.

Plus Belgium and the Netherlands were pretty desperate to appear and act strictly neutral, to the point that they didn't invite the Allied troops in, even in March 1940 when it was obvious that the Germans were going to invade in the very near future. Why would that change with a 1938 war?

Someone posted above that as the majority of German tanks used in 1940 where Pz2's these tanks would be able to do the same in 38/39. I disagree as in 1940 paraphrasing Guderian the most powerful weapon on the Pz2 was its radio. When they came across French tanks they would use there radios to coordinate the heavier gun tanks and anti tank guns to deal with them. I can't see Panzer divisions being anywhere near as successful without gun tanks within their arsenal. Indeed the lack of large French tank units in 38/39 is not so important when a detached French battalion has more firepower than all the tanks in a Panzer division.
Such was true in Barbarossa. Sure there were only a few hundred KV-1s (compared to ~6k panzers), but nothing in the Germans had could fight a KV-1 (well apart from Molotovs, mines on sticks, that sort of thing). If the Germans can defeat the French infantry, the tanks are stuffed anyway.

--Can he do all that and also secure Norway? Do you need me to expound on how important doing so was to him?

Can he reach Norway at all, bearing in mind the RN has little better to do than stop whatever ships he might have in 1938?

Can he take the time to secure Norway first, even if he can start as early as June, and then attack two kingdoms (Netherlands and Belgium--Belgium for obvious reasons and do you want me to paste back in all my reasoning about Netherlands or shall we just stipulate he'd better strike them all at once) and the army prewar conventional wisdom deemed the strongest on Earth bar none, and defeat them all in detail, or will a more realistic hold out time for Czechoslovakia mean it is already dangerously late in the year to try for any of these and all of this must wait for a Sitzkrieg as OTL until March or April 1939 or so?
If the Germans try to attack in the spring of 1938, they are in the process of integrating the Austrian army divisions after the Anschluss in March plus just beginning the training of their 1938 divisions. So there will be 4 corps of poorly trained German forces in the Spring of 1938 if they try. So there will be a race between the Germans and the Anglo-French to train their respective forces in 1938 to prepare for either a Fall invasion or a Spring 1939 invasion.
The scenario has the German attack start on October 1. Not sure where the spring 38 attack idea came from?

If Spain is Republican, cannot even a whipped French Army remnant manage to hold the Pyrenee line, if they dare leave their civilian relatives to Hitler's retaliation in the name of national honor and eventual victory?
If I'm understanding what everyone has written so far right, France only began serious mobilisation a few days before Munich was signed. That being the case, how is France going to launch a proper offensive (not a 10km joke like OTL) AND push the Nationalists back in Spain (by Oct 1938 the Republicans were basically screwed unless outsiders funnel stacks of men in immediately), while scrambling to assemble a bigger army before the Germans come knocking? And during the middle of winter at that?

First of all I note you persist in giving Czech resistance a month tops. Since I believe Poland did better than that OTL (I checked, active resistance in Poland--Poles in exile of course kept fighting all through the war--collapsed in just over one month) you clearly badly underestimate CZ, in the context of all the reasons I have given why CZ is a fixed and known quantity but Germany 1938 is clearly weaker absolutely than Germany 1939 OTL.
Warsaw surrendered on September 28. That's a month.

I found this page that gives the strength that the CZE forces would have in Fall Grun: http://blitzsrbija.proboards.com/thread/15/armed-forces-czechoslovakia-september-1938
Simplifies down to:
1.28M men in 34 divisions
300 Pz35 tanks
120 tankettes
2650 artillery-level guns

Wikipedia gives Poland's 1939 force as
1M men in 39 divisions
210 tanks (7TPs?)
670 tankettes
4300 "guns"(presuming mostly artillery?)

Chuck in the border forts, the forces are about equal.

Haven't managed to find Germany's forces for 10/1/1938 yet, but if we can assume 50-60 divisions and put some on the Rhine frontier and elsewhere, they're certainly big enough to beat CZE. Is 2 months a fair amount of time to say CZE lasts?


Can he do all that and also secure Norway? Do you need me to expound on how important doing so was to him?
Wasn't the purpose of seizing Norway mainly to stop the British taking it and then wrecking the trade with Sweden? Because Britain won't be in a position to attack Norway in 1938, probably not in 1939 either.

- BNC
 
In 1938 the construction of the Siegfried Line had barely begun, and the what the French ran into in 1998 was the Limes, and hadn't been started till after Munich. At the start of the War in 1939, the German High Command had little faith in it.
In 1938?
even less

Siegfried Knappe in his autobiography described how when his infantry division occupied the "Siegfried Line" in October 1939 his sector consisted of marker stakes. Not even trenches, barbed wire, or mines.
 
I have seen above a quote for around 65 French divisions available in 1938 of inferior quality to those of 1940. ...

That sounds like the 'Active' and Series A formations, the first two mobilization waves. The B Series formations included another 10-15 infantry divisions, and some independent artillery, tank, and other support units. Between October 1938 & September 1939 there was not a large increase in trained infantry divisions. The significant increase was in the additional DLM and three DCR divisions. Additional infantry divisions were authorized after October 1938, but those would require significant time to equip and train

The quality of the Active Series formations was not much different between 1938 & 1939. Those had the most recently trained reservists and priority for equipment. The Series A I'm unsure of. In 1940 those put up a credible fight given their circumstances The Series B were the worst of the lot and the poor reputation of the French Army in 1940 can usually be traced to those units.


Does anyone propose how big the Germany army would be in the same year without Czech equipment and Czech industrial output. ...

IIRC some 20 German infantry divisions were equipped with Czech weapons in 1940. Over ten were outfitted with the old 1920s Reichwehr weapons, but I'm not sure if there were more of those in 1938. There were six armored divisions & four motor infantry divisions authorized in 1938, but I don't know their readiness. A more substantial problem would have been in artillery. The Corps and Army artillery groups were 'small' in 1938. Maybe a ratio of one support battalion per infantry division. In 1940 the ratio was approx two battalions per. By contrast the French had surfeit of artillery, a ratio of over four support battalions per division. Further the French artillery was the best trained of the lot, and had a excellent doctrine that was well understood. The German artillery had a reasonable doctrine, but most of the support battalions had only been in existence a few years and their reservists were undertrained. I've seen complaints about severe shortages of communications equipment, and transport. What the artillery ammunition situation was in 1938 I don't know, but in 1940 there was not a healthy reserve.

There German artillery kit in 1938 does not bode well for any sort of stand up battle of several days or weeks. The French doctrine of the Methodical Battle emphasized firepower, and in the use of artillery there were some close parallel to the British and US armies use 1941-45. In 1940 the one consistent complaint of the Germans out the French army was the artillery was dangerous and even more capable as it had been in 1918.
 
...
The Radio that allowed comm with Luftwaffe units was the later FuG7, that was first fitted to the Czech 38 tanks, so that's not an option in 1938,either

The sort of air-ground cooperation that radio enabled was still not fully developed in 1940. The best techniques had not been worked out, direct cooperation or CAS was not favored by the air force leaders, who in 1940 still favored 'strike' or deep battle missions over front line CAS. The massive bomber strike that enabled Guderians river crossing at Sedan was not wanted by the air leaders, and was executed mostly in depth, with relatively few attacks on the river side defense. This is one of those items that resulted from experience in Spain, the lessons not being apparent i 1938. The Germans were still operating from training ground and classroom theory, not battlefield experience as in 1940.
 
The problems of a 'conscript' army have been directed at the French in this discussion. The Germans had much the same problem as the ratio of reservists to long service personnel started at a far smaller point in 1934. In 1938 over half the reservists had less than four years since their conscription. The large professional cadre the Germans were famous for was far smaller in 1938. There had been only four years to expand that cadre from the 25 divisions worth of the Reichwehr era (including Black reserves) to near 100 in 1938. After Munich the Germans effectively ceased relating officers and NCOS from active service. Retaining the reserve cadre on indefinite active service to enable better training. In October 1938 there would have still be a large difference in training vs 1940.
 
Couldnt Hitler count on a bunch of allies in this case:
1. Hungary wanted as much of Slovakia as possible
2. Poland wanted Teschen (got it OTL)

Im pretty sure that after Hitler attacked Czechslovakia at least Hungary would join him and not impossible that Poland as well.
I mean I understand that Czechslovakia seems a tougher nut to crack in 1938 than Poland was a 1 later but attacked from all direction im not sure they can hold out for long.
 

nbcman

Donor
Couldnt Hitler count on a bunch of allies in this case:
1. Hungary wanted as much of Slovakia as possible
2. Poland wanted Teschen (got it OTL)

Im pretty sure that after Hitler attacked Czechslovakia at least Hungary would join him and not impossible that Poland as well.
I mean I understand that Czechslovakia seems a tougher nut to crack in 1938 than Poland was a 1 later but attacked from all direction im not sure they can hold out for long.
Hungary may join Germany as an ally but I don't think that the Poles will ally with Germany. The Poles will probably snip off their Teschen piece to 'protect their Polish brethren' as the Czechoslovakian forces are losing or are defeated but I don't think that the Poles will want to enter the war.
 
It would seem that to properly ventilate the possibilities, some things need to be nailed down first such as the start date.

Looking back over a sequence of the events, it seems the most likely time that war could have occurred would be with a POD starting on September 22, 1938. On that day Hitler met with Chamberlain, and then turned down Chamberlain's offer of the Allies having "agreed with Prague's approval to the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany" and instead presented Chamberlain with a take it or leave it offer of the complete dissolution of Czechoslovakia and redistribution of its territory among Germany, Poland, and Hungary. The basis for this new claim was that things had changed since their last meeting on September 15th and Germany now found the situation unbearable.

Chamberlain was reportedly shocked by this.

Hitler later worried in the evening that he had pressured Chamberlain too much and telephone Chamberlain's suite to inform him that he would accept only the German annexation of Sudetenland provided that ethnic Czechs were to begin evacuation of the area by September 26.



So let's say Hitler did not believe he had gone overboard in pressuring Chamberlain and did not make that phone call on the evening of September 22nd, dialing things back a bit. Chamberlain leaves Germany the next day, possibly of the view now that Hitler was not going to keep his word and would only make increased demands in response to any further acquiescence.

Now Case Green was due to start no later than October 1.

On September 16 (when Daladier flew to London), Franco-British discussions revolved around a range of French proposals from war against Germany to supporting the cession of Sudetenland to Germany. Those discussions ended in a Franco-British agreement to support the Sudetenland cession.

So now, new Franco-British discussions on September 23-24th revolve around whether to support Hitler's new demands or support Czechoslovakia in the event of war.

What happens then if France and Britain then resolve to stand by Czechoslovakia against the demands of September 22?

Well, possibly Hitler decides to scale back his demands and we still end up with the Munich Agreement before October 1. Or Hitler keeps up the pressure, believing the Allies will back down before October 1st or that even if it comes to war, then the Allies would not support Czechoslovakia.

In the latter (but seemingly unlikely scenario) we get a German invasion of Czechoslovakia on October 1, 1938. The UK and France then declare war on Germany on October 3rd (no problems in keeping a few parallels from OTL).


So what then?


Well from the discussion so far what needs to be looked at is:

- the strength, composition and locations (in Germany and Spain) of the German armed forces on October 1, 1938

- the strength, composition and locations of the Czechoslovak, French, and British armed forces on October 1, 1938

- the possibility that Hungary joins Germany in invading Czechoslovakia

- the possibility that Poland joins Germany and Hungary in invading Czechoslovakia (to seize a disputed border region only)

- Soviet aid to Czechoslovakia (if possible and if so, in what form)

- Romania's stance and role. In OTL Romania turned down an offer by Hitler to partake in the carving up of Czechoslovakia as it remained allied to Czechoslovakia. In this scenario, even if the Poles refuse to allow the transit of Soviet troops, could Romania do so instead? Perhaps if the French guaranteed that they would defend Romania in the event that the Soviets used the transit rights in order to occupy parts of Romania?

- German supply situation from October 1, 1938 to October 1, 1939 compared to German use of such materials for a campaign lasting 1-3 months (probably 1 and 1/2 to 2 months realistically*) in Czechoslovakia and a campaign in Western Europe. Note here that the Soviet supply of raw materials as happened in OTL from 1939-1940 will not happen.

- German and Allied weapons development potential (what was already in train, what could be accelerated based on the speed of developments from September 1939 to September 1940)

- the strength of German, French and Czechoslovak defences on October 1, 1938

- Czechoslovak defensive plans versus German offensive plans for October 1, 1938

- German plans for invading western Europe on October 1, 1938 and how likely and possible such changes and exercises of proposed changes are between October 1, 1938 and Spring or Summer 1939 (seemingly the most likely date for the start of full blown hostilities along Germany's western frontier unless France is actually able to penetrate Germany in October 1938 in a limited campaign aimed at taking pressure off of the Czechoslovaks and perhaps put France in a favourable position to launch deeper attacks come Spring 1939).

- French, British, Belgian and Dutch plans for war in western Europe in 1938 and what changes are likely (for example, the Dyle Plan of pushing I think 30 divisions into northern Belgium and perhaps the southern Netherlands depending on the circumstances seems (as one poster noted) to have been influenced by the Mechelen Incident; something similar may or may not happen here, so Franco-British plans might well keep more forces in northern France and southern Belgium).

EDIT: *However, any similarities (terrain, plans, correlation of forces) that might obtain between a possible German invasion of Czechoslovakia on October 1, 1938 and the OTL Italian invasion of Greece on October 28, 1940 could suggest that the Czechoslovaks might be able to put up sterner than expected resistance, and while very unlikely to be able to counterattack into enemy territory, could perhaps stall the German drive in some areas. It still seems unlikely though based on the discussion thus far that the Czechoslovaks will be able to hold out longer than 2 months at most, unless some Franco-British offensive into Germany is actually so successful that Germany's invasion of Czechoslovakia is stalled.

Also:

- the weather from October 1, 1938 to October 1, 1939. This can affect battles and campaigns etc.
 
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Deleted member 94680

All this talk of tanks, airplanes and infantry weapons and only one or two posters have mentioned the Oster Conspiracy. OP’s blithe dismissal of a coup aside, it’s a real point that completely dictates how any “War of 38” would go.

I, for one, think the coup would gain momentum and the Heer would remove the Nazis.

Then the real fun starts...
 
All this talk of tanks, airplanes and infantry weapons and only one or two posters have mentioned the Oster Conspiracy. OP’s blithe dismissal of a coup aside, it’s a real point that completely dictates how any “War of 38” would go.

I, for one, think the coup would gain momentum and the Heer would remove the Nazis.

Then the real fun starts...

Well the Oster conspiracy essentially means there is no war. For the purposes of the outline I wrote above I assumed the plot or plots (by Oster and/or Halder) to either kill or arrest Hitler do not go through or actually fail.
 

BigBlueBox

Banned
- the possibility that Poland joins Germany and Hungary in invading Czechoslovakia (to seize a disputed border region only)
Several posters on this site have claimed that if the Munich Conference resulted in war then Czechoslovakia would have allowed Poland to occupy Teschen without a fight - Czechoslovakia couldn't afford anymore enemies, and even if Poland didn't take it the Germans would have captured it pretty quickly, which would have been even worse.
 
Not quite sure the League would unify and all immediately oppose Germany. When Italy invaded Ethiopia, when Japan caused trouble in China, the League protested a bit but did nothing much more than that. Munich was the straw that broke the camels back.
I'm not "sure" either but the League was a thing that did exist, until Munich broke its back. It troubles me absolutely no one on this thread takes its existence into account, even just to dismiss it. Up to Munich, the dithering of the League reflected the dithering of France and Britain, its backbone. And surely that did a lot to undermine its potential already. As a practical matter, there is nothing the League can do to protect Czechoslovakia; the other nations bordering on the Reich were sympathetic to Germany or teetering on the edge of joining the Axis (Hungary, Italy), the three northwestern kingdoms of Denmark, Netherlands and Belgium, Yugoslavia and Switzerland. And Liechtenstein and Luxembourg in all their might! So there are no real prospects for action I suppose. However the OP, vague as it is, does premise that Britain and France show the resolve to declare war if Hitler attacks Czechoslovakia and does not tie that republics self defense in any way either--so Hitler is being told take a hike. We might consider whether even confident the two superpowers will follow through and not rest until either they are conquered, exhausted after giving their all, or Czechoslovakia is liberated, Benes, or someone replacing him after he is thrown out, might consider surrendering and hoping they get points for that from Hitler anyway, because of the impracticality of any of these powers, or the Soviets, coming directly to their aid. The OP assumes though that the Czechoslovaks do fight.

In the circumstances, the League as such accomplishes nothing perhaps, in the first months of the war anyway. But anyway I do think the British and French will attempt to make it the vehicle of their war against Hitler, just as the UN was eventually created as another packaging of "the Allies." I suppose it will be in abeyance even in this sense since nations bordering on Germany either don't want to or don't dare (except for Czechoslovakia anyway) to be seen voting for a League disciplinary action against Germany. Initially the League will simply remain silent on the war and will be irrelevant I suppose. But this will change later, especially if France does not fall; eventually the next nation in Hitler's path will have a real choice, to either submit or join the allies, and the others will be stricken completely or represented in Geneva by governments in exile, and at some point this League will retroactively vote to support the Anglo-French war as a League action and organize the completion of the war. This League in turn will be a rubber stamp for joint Anglo-French decisions, but there will be some political value in maintaining it, as a vehicle for communication and coordination of the war effort recruiting everyone outside Axis control, and postwar as a peacekeeping organization. It may not be even as effective and important overall as the UN has been, but it will fill that role rather than reinventing this wheel I think, because I think what killed the League was Munich. The idea of collective security was dead when the two main bastions of it decided to treat an innocent nation like so much fish bait. That is not happening here.
Plus Belgium and the Netherlands were pretty desperate to appear and act strictly neutral, to the point that they didn't invite the Allied troops in, even in March 1940 when it was obvious that the Germans were going to invade in the very near future. Why would that change with a 1938 war?
I have to remember that I wrote a whole lot more than I posted and edited it down for courtesy, which I guess I will not get any thanks for! Impossible to please people. Anyway, I have to concede this is basically true...but what it means is that as OTL, if Hitler is going to attack France through Belgium he must also attack the Netherlands at the same time, because if he does not the Dutch must face that either they throw in with Britain for what help the Commonwealth can give or they might as well surrender.

Or...third option..prepare the defenses, and prepare to join the Allies if Germany does attack. As pointed out in A Blunted Sickle, the Netherlands at least had a serious plan of self-defense that involved flooding the polders and retreating to the far west, evacuating the people and defending behind a huge moat this would create. Since the 1938 war is a new setting, if Hitler is going to do everything he did OTL because that worked, we have to do the dice rolls over again. Until reading A Blunted Sickle, I assumed that the events of spring 1940 were all pretty much fated, foredoomed by the basic strategic situation including the Fall of France. Now I stopped reading that other TL because I decided the author had some unreasonable stances, although those were not related to the subject at hand. It undermined my confidence, but at the time the case was being presented for Germany's OTL success being a matter of good fortune for them and that it was entirely possible, with no ASB stretches or Hail Mary Passes to narrate the success of the Anglo-French plan of defense of France. The POD happens after the Germans try and to a point succeed in the Ardennes drive through Belgium; after this, debacles the author claimed were avoidable by reasonable means were in fact avoided and the Anglo-French lines solidified instead of disintegrating. IIRC Paris falls but the lines hold, and the German salient that impetuously took the city is cut off and German drives to restore contact fail, leaving the Germans to be compressed and eventually defeated in the city, at bitter cost, but the city is liberated. The lines hold and then I started losing interest and stopped following to avoid fighting over peripheral issues like say ABM design. Both the Lowland kingdoms retain parts that are unconquered by Reich forces as well (Belgium's being pathetic acres, but the Dutch plan works pretty well and the besieged kingdom is supported by sea as well as being gradually partially evacuated. Anne Frank lives!)

So...was Sickle Cut a perfected machine certain to work and doom at least France to fall? I used to assume so, that Hitler just had overwhelming force. @ObssesedNuker's argument is that he thinks Germany's kit and training were better ready than France and Britain's, not in fall but in Spring 1938, therefore anything Hitler 1940 could do relative to these two powers he could do better in 1938, granting his war machine was a lot less than it would be a year later, the same was true but worse for France and Britain, so simply by following Hitler's successful steps of OTL but substituting Czechoslovakia for Poland, he surely would be at least as successful earlier. Now accepting that logic is a big pill to swallow for several reasons. I am skeptical that the established powers were that weak, that the long term investment they had already made in training men and acquiring equipment was utter crap. He has me perhaps if I want to argue the French could actually advance into Germany more easily because I supposed and others affirm, fortification of the borders to 1939-40 levels was just beginning and all Hitler had to stop French forays would be men and mobile kit. I mainly wanted to raise the possibility of the French actually invading as something Hitler would have to parry by detaching much of what he would want to deploy against Czechoslovakia there instead, and on the borders of the northwest coastal lowland kingdoms and Poland too, in minimal prudence--if he left those borders undefended my substantial manned forces, that's an invitation for an easy invasion or preemption in the case of northern kingdoms and Poland. This will not happen because Hitler will of course guard these frontiers, but those guards are not available to attack the Czechs! Although I identified a couple sources of small elite forces with recent combat experience France and Britain have that either Germany does not have at all or are not available because his impetuous acts of war strands them in Spain, but these are admittedly small and probably put to better use drilling the existing levy of recruits.

Another question we will recur to is how much time does France have. But surely Czechoslovakia must be taken first of all, and a month is ridiculously quick for that. The Western Allies and neutrals have at least that long then, and I claim, longer. Anyway, in addition to the current crop of universal male service conscripts, France has its entire male adult population of serving age as reservists who have already undergone basic drill. Their rustiness makes them even greener than the current youth conscripts, but that is a lot of numbers. Many of them have living and personal memory of fighting in the Great War. Given even a month to draft and arm and resume drill, if it is a matter of saving the Republic and defeatist officers betray them less, these French assets clearly ought to count for something. And the essential point is to remember, whatever Hitler had in 1939 and '40, he had far less, in numbers, quality and training in 1938. So...any point not already factored in in ObssessedNuker's claims before counts for more against the smaller, weaker, technically less developed and less trained year-before German forces. And a big part of what enabled the Wehrmacht to grow to 1939 levels was Czechian plunder, which he starts not owning. He will own it before his troops wheel west to attack the nations of the entire European Atlantic seaboard, to be sure--but as smoking, depleted ruins, not as warehouses full of fresh kit ready to paint or sew swastikas on and the factories that made them ready to churn out state of the art lines to Reich order and be adapted to the most advanced German designs. Those factories he captured whole OTL, here he will find them wrecked. Eventually he will be able to exploit Czechia but there will be a delay first, and so he will remain behind his OtL 1939-40 curve indefinitely. There is no opportunity to surge ahead he did not have OTL.

so--Belgium may be doomed to go down exactly as OTL. We have to factor in the Belgian order of battle and plans as well, and see if they were augmented a lot OTL between 1938 and 1940. If they were not, or not as much as France and Britain were, then it follows German forces are relatively weaker than in OTL 1940 and either Hitler must devote more to that project relatively or risk good fortune OTL not falling his way in the ATL. There's a couple dice rolls right there. Then if they carry out their prime mission with success, they face the French and I suggest there are just a whole sequence of dice rolls there too. But this is getting away from the Lowlands!

Meanwhile either Hitler compensates for being weaker by focusing more tightly on fewer objectives, and in this case skips attacking the Dutch at all, who are only too happy to stay neutral as you say. But seeing the fate of Belgium in appalling detail right before them, they must decide between the three options above. Join with Britain immediately and hope the Commonwealth can shore them up enough to break the coming storm, and soon enough; throw in the towel and negotiate for Hitler's good will and hope they made the right choice, doubling down on helping Hitler break Britain and whatever else his Aryanness demands of them on whim. Or, wait but dry their powder and prepare to jump into Britannia's plump loving arms the moment Hitler makes his perhaps inevitable false move. The terrible example of poor Belgium will surely be instructive and guide improvements in the defensive plans, which are respectable even against concentrated Wehrmacht power.

OTL Hitler could afford to strike both kingdoms simulataneously and that is what I guess he will feel he can and must do here too. This minimizes Dutch chances of coming out ahead of OTL, but we have to examine that moat defense concept of theirs to see if it might plausibly stave off the whole Reich or not, and if it can--another roll of the dice that will differ from OTL! The Dutch may roll snake eyes as OTL but if the plan is good enough they might save most of their people and be a thorn in Hitler's side.
...
The scenario has the German attack start on October 1. Not sure where the spring 38 attack idea came from?
ObssesedNuker. He chose to identify the vague POD as the observation by Hitler that the French and British are going to honor the former nation's treaty obligation to deter attacks on Czechoslovakia by means of promising to declare war on whomever might attack, and thus that negotiations would gain him nothing but delay. On ON's theory that time was more on Allied than Axis side, he says Hitler's obvious move in that case is to strike at CZ early as possible, which is May. Then he makes the to me absurd assumption that that nation will fall by the start of June, and so he can wheel onto at least the three Atlantic coast targets immediately, or anyway as fast as logistically possible--presumably by his figuring well before Bastille Day and if possible a month before. This gives France and Britain six weeks tops, assuming both governments declare war on Germany in turn the day Hitler attacks CZ.

Now I say, first of all, Czechoslovakia is not just equal to Poland. In their own defense they are I think clearly superior. In statistics they look identical perhaps, but to begin with CZ has a more defensible frontier. They are probably more alert to the danger of a German attack than the Poles were. Setting that aside, they are a First World nation more or less, high literacy, high industrialization, high tech generally. That's why "Bohemia" was so valuable to the Reich, and that's why they will defend more effectively than Poland could...even against forces identical in composition and training to those that faced Poland. The simple fact that the Poles were jumped by the Soviets from behind while engaged for over two weeks with the Germans should cause anyone, even ON, to grant the Czechs at least 50 percent more time aside from any other arguments!

So we are now at at least six weeks to Poland's 4, all you grant them anyway below (I reconcile Wikipedia's claim of "over a month" with the earlier fall of Warsaw by supposing pockets of Polish resistance fought on a week or two more). So maybe 7 weeks to Polish 5? You, ON and others might set the higher technical and cultural level, in terms of institutions like republican/parliamentary democracy, at naught if you like, I think it buys them some more time, we are up past 2 months already in my reckoning.

And then, the key point ON seems to overlook--Germany may or may not be relatively stronger than France or Britain versus OTL 1939-40. That is a relevant argument to have versus the Western front. But Czechoslovakia is what it is, and the German forces are what they are. The relative comparison here is, how does what Hitler can thrown at CZ, bearing in mind he would be insane to leave the French frontier denuded of troops to parry any French forays (he thinks these are impossible, but as noted, German material defenses, minefields and so on, are not what they were during the Sitzkrieg of OTL) so we have to deduct these--by ON's own arguments they can hardly be proportionally less than they were OTL, and in fact it seems plain they must be absolutely larger, to substitute for lack of built fortifications. A certain level of force of certain quality is available to Hitler to attack the Czechs, and if someone says the Hungarians will augment it--OTL Hitler had the entire freaking Soviet Union to augment his attack on Poland! So I might have to redact my 50 percent credit for not facing a second attacker, but then substitute a ratio of what the Soviets threw into seizing East Poland versus what the Hungarians could come to the table with on days' notice in 1938. It will probably be at least as good as a 3/2 ratio, don't you think? And if the Hungarians don't come in, so much the better for the Czechs and Slovaks!

We need numbers here, I do not have them, but I am confident (force available for attacking Czechoslovakia 1938 with what aid Hungary might give<(force available for attacking Poland 1939 plus what the Soviets did bring OTL). How much less I do not know, but a factor of two seems entirely plausible. If it were that, then even yanking out my 3/2 bonus for no Russian attack since there could be a Hungarian one instead and all that is factored in in the above inequality, but standing pat as I do on bonuses for fortification and a more developed modern society, one month for Poland OTL easily becomes three to reduce CZ. Now the ratio might be less than two above, and people may pooh pooh the notion that the fortifications matter or that the Central European republic is inherently stronger man for man because of a higher level of development and superior political culture as I hold, and whittle that down. But ON is clearly going too far in assuming it can be expected to fall in exactly the same time it took to bring down Poland, with a smaller, weaker German force attacking! I think two months is verging on wehrebooism and three is a sober number, but if someone like @KACKO weighs in agreeing two is about right, I will defer to him. And be very skeptical about the siege lasting longer than 3 months unless someone makes a solid case. But one month is insane. Two months is generous to the Germans and stingy to the Czechs IMHO.

Therefore stipulating ObssessedNuker's theory Hitler would strike in early May, it will not be until early July he can turn elsewhere, at the earliest, and I think more likely, August. This buys France and Britain at least two and as many as three months to get organized and start going on a war footing, and call forces in from across Commonwealth and Empire, including France's Empire.

Everyone else seems to be assuming instead that Hitler will waste the spring and summer negotiating only to learn at the last minute the two powers have gotten their resolve up and decided to back Benes unconditionally sometime in the early fall. On one hand this means Hitler, fully intending to have Czechia for his own one way or the other, has been building up for an autumn campaign. Perhaps he underestimates CZ as badly as ObssessedNuker does, and figures if he attacks October 1 he will have it before Halloween. In this case I would give CZ at least the solid three months in view of Hitler's arrogance bogging his attackers down in November! Also if the Entente leaders are at least considering defending their own honor enough to keep the commitment, I think the Czechs too will be preparing for war also, perhaps more than OTL.

Then even if he secures Bohemia before Christmas, Hitler can't attack anywhere else until March or so. This buys the Western allies and dithering neutrals five months of grace, more like six probably.

On ON's timetable modified by a decent respect for Czechoslovak powers of resistance, compromising on the stingy two months, surely some time must elapse between the collapse of CZ at the end of June and the start of the strike on the three western colonial nations...I would think August 1 would be the earliest that could begin. Note also that if CZ can hold out a full three months, now Hitler is starting in September! In the former case, France has had three months to organize. In the latter, if the French can also per A Blunted Sickle avoid what was arguably bad luck, Reich forces are bogged down in northern France when winter comes. The Great War veterans of the Wehrmacht will have a sense of deja vu...so might the French and British, but this time they know this war was not something wished on them by their own foolish governments but entirely by Hitler's will. It will make a difference I think.
If I'm understanding what everyone has written so far right, France only began serious mobilisation a few days before Munich was signed. That being the case, how is France going to launch a proper offensive (not a 10km joke like OTL) AND push the Nationalists back in Spain (by Oct 1938 the Republicans were basically screwed unless outsiders funnel stacks of men in immediately), while scrambling to assemble a bigger army before the Germans come knocking? And during the middle of winter at that?
As for me, while I obviously am rolling my eyes at ObssessedNuker's astonishing confidence in the premature Wehrmacht and Luftwaffe of 1938, I think his timetable of Hitler striking at CZ in May is actually very reasonable and in my posts I was taking him at his word. This is bad news for France and for Britain, but good for Spain; the civil war is not so near endgame, whereas Hitler's action has marooned the German contingent of volunteers and given France good reason to take the gloves off and go in deep and hard there. When we say France was not mobilized, that surely does not mean France had no troops whatsoever able to do anything, only that the levels of force required for a serious war with a serious peer power are not there. For defense against Germany France relied on the Maginot Line, and Hitler has in ON's version of the OP which I accept as far as POD goes, committed to attacking CZ. He cannot come in full force against France for some time, so given the force multiplication the Maginot Line gives, it is only necessary to man those lines adequately, and entirely possible to scrape together an expedition to defeat the Nationalists in Spain and if possible capture or kill the Germans there. A lot of suitable men for soldiering in the French Army are engaged as volunteers in Spain, the sooner they are brought home the better, and cleaning out a nest of fascists on their southern border is worthwhile. Having done that Spain goes from running sore and possible threat to mildly useful ally, perhaps the Republicans even send some token troops and declare war on Germany.

In other versions on the other hand, Hitler not attacking CZ until say October, I admit the calculus is more dicey for France mainly due to the Republicans being on their last legs and a lot more territory to take back from Franco. But then again they have all winter to do it. In this dimension I like ObssessedNuker's timetable better--if Hitler is really going to attack it would be in character to do it sooner rather than later.
Warsaw surrendered on September 28. That's a month.
That's kind of nitpicky and quibblesome, since the relevant end of hostilities date is the day that the main body of attackers quell the last major bit of resistance and it can be assumed the rest of the trouble can be handled by occupation forces. What we need to know is, how long was it before Hitler could withdraw the major part of the attack force? I looked at Wikipedia and they said "over a month" and I rolled with it, and in view of pockets of stubborn resistance requiring the whole army to stay ready to hand it seems more appropriate a time frame.
I found this page that gives the strength that the CZE forces would have in Fall Grun: http://blitzsrbija.proboards.com/thread/15/armed-forces-czechoslovakia-september-1938
Simplifies down to:
1.28M men in 34 divisions
300 Pz35 tanks
120 tankettes
2650 artillery-level guns

Wikipedia gives Poland's 1939 force as
1M men in 39 divisions
210 tanks (7TPs?)
670 tankettes
4300 "guns"(presuming mostly artillery?)

Chuck in the border forts, the forces are about equal.

Haven't managed to find Germany's forces for 10/1/1938 yet, but if we can assume 50-60 divisions and put some on the Rhine frontier and elsewhere, they're certainly big enough to beat CZE. Is 2 months a fair amount of time to say CZE lasts?
I've made my cases for crediting multipliers to CZ for terrain well fortified, lacking a backstab as awful as the Soviet attack on Poland OTL and arguable stuff about superior technical levels and having real democracy and so forth. And then the big big question we have to look at German numbers to answer is, how much smaller and weaker is the 1938 force available versus that available in 1939, and that is the major determinant right there. At least two months and I think three must be realistic, and possibly even longer. I won't argue past three though. And I can live with two if ObssessedNuker will agree it has to be at least that long!
Wasn't the purpose of seizing Norway mainly to stop the British taking it and then wrecking the trade with Sweden? Because Britain won't be in a position to attack Norway in 1938, probably not in 1939 either.

- BNC

Why not? What Britain needs to do that is sealift capability and if there is one nation on Earth that had that in 1938 it is the British Empire. They have the ships certainly. Do they have the men? Certainly not for taking on Hitler mano a mano in Continental Europe they don't. But Norway is a much smaller problem.

OTL they were determined to stay neutral and would not consider joining the Allies freely.

But..your dubiousness about Britain being able to take Norway is far better directed at Germany. Again we face the vexed question of how much weaker the Reich is a year--or per ON's advanced timetable for the attack on CZ, 16 months, earlier than when war broke out OTL. Hitler cannot invade Norway without ships. There was some airlift involved and some paratroopers I believe, but even if we pretend the Luftwaffe had the same abilities in summer 1938 as in early spring 1940, which is patently absurd in itself, to use them he must tip his hand by invading Denmark first. Now for once I won't suggest this is a problem; even relatively doubled or tripled in strength versus the Reich Denmark is sadly still but a speedbump. Even if by some miracle of accelerated development the same airlift capabilities used in March 1940 could be employed any time between May and September 1938, without the seaborne component of the German invasion, the airborne troops will be eaten alive by Norwegian defenses, weak as they are. Hitler needs to have ships to send the troops and navy capital ships to defend the troopships. I don't think all the fleet elements used in early 1940 in this daring gamble were all extant in operational condition in 1938, nor did the Kriegsmarine have older more obsolete models--per Versailles, they had nothing but some coastal patrol boats. Cutters will not cut it! Meanwhile there are far fewer U-boats and none of the OTL surface raiders sent out to distract the RN with. The RN has little better to do than to make sure Hitler does not pull off a stunt like this.

OTL we don't know what effect Hitler's invasion of Denmark would have had on Norwegian opinions about their options. It certainly would tend to make the case for joining the Allies outright, the question is how much? Without invading Denmark first Hitler cannot sustain his threat against Norway at all, but this telegraphs his intentions. He has no resources such as he had on the sea in 1940.

Meanwhile from a standing start, Britain has all the ships to spare to invade Norway ten times over. What she might lack was men...but the nature of British experience as an Empire is that in addition to big wars, there are always lots of little conflicts. Britain's standing land forces are small, but she has some commandos and such on call all the time.

A British and German invasion of Norway are two different things then. Hitler's major reason was to secure Swedish iron supplies, which had to go through the Atlantic port of Narvik in winter. But given he would invade at all, he would impose Nazism on the nation. The Norwegians generally, with remarkably few exceptions, wanted none of that. But Britain would be making no such demands. Britain's purpose would be to deny the iron to Germany and preempt Germany taking Norway as an asset. A secondary issue was that whichever side Norway belonged to would determine the options of Sweden. A neutral Norway would be satisfactory to Britain if it meant they shut down their trade with Germany and Germany was never in a position to take Norway. Then Sweden too would have the free choice of whether to lean toward Axis and Allies, and to maintain neutrality against both--again if Sweden only did not trade with Germany Britain would want nothing more. But both nations did trade with Germany.

However, unlike say the Netherlands, if Norway did voluntarily join the Allies, she should be quite safe behind the lines of the Royal Navy. Hitler had nothing in the way of sea power and could only get it if he were allowed to conquer Europe in freedom. Otherwise he could never challenge the RN. U-boats change the picture a bit, but the RN and merchant shipping face a much lower U-boat threat in 1938 than two years later. And what few U-boats Hitler already had, were smaller and less capable than those built later OTL. Norway could much more reasonably accept British essential terms and Britain could readily afford to compensate the Norweigians handsomely for any losses due to Allied war interests.

So, then, first Britain has lots of time before a German strike at Norway is a threat. Secondly, Norway is more likely to see the writing on the wall in that time and choose in self interest to at least favor the Allied side and shut down the iron shipments, knowing the RN would block any attempt by Hitler to invade. And should a German invasion threaten and Norway remains stubborn, a British invasion would be a different kind of thing than a German one. Much smaller in scale mainly concerned with seizing some ports and then negotiating from strength for acceptable terms from Norway, with offers of more than sufficient compensation on the table for anyone whose interests might suffer (except Quislings of course).

The British then are not in the same race against time regarding Norway as OTL since Hitler can't go there anyway for some time. Their interest remains strong, and so does their case for Norway joining the Allies, especially if Hitler makes his own examples by invading Denmark. If the matter comes to a head it will be later, when Britain will certainly have men to fill her troopships, and Norway would be helpless against the RN's full power. Therefore, knowing that the British will not demand onerous conditions, surrender is an easy option. Britain can leave the legitimate government of Norway in place and the mission be quite accomplished. They already have more than enough ships, and if some weird circumstance required them to secure Norway by force as early as May 1938, suitable men for this limited job are surely available among Britain's experienced Marines and commandos.
 
Haven't really updated this post, which I had to delay while I hunted down a source, since the posts which I replied to here.

Because Czechoslovakia is a more modern, developed nation than Poland, is my thinking. It has a functioning liberal democracy and considerably higher per capita industrial development, and has invested from its beginning in a strategy of the best static defense they can make taking advantage of natural rough terrain against anticipated German or Austrian revanchism, combined with a defensive pact with France.

A liberal democracy with higher per capita industrial development likewise describes France in 1940... who in fact had a better GDP-per-capita then Germany (whereas Czechoslovakia is the opposite). They still collapsed in two months... in part because they had wasted much of their resources on seemingly-marvelous but (as it turned out) militarily useless fortifications. The estimate of only being able to hold on a month came from them a internal assessment by the Czechs themselves. They may have been pessimistic (and given that I called it a "worst case scenario", I do not appreciate you characterizing my position as they would inevitably crumble in a month: that was a minimum estimate, not a maximum), but clearly they likely could not have resisted any longer then Poland did

The thing with a possible war with Czechoslovakia in 1938 is that even at the time the issue was politically charged, and opinions on the Czech's chances often depended on what position a person was taking. Those arguing that the Czechs should have fought tended to argue that the defenses were strong and those trying to justify Munich tended to argue that they were paper. After the war, German generals at Nuremburg also changed their statements depending on who was asking and how they thought their answers might affect their legal chances.

That said, there are two sets of contemporary sources that are most likely to be accurate. Those are the Czech's own assessments of their defenses, the assessments of the German soldiers tasked to assault them, and then to inspect them after the Czech capitulation.

The Czechs did try to compensate for the sudden anschluss of Austria by extending their fortification line along the southern border and redeploying their army, but there just wasn't enough time and the southern forts were all unfinished in September of 1938. Most of them lacked their artillery which, coupled with the Czech practice of siting their defenses forward, would have allowed the Germans to roll up with field guns and blast many of the positions with impunity.

The Czechs were also well aware of the possibility of the Germans launching a pincer attack and cutting their country in two but at the last minute the Germans changed their attack plans, and shifted their main panzer forces to the south west for a thrust to Prague. The calculation was that the early capture of the Czech capital would deflate their will to resist, as well as encourage Czechoslovakia's other enemies to take a bite, while further convincing France, Britain, and Russia that the Czechs were a lost cause. Given the weakness of the Czech defenses and forces facing that thrust, its success at achieving at least that first part is highly likely.

Once in the interior the Germans could then have started to attack other Czech forces from the flanks and rear. The Czechs didn't really have the doctrine to contain such a penetration once it had developed and the end would probably have come quickly, leaving the Germans in control of the western half of the country. In a best case scenario (for the Czechs), the eastern portion might hold and fight on, but its position would now be completely hopeless, and it would face the very real possibility of Polish and/or Hungarian vultures swooping in to pick its corpse before the Germans devoured it all.

This paper is a good overview of the situation and includes footnotes with sources. It mostly focuses on the German side of things, but the contemporary Czech military assessments were if anything even more pessimistic.

The technical assessment of the fortifications by the Germans begins on page 88. Basically, the light and medium forts were vulnerable, and in several key German attack sectors, unfinished. The Germans found that the 88mm Flak could destroy even the medium forts at 1,000m, which would have been a serious problem for the Czechs. The heavy fortifications were impressive and highly resistant to German artillery, but they were only a few of them, none were finished, and none covered the southwestern approach.

Long term stuff does not help the Czechoslovakian peoples if they are doomed to be crushed like a bug, granted. But one thing I do know about Hitler, and others have pointed out, he was building up from practically zero.

And he had been building up for years at this point. The French have barely been doing anything at all. Again: they were outnumbered in 1938, which was the inverse of the situation in 1940.

In particular German fortifications against the French frontier were essentially nothing until just a short time before this crisis; I am sure a year more made a tremendous difference. It has been pointed out to you by someone else here something I never knew before, which is that OTL the French did in fact advance over the border here and there, retreating only when Poland collapsed.

At the start of WWII they did, until Poland was split between the Nazis and USSR. At that point, they retreated from the what they had occupied and settled in for what they thought would be a replay of WWI

With the Czechs still resisting, they would keep up that slow advance. OTL , there wasn't much there in 1939, and would be less in 1938

In reality, the advance broke down on September 16th well before Poland did despite facing no resistance then sat there for a further 5 days before withdrawing. There was no "slow advance" to keep up if Poland fell, as no advance was taking place when Poland fell. As your map neatly shows, the French didn't even reach the Siegfried line and never engaged any significant German forces. The Germans basically sat in their defense lines and watched the French putter about in their security zone on a absolutely tiny portion of the front, achieving nothing of any value. If we look at the other side of the picture, German generals were flabbergasted by the Saar offensive... namely flabbergasted that it was so pathetic. They had overestimated French capabilities, but Hitler got them right and was rightfully dismissive of the whole thing. The entire thing was a non-event and is the exact opposite of any indication that the French were able to undertake major offensive action. I don't see why a French attack in 1938, which would be even more woefully terrible then the one in 1940, would suddenly be able to achieve any more.

Indeed, it would have been foolish for the French to launch a truly major offensive in September 1939. The 36 divisions capable of offensive operation they would have to use would go on to form the cadres of the 1940 army and a full assault basically would have meant they would basically be throwing away their future army.

Since the UK & France would be even shorter on aircraft, they would probably be purchasing from the US even earlier than OTL. OTL the Anglo-French Purchasing board began in January 1940. But I could see the orders starting November 1938 with a higher percentage of aircraft arriving by Spring 1939 as compared to OTL Spring 1940. Unfortunately for the Anglo-French, the aircraft would most likely be items such as flight trainers, P-36s, A-20s, and F2As. But there will be an acceleration of the US buildup so there will be better aircraft in the pipeline for the Anglo-French to purchase, assuming France holds.

That last assumption is basically what the French relied on OTL, but it is not any more guaranteed then OTL.

If the Germans try to attack in the spring of 1938, they are in the process of integrating the Austrian army divisions after the Anschluss in March plus just beginning the training of their 1938 divisions. So there will be 4 corps of poorly trained German forces in the Spring of 1938 if they try. So there will be a race between the Germans and the Anglo-French to train their respective forces in 1938 to prepare for either a Fall invasion or a Spring 1939 invasion.

Which rather ignores the whole rest of the German army. Given that the Germans already have a headstart in their training, as they did OTL, and the French are beginning from a much more lower base then they did in September 1939, it's easy to predict who wins that race. Even with the WAllies own improvements and mobilization IOTL that I’ve previously described, the Germans still managed put the time between 1938 and 1940 to much better use than the French and British as far as training and doctrinal development is concerned.

Someone posted above that as the majority of German tanks used in 1940 where Pz2's these tanks would be able to do the same in 38/39. I disagree as in 1940 paraphrasing Guderian the most powerful weapon on the Pz2 was its radio. When they came across French tanks they would use there radios to coordinate the heavier gun tanks and anti tank guns to deal with them. I can't see Panzer divisions being anywhere near as successful without gun tanks within their arsenal. Indeed the lack of large French tank units in 38/39 is not so important when a detached French battalion has more firepower than all the tanks in a Panzer division.

The German panzers still have their radios and still have their AT guns in 1938, so your statement makes no sense at all. Given that French tanks in 1938 and much of '39 still consisted of WW1 FT-17s, which was outclassed massively by the Pz2, and the battalions had little-to-no ability at combined-arms warfare this assertion is ridiculous. Any detached 1938/39 French battalion which goes up against a German panzer division is going to be absolutely stomped even worse then the large French tank units in 1940 were.

The Panzer I had just receivers, and the FuG5 in the Panzer II had a range of 2–3 km when using voice and 3–4 km when using Morse.

It was a good tactical radio, but the Panzer III with more powerful radio gear to link with HQ and Luftwaffe units wasn't there in 1938 still in low number prototypes, and had to rely on the Panzer I command tanks, with the FuG6 Radio that had about twice the range of the FuG5, but no ability to talk with aerial units

The Radio that allowed comm with Luftwaffe units was the later FuG7, that was first fitted to the Czech 38 tanks, so that's not an option in 1938,either

Comms with the Luftwaffe were actually pretty poor in 1940 as well and the key air attacks which assisted the German crossings of the Sedan were pre-planned before the offensive, so that's not going to change.
 
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