Everything Has Gone Green: The Consequences of Googling Murray Bookchin

John Smith: 54%
Michael Meacher-57%

“Well Mr Smith and Mr Meacher, your a pair of fucking mad lads”
Come to think of it, I wonder if the Dead Kennedys have formed yet ITTL, and if not, what interesting material this TL will hand them.
very disappointed in the lack of books made out of chins and/or chins made out of books so far, please rectify this

(good timeline)
Part V - Thousand Knives: Beyond Bookchin, Capanna and Jenkins
Thousand Knives: Beyond Bookchin, Capanna and Jenkins:

In Ireland the Workers Party had been in mourning since the death of the pivotal figure in Sean Garland in 1981 but this was counterbalanced with the Workers Party gaining two TD’s in the 1981 Election. With Sean Garland dead, the Marxist-Leninist wing didn’t have a firm leader as one member would later say ‘It would have been like if someone tried stepping into the shoes of Stalin”, this allowed for the battle to slowly turn away from the ‘Stalinists’ vs. the ‘Eurocommunists’ to the ‘Third Wayers’ vs. the ‘Social Democrats’. Whilst this battle would be ignored for the most part as the Workers Party battled the numerous Irish elections of 1981-1982 it’s simmering nature would make itself heard during the Mid 80s. For now the Workers Party would spend it’s time attacking the eventual Fine Gael-Labour coalition which acted in a similar manner to the Alliance-Conservative Coalition in Britain with austerity and Social Liberal monetarism.

In Japan Shintaro Abe’s rule would lead to an ascendant Conservative Seiwa Seisaku Kenkyūkai faction of the LDP being in charge in 1982. He would rapidly try and establish his own mandate and in 1983 a General Election would occur. The LDP gained slightly on the Minority that Masayoshi Ōhira had left them, managing to gain a slim majority of 267 Seats, which for the LDP was good enough for them after the chaos of the early 80s. Shinatro Abe would use this majority as an excuse to push forward a Conservative program, overseen with support from the Chicago School, an attempt to help modernise the Japanese economy would begin. A nation famous for it's Corporatist ideals was about to experience Monetarism.

Portugal, Spain and France would all see a reshuffle away from wonky Centrist rule to forms of Social Democracy. Francisco Sá Carneiro and Adolfo Suárez would find themselves ousted by Social Democratic Parties in 1982/1983 as people turned against Monetarism. François Mitterrand would manage to become President in 1981 and would begin to implement a radical economic program with support from PCF. Whilst this was all happening the Communist Parties would simmer away planning how to possibly get back into the mainstream of their nations politics again, with the abrupt resignation of Santiago Carrillo in 1983 signalling an end to the traditional ideas of EuroCommunism. Others would look further afield, with everyone’s favourite New Yorker Anarchist being slowly ensconced within the possible ideas bandied about to reinvent Far-Left Politics. Whilst Libertarian Municipalism wouldn't completely manage to worm itself into the stalwarts of Marxist-Leninist thought like the PCF or the JCP, newer folks like the PD and Democratic Left would see the potential it could provide.

Since Tito’s death in 1979, Yugoslavia's future seemed at risk. Veselin Đuranović would become an unlikely man of the moment. As both Chairman of the Executive Council, Prime Minister and eventual President in 1980 his biggest task was ensuring that the Yugoslavian Economy stopped slipping into a burning bin and to keep the concept of Yugoslavian Unity (as Serbian Nationalism started to slowly creep it’s way into Yugoslavian life) alive. Despite accusations of Đuranović centralising the Yugoslavian state, the Yugoslavian economy managed to stabilize around 1982 with much of the world’s economy. The concept of Collective Presidency was also reorganised and in 1984 the job of Prime Minister was given more power, which was now firmly under the remit of Đuranović ally, Milka Planinc who tried to allow the Central Government to gain some control of the Federal Republic again.

Argentia and Chile, despite sharing similar politics under the military juntas, had frosty relations. Saber rattling over the Picton, Lennox and Nueva Islands had been common between the two nations for decades since 1904 and even when aberration occurred it rarely lasted. This reached a breaking point when Argentia in late 1982 decided that instead of possibly invading the Falklands, it decided that finally gaining the Picton, Lennox and Nueva Islands once and for all would be better. This would lead to the Chilean-Argentine War of 1983 which would have effects for the eventual future of South America later in the decade...
Part VI - Which Side Are You On?
Which Side Are You On?

The National Union of Miners had been a headache of every British Government since 1974 when Ted Heath had infamously asked the British people “Who Rules Britain?” and so yet again in 1984, another Government would find themselves dealing with the NUM nightmare. The Jenkins-Pym Government was one of Wobbly Reform and an attempt to prop up Butskellism despite what members of all parties believed (David Owen proposed a Economy based on German style Industrial Democracy and Social Market ideas, David Penhaligon believed in increased Decentralisation and David Hunt became the only real Thatcherite anywhere near the cabinet).

Despite propping the slowly melting remains of the Post War Consensus, the Coalition also implemented austerity in a supposed attempt to balance the books. This angered the Trade Unions but one by one there leadership would be changed. A Soft Left revolution had taken over the Unions, no longer were they the bastions of Social Conservative Thought or the Bennite Trots of the Daily Mail fevered dreams. Mainly they had become the outposts of slowly eroding ideas of Bevan and Foot...well apart from the National Union of Miners.

The National Union of Miners was probably the most militant of all the Trade Unions, especially under the leadership of Arthur Scargill. The pioneer of the Flying Picket techniques had become President of the NUM in 1981 and spent most of his time attacking the former leader Thatcher and Jenkins. For Scargill, Jenkins was a betrayer of the Working Class and that he was intending to destroy the Trade Union Movement. But Scargill wasn’t universally unpopular, in particular in Nottinghamshire there was a feeling that the passionate Yorkshireman cared more about the Yorkshire Miners than their own. A branch in Annesley, Nottinghamshire would put forward a vote of no confidence against Scargill in 1983, but Scargill easily trounced the attempt to oust him.

This would come to a head in 1984 when Ian MacGregor, the head of the National Coal Board (being appointed to appease the rebel some Thatcherites and also to push against the Miners) produced a plan to make British Coal Industry more profitable. This mainly consisted of cutting jobs, closing pits and generally reforming the system based upon Monetarist lines. This angered Scargill and his comrades and Special National Delegate Conference was organised and the delegates voted 69-54 to not hold a national ballot. This angered some Miners in places like Nottinghamshire who carried on working as usual.

In March 1984, the NUM would go on strike.

Jenkins panicked and immediately considered entering negotiations. The Conservatives told him in no uncertain terms that they wouldn’t support negotiations. The party had been embarrassed before by the NUM and had devised a plan called the Ridley Plan after Nicolas Ridley to defeat the NUM. Jenkins baulked at the proposal but went ahead with his own attempt.

It was an unmitigated disaster.


“It’s hard to tell who won the Miners Strike, on one hand though Scargill managed to avoid the closure of several pits and managed to show the Government the strength of the NUM, he also managed to split the Miners Trade Union’s with the UDM defecting to the SDP...

Also he caused the Labour Party to despise him as a Trade Union leader, as Smith used Ron Todd and David Basnett as his foot soldiers of the Trade Union Movement in an attempt to push out the more Militant NUM...

On the other hand, Roy Jenkins seemed weak. Pressured by his Coalition partners, pressured by the NUM and pressured by his own party to deal with the Strike in a manner that suited them. Of course, this schizophrenic manner of dealing with a Miners Strike would produce a schizophrenic response which would please no one...

Maybe the only people who won were David Owen, who’s resignation caused him to fly up in the world of Principled Politicians and John Peck, who’s platform of lambasting the Government for inaction and stupidity and Arthur Scargill for being a wannabe Stalin gained him much acclaim”
-Paul Arthur, The Miners Strike; 10 Years On, Guardian 1994


The Coalition would slump in the polls when in October 1984, the Coalition was forced to negotiate with the NUM. The attempt to stop the NUM had failed as the Alliance wasn’t on board with the Ridley Plan. Failure to plan caused the Government to see the eventual depleting coal supplies until it was too late. In early October it seemed apparent that the Government would fail to bring the NUM to heel. The Secretary of Trade and Industry David Owen, who had been straining under Jenkins, told the Government that if they didn’t negotiate with the NUM he would resign from his position. Roy Jenkins said he wouldn’t.

So Owen resigned. Chaos ensued. A prominent member of the cabinet resigning and the political ramifications is what led Roy Jenkins to go cap in hand to the NUM. A deal of sorts would be hammered out between the Government and the NUM. By December 1984, the strike would be over. But the coalition had been horribly damaged and there would be calls from the Conservatives by Michael Heseltine and the SDP by Shirley Williams to leave the coalition as soon as possible and call an election. But Roy Jenkins and Francis Pym both realised that they would lose badly and allow Labour to get in. So throughout the Winter of 84/85 the Coalition would stay as the various other parties prepared for the next election...
Because I'm a kind and benevolent lord and because @Oppo has been placed under house arrest for his own safety I decided to post two chapters this evening, enjoy the chaos.
Part VII - Never Mind The Ballots
Never Mind The Ballots

On March 23rd 1985, Parliament would be dissolved and the election campaign would begin. It had been expected since November the previous year that the Coalition would go to the polls soon, however, it was decided to wait until Spring to see if the polls would bounce back for a snap election. A brief flicker of decent polling gave Jenkins and Pym the confidence needed to go to the electorate.

This would be the first election to be done under the Alternative Voting system introduced in 1983 (the first splits between Jenkins and Owen would occur over whether to have a referendum on the new system, Jenkins refused and the bill would be passed by parliament). The new system added a top-up list of potential MPs which would allow increased representation for smaller parties. The hope of parties like the SDP, Liberals, and even Democratic Left was to be the kingmakers in a potential coalition.

The election would see different routes of attacks from the different parties who campaigned in different manners.

For the Conservatives, they were mainly content to attack Labour and their ‘Loony Left’ councils that had emerged in the early 80s in London, Liverpool, Manchester, and Nottingham (often supported by Democratic Left councilors) and saying about how Militant and Scargill would turn Britain into a Trotskyist Graveyard. Of course, they said little else, apart from Michael Heseltine going on about supporting small businesses in inner cities with ‘Business Zones’ as a way to deal with unemployment.

For Labour, there was division on how exactly to campaign and their policies. John Smith despite being part of the ‘Old Right’ took a Soft Monetarist view of the state, with the Shadow Chancellor Roy Hattersley talking about ‘Supply-Side Socialism’ frequently on Television (often stumbling on the exact policies in comparison to folks like Robin Cook and Neil Kinnock). The campaign was old-fashioned too to a point, though under the advisement of Philip Gould and Bryan Gould, effort was made to branch out of just grassroots efforts. An election broadcast of John Smith creating the dawn on the hills of Edinburgh was well acclaimed and the Gould ran campaign was a success for the most part (Jack Cunningham’s brief tenure on the election team notwithstanding).

Additionally, Labour played down their Left Wing Councils, with a number of London and Liverpool councilors being denied the opportunity to be PPC’s (which would lead to the controversial deselection of Ken Coates in Nottingham North and hasty replacement with Smith supporter Mike Gapes would have ramifications for the election).

For the Alliance, things were frosty, despite Jenkins wanting to still be a unifying figure between Liberals and the Social Democrats much of the campaign was spent battering down the hatches and preparing to blame the other for the loss. David Owen and his Media Guru Peter Mandelson went around ensuring that Owen supporters in the SDP would be the ones to get the major support of the party, meanwhile, David Steel prepared to lay the blame on the SDP for the disasters of the coalition (given the major scale of SDP influence in the cabinet, he wasn’t wrong).

For Democratic Left, things were looking up. With the radicals in Labour gone from the wheel of power, the party became the main Left Wing voice in Britain. Its main policies under John Peck were essentially 'Municipal Socialism, Environmentalism and Diversity’ inspired by being major parts of councils within British Cities. It would also enter into an electoral alliance of sorts with a sluggish Green Party who seemed confused at its direction in the wake of Democratic Left.

It would even briefly gain an MP in Peter Tatchell, who was deselected by the Southwark and Bermondsey CLP in late 1984 (seemingly on the orders of the NEC) and would join Democratic Left as a result. Due to the lackluster Democratic Left organization in Southwark and Bermondsey it was a foregone conclusion to Tatchell’s fate. In the meantime, he would use his remaining service in parliament to rail against Jenkins’s inability to deal with the looming AIDS crisis and his handling of the Miners Strike.

The Election Campaign would be one of electoral broadcasts, glossy manifestos, and style over substance seemed, in what many called the first Modern Election. Even Democratic Left got in on the act, with Director of Media, Nina Temple, commissioning a short election broadcast directed by Ken Loach about how a Democratic Left council managed to help the people in Manchester.

On May 11th, 1985 polling day would occur, and at 10:00 pm David Dimbleby revealed the Exit Poll;

Labour- 312 seats

Conservative- 235 seats
Alliance- 60 seats

This would prove to be slightly wrong as the night went on, with the Conservatives and Alliance doing slightly better than predicted. For the most part, Democratic Left would do fine, but not enough to get added on the top-up list with Peter Tatchell losing hard in Southwark and Bermondsey to, amusingly, Chris Smith.

As the night carried on it became apparent that Labour would be the only party able to form a Government. John Smith started discussions with the Liberals, deciding that entering into a coalition with the Alliance would be too hard to stomach for many in the Labour Party. Roy Jenkins losing re-election to some dipshit with a mustache named George would be a starting gun on David Owen dissolving the Alliance.

Beyond England and Wales, the SNP would gain a few seats including Jim Sillars the Deputy Leader of the Party, whilst in Northern Ireland, the Sinn Fein vote would spiral downwards as the Workers Party managed to gain on their collapse with Seamus Lynch and Mary McMahon getting third place.

A major moment of the election would occur the next morning, Nottingham North had a recount surprising everyone involved, many had assumed that Mike Gapes would win easily but a failure of campaigning and his attitude put off many within the constituency combined with the local Labour CLP rejecting Gapes too. Meanwhile, John Peck was a popular councilor who had become a local legend in the area as a result of standing about ten times in the constituency. After feverous recounting it was found that Peck had won Nottingham North by about 12 Votes over the Alliance candidate Timothy Ball, Mike Gapes would be fourth and lose his deposit. Despite not being the best night for the nascent Democratic Left, for many in the party, John Peck’s surprise victory in a seemingly Labour safe seat showcased that Democratic Left and its ideals were here to stay.

And so as the night came to the close, an idea of what the future of Britain would be seen;


Conservative- 240
Liberal- 34

SDP- 32

John Smith would be Prime Minister under a Labour/Liberal Coalition, the SDP would swing towards David Owen and his vision for Social Democracy away from the wobbly reformism of Roy Jenkins and Democratic Left had managed to stake a claim in the British Electoral system. But for now, John Smith was the man of the moment…

Despite not being the best night for the nascent Democratic Left, for many in the party, John Peck’s surprise victory in a seemingly Labour safe seat showcased that Democratic Left and its ideals were here to stay.

“Huh, well things have gone well here”
Oh man, I never saw that photo of Peck before
It’s literally the only picture you can find when you type in ‘John Peck, Communist’.

Think he’s speaking at a Union Demo in Nottingham Market Place, I think that Insurance Society is now a either a Pub or the Bus Service office/Starbucks.
Part VIII - Il Divo and the Black Friars / Waiting for the Great Leap Forwards
Back to Italy and Britain folks;

Il Divo and the Black Friars

Andreotti’s return to power in Italy was not quite a return to normalcy, for the powers that be in Italy saw what happened when Christian Democracy was left to its own devices. The strategy of tension, long perfected over the Cold War, reached its peak in 1983 with a series of large-scale terrorist bombings (shocking a nation that had grown accustomed to violence). Fingers were pointed all around the country on whether the terrorists were CIA, Red Brigades, neo-fascists, or militant Palestianians, allowing for the government to push through a dream of P2. Bringing out the papers for the “Democratic Revival,” the government declared a state of emergency to enact their agenda.

The truth about P2 has been debated over the years, with the organization being involved with the mafia’s heroin trade through their associate Roberto Calvi, aka God’s Banker. Calvi did not have much longer to live for, as his body would soon be found hanging from a bridge in London. Dead men tell no tales, and Calvi was about to be put on trial for money laundering. Death was natural in this business, especially for a politician as well-seasoned as Andreotti. Thankfully for P2, who was hoping to get their dirty money back, the government agreed to bail out Banco Ambrosiano.

The state of emergency was quickly protested by the left, with the more radical unions and Proletarian Democracy coming out hardest. Of course, this just gave the government an excuse to crack down on organized labor. Media consolidation began too, with P2 member Silvio Berlusconi beginning to control the nation’s broadcasts. The judicial system earned its own set of reforms as well. Overall, the mission of consolidating right-wing rule and splintering the opposition was a success, but things began to collapse after a few short years.

The Argentine military junta was stuffed with P2 members, who upon the collapse of the regime launched a daring mission; to cash in on Juan Peron’s secret fortune in Switzerland. Peron had once been a friend of Licio Gelli, but most friendships in this shadow world were ones of convenience. Peron’s grave was vandalized, with his hands bizarrely found missing. The plan of the P2 was to use his fingerprints to unlock secret vaults of gold won from Argentina’s role in the Nazi ratlines. Unfortunately for the group, they were caught with Peron’s body, causing a diplomatic crisis. The new Argentine government demanded tht Licio Gelli be extradited just as investigators began to piece together Gelli’s involvement in the death of Roberto Calvi.

In the year 1985, Italy had transformed from an authoritarian government ruled by a deep state to a more conventional government of Christian Democracy. Licio Gelli was murdered walking out of his villa in Arezzo. Arnaldo Forlani was in power for a little less than a year, before the party made a clear break with the reformist Oscar Luigi Scalfaro taking power in early 1986. Andreotti, while still Foreign Minister, was forced to operate from the sidelines. While weakened, Christian Democracy won the 1986 elections, taking support from the center-left parties. In opposition post-communists still struggled to have a central figure as Capanna’s influence in the chamber only grew.


Waiting for the Great Leap Forwards

“John Smith believed he was creating a new future for Britain. But this was a fantasy, his vision was a flawed one based upon a patricianal view of the state and this would end up influencing his leadership”
-Adam Curtis, Grand Illusions: The Black Hit of Space, 2013

John Smith felt like a man out of time when he came into office. With a Labour Party that was beginning to embrace the glossy advertisements and political work of the late 20th Century, John felt like a man from a different, more quaint time. The emphasis of old school charm though hid a more ruthless and mercurial nature.

John was a fine operator of the Labour Right Machine Politics that had ensured they held the balance of power since 1955. His pal-like relationship with the Trade Unions, Fellow Labour Right Wingers and a whole swathe of the Labour establishment meant he had plenty of support. Not everyone supported him, even though Benn had taken to the new leader, others like Ken Livingstone strained under his leadership, whilst Feminists were unsure about him due to his stance on abortion rights opposing there own. Many women would join Democratic Left due to this.

But John wanted to present a unifying figure to not just the Labour Party but also Britain. His vision of Britain was more in line with the European Social Democracies, more than Jenkins at least. Of course it was infused with a Monetarist view of economics, something the more Keynesian inspired members had trouble understanding and a view which some centred around Bryan Gould actively believed in dismantling.

The coalition with the Liberals would add things, Scottish, Welsh and a few regional Assemblies would be founded, STV would be implemented for those elections and for the European Parliament elections (something the Alliance hadn’t manage to complete) the Decentralisation of some of the Nationalised industries would be considered (the result was often the headquarters would be moved and little else) and a national convention about Nuclear Weapons would occur to decide whether to keep them or not.

Certain industries would be privatised which annoyed individuals like Bryan Gould who had been placed into the new cabinet role of Secretary for Media and Culture as part of the Government shift away from just focusing heavy industries. Whilst there he would try and get his idea for using the soon to be partially privatised BT to lay fibre optic cables across Britain. This idea would be declined by Roy Hattersley who strongly disliked Gould’s economic thinking.

This fiscal conservatism would end up impacting Labour in late 1985. The mainly Militant ran council in Liverpool had created an illegal budget to fund their projects in Liverpool. Hattersley, like many in Labour, strongly hated Militant and decided to use this to push the members out of the party. Pushed by John McDonnell, Ken Livingstone decided to create an illegal budget in solidarity with the Militant members. In one fell swoop the Labour Party would terminate the memberships of all involved despite protests from individuals like Benn, Heffer and Skinner.

Most of the Militant members in Liverpool would continue to sit on the Council as Militant Labour members and some of the Left of the Council would join them. Attempts to push them off the council would fail, with the police not making an arrests (which would make numerous people question if there was some form of shadowy conspiracy who wanted to make the Labour Party look bad, the main reason was there wasn’t enough evidence and most the cases were settled outside of court).

Ken Livingstone would be a high profile example of Labour dealing with it’s ‘loony left’ during its time in Government. The attempt to push all of the Livingstone supporting Councillors would fail and some of the former GLC councillors who were now MPs (like Dierdre Wood) threatened to join the Dem Left which would be disastrous with the slight majority the Government had. Livingstone and McDonnell would be ejected from the Labour party but they would still be allowed to work in GLC as members of ‘Independent Labour’.

Livingstone abandoned electoral politics in favour of his newspaper column, whose editor has to reject an increasing amount of work as the years go by. Most people in the modern day know the former GLC council leader as the host of the daytime chat show Ken, which currently airs on RT after being cancelled by several more prestigious networks.

Meanwhile the AIDS crisis in Britain would run rampant in Britain, the major domestic crisis of the late 80s would occur. The work of Health Secretary Neil Kinnock and Home Secretary Robin Cook would be trying to establish specialist wards, education and a safe sex campaign. But John Smith grumbled and griped about the campaign, as his usual collective outlook was oddly replaced by one of the individuals, at one point being recorded saying that he believed the crisis would probably be solved if people ‘took more personal responsibility’. This would become incredibly controversial amongst Left Wing circles, with John Peck attacking John Smith as “part of the same arrogant patrician elite that people want rid of”. AIDS would end up becoming a silent crisis that would become the death blow of Smith’s Government.

The first couple of years of John Smith’s Britain would be fairly quiet on the foreign front as Smith mainly tried to keep himself on side of America and the rising EEC. John Smith would awkwardly help America with it’s support of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia as well as bombing Libya in 1986. The two most important foreign policy events would firstly be the ironing out of the fate of Hong Kong, with John Smith famously shaking hands with the recently made paramount leader Zhao Ziyang in the Autumn of 1987.

Another important foriegn policy event would be an accidental one, in December 1987 the First Intifada of Palestine would begin, whilst most of the world would deal with it through the United Nations, the Foriegn Secretary, Gerald Kaufman would personally visit Yasser Arafat and give his personal well wishes. The Israeli Government and sections of the Jewish community would be horrified and demanded an apology. Kaufman would refuse and call those who demanded an apology ‘deluded fools’. Kaufman would be reshuffled to the backbenchers by a grumpy Smith, who would replace Kaufman with the aggressive but less controversial Jack Cuningham who issued an formal apology, visiting Yitzhak Shamir as part of it (this horrified members of Labour’s ailing Far Left).

As the late 80s bloomed it became rapidly obvious that the old way of politics had become obsolete. The idea of appealing to the self interested new consumers would filter through to those who believed they could best capture these new potential voters, Social Democratic Party under David Owen would begin to raise in the polls based upon the policies and media ideas of Peter Mandelson, the Conservative leader of Ian Gow would revive the Thatcherite ideal and even Democratic Left under the new leader of Nina Temple would aim there campaign away from the big collective ideas of Marx but towards the smaller ideals of Municipal Socialism.

John Smith would avoid these forms of politics, seeing them as vulgar and un-socialist, ‘Substance over Style’ would be his message to the modernisers led by the two Gould’s who politics hewed more to the ideas of a form of Consumer Democracy/Market Socialism as it were instead of the bland European Social Democracies. But they were ignored, the polls were looking good for Labour, the economy was booming and it seemed that Labour would win a second term.

Then in October 1988, John Smith would have a massive heart attack and chaos would come with it.
Last edited:

Even in OTL, P2-associated elements (up to and including Berlusconi) were able to enact some of those measures, so I guess the peninsula will go even further down the drain here, despite the diplomatic incident and the apparent return to normalcy.

Even in OTL, P2-associated elements (up to and including Berlusconi) were able to enact some of those measures, so I guess the peninsula will go even further down the drain here, despite the diplomatic incident and the apparent return to normalcy.
Things have to get worse before they get better.

Even in OTL, P2-associated elements (up to and including Berlusconi) were able to enact some of those measures, so I guess the peninsula will go even further down the drain here, despite the diplomatic incident and the apparent return to normalcy.
Look I would be doing a disservice to my great-grandfather who took his life savings to go to America only to get robbed by the mafia not to place a curse on your country

glad you are enjoying this though!!