Evergreen Country: A Pakistan TL

On March 23rd, 1940, the All India Muslim League drafted the Lahore Resolution, which made their official goal not to fight for the interests of Indian Muslims as previously, but rather, to fight for a separate Muslim nation known as Pakistan. Pakistan was a term used as early as the early 1900s. At first it was an acronym, the P stood for Punjab, A for Afghania, K for Kashmir, I for Islam, S for Sindh and TAN for BalochisTAN (As history would show, Pakistan would own all these lands and more), Pakistan also meant “Land of the Pure” in Urdu. The resolution sent shockwaves across India. The All India National Congress, the secular party fighting for India’s independence, opposed this, so did the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha (All India Hindu Grand Assembly), a far-right Hindu Nationalist party (though their opposition did not stop them from allying with the Muslim League in Sindh). Even some Muslims weren’t so keen on the idea, and they split from the AIML to form the All India Jamhur Muslim League, which merged with the AINC a couple years later. Jamaat-e-Islami, an Islamist organization in South Asia, denounced the AIML as they saw nationalism as "un-Islamic" and would rather see a Muslim state encompassing all of the Raj. At first, nobody took the resolution seriously. After all, many ethnic groups in the Raj have called for a state of their own, such as the Dravidians who wanted a Dravida Nadu, but the movement failed in the mid 1930s with the defeat of the Justice Party, the party calling for a Dravida Nadu, in Madras Party elections. The British, who saw the unification of all of India’s ethnic groups into one unit as their greatest colonial achievement, dismissed the idea (in the words of Lord Zetland, British Secretary of State for India, Pakistan was “silly” and the resolution was a “council of despair”) yet at the same time issued out a note condemning the resolution.

What is the reason for Pakistan? In the words of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, leader of the AIML: “It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our Hindu friends fail to understand the real nature of Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions in the strict sense of the word, but are, in fact, different and distinct social orders, and it is a dream that the Hindus and Muslims can ever evolve a common nationality, and this misconception of one Indian nation has troubles and will lead India to destruction if we fail to revise our notions in time”. This line of thinking began to be known as the “Two-nation theory”, in which it claims that Hindus and Muslims are two separate nations, and that any country comprising of both Hindus and Muslims would collapse in civil war (India, with their population being 11% Muslim in 2018 and Pakistan having their population be 9% Hindu also in 2018 has not led to them collapsing in civil war, though riots happen sometimes in both).

While Pakistan was supposed to be a primarily Raj affair, soon it expanded into Ceylon, Afghanistan and Burma. Three months after the Lahore resolution, a personal matter (some say it was over land rights, others say that the Muslim owed the Buddhist money) of a Buddhist and a Muslim in Ceylon turned into religious violence following the Buddhist throwing pork at the Muslim as he was going into a mosque for friday prayers. Some similar incidents happening at the same day escalated into full on religious violence which continued unabated for a month. When the dust settled, there was distrust amongst Muslims and Buddhists across the island.

Following the violence, Razik Fareed, a Sri Lankan Muslim politician, went to Lahore to meet with Jinnah. Following some discussions which lasted for three days, Fareed went back to Ceylon and declared the formation of the Ceylonese Muslim League, which would fight for a homeland for Ceylonese Muslims. However, splits began to emerge as many members couldn’t decide on either a union with Pakistan or an independent Muslim state known as Ampara. As the CML’s leaders were friends with AIML leaders, Fareed ultimately decided that union with Pakistan was a better option, which led to his opponents splitting off and forming the Ampara Muslim League, which was dissolved within a year due to infighting between Sinhalese and Tamil supporters. Ceylonese Tamil Hindus also began to demand some rights for themself following a pogrom in 1941, which led to the death of popular Tamil leader G. G. Ponnambalam, but as the Sinhalese-dominated United National Party only decided to give very little concessions to the Tamils Tamil separatism grew, and in 1942 the Tamil Federalist Party was founded, with the popular S. J. V. Chelvanayakam as their leader. Soon, the idea of a partitioned Ceylon was becoming more and more plausible and popular.

Whether or not the British were going to partition India and Ceylon or not, one thing was for sure that it was not the first thing on the British government’s minds at the time. The United Kingdom, along with the Soviet Union (and soon, the United States) was embroiled in a war against Nazi Germany and their Italian, Japanese and Spanish allies. As the war was going on, both the UK and the USSR feared countries in the Middle East allying with Germany and as such would give Germany plenty of oil, alongside that threaten British colonies in the Middle East and the USSR in Central Asia. Iraq joined the Axis only to be invaded quickly and have their king deposed, both the UK and USSR feared Iran’s Shah was pro-German and invaded Iran and deposed the Shah in favor of his son. To the east, the King of Afghanistan, Mohammad Zahir Shah had made Afghanistan have close relations with Germany, Italy and Japan, and his Prime Minister was not so much better. Shortly after the Iran invasion, the USSR and the UK launched an invasion of Afghanistan. However, Churchill worried he was giving too much ground to the Soviets by giving them control of both North Iran and now North Afghanistan. Churchill thought that in order to stop this he decided that the UK should annex the Wakhan Corridor and give it to the British Raj, which hurt UK-USSR relations a bit. However, now if partition was going to happen, the Wakhan Corridor was going to become a part of Pakistan. As the Prime Minister was not trustworthy, and all of Zahir Shah’s children were, well, children, both the UK and USSR decided that their best man to install was Sardar Shah Wali Khan, Zahir Shah’s uncle.

Following the end of World War II on October 1st, 1945, the UK was slowly losing their grip on it colonies, one of them being India, Ceylon and Burma. In 1946 elections were held in India, and Muslims voted overwhelmingly for the AIML. Elections were held in Ceylon as well, 90% of Tamils voted for the TFP, 88% of Muslims voted for the CML. Not only that, but Rohingyas in Burma were approaching Jinnah so as to make the Rohingya areas of Burma a part of East Pakistan. Because of this, the proposed Cabinet Mission in 1946 sent by the UK not only discussed topics on Raj decolonization but also on Ceylon and Burma. Jinnah’s demands were tough, as now he was calling for Muslim-majority Sylhet to become a part of East Pakistan, along with wanting the Muslim majority Lakshadweep islands and Keralan city of Malappuram as part of Pakistan. Congress fought back, demanding Lahore and the Hindu parts of Sindh. Jinnah responded by demanding a corridor connecting West and East Pakistan. That demand was just to place pressure on Congress, and in a way they buckled as they gave up the demand of the Hindu parts of Sindh, which at first glance was just desert and not many Sindhi Hindus in urban areas were willing to uproot themselves to a desert. The demand for an Indian Lahore faltered as well when the League began to demand a Pakistani Amritsar (after all, Lahore and Amritsar somewhat had same religious demographics). In January of 1947, Nehru was almost killed by a mentally ill man as he was about to go to Lahore for negotiations, stalling them for a while. Confusion was generated following Sardar Patel, Indian home minister and potential successor to Nehru in case of his death or resignation, who believed that Nehru had died, dying of a heart attack.

As Nehru was bed-ridden for a while, Congress was represented by Indian Education Minister Chakravarti Rajagopalachari. Rajagopalachari had a different view on how to deal with the deadlock: a plebiscite on the areas Jinnah was demanding would comprise Pakistan. However, this was opposed by the League (as they saw the 1946 elections as the plebiscite) and even in Congress. Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, a Dravidian separatist leader, lending his support as he claimed it would lead to Dravida Nadu certainly did not increase Congress support for Rajagopalachari’s plan. Eventually, after a month of treatment, Nehru was able enough to go back to represent Congress in the negotiations, though he was forced to be put on a wheelchair.

As far as the issue of a third state being carved out of the soon-to-be erstwhile British Raj was concerned, some Bengali leaders both in the AIML and AINC supported an independent Bengal. However, this achieved opposition from the AIML and AINC, but the strongest proponents of an independent Bengal, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose weren’t willing to yield just yet. Jinnah had invited Suhrawardy and some Rohingya leaders, and Suhrawardy agreed to drop the demand on the condition that Bengali be made an official language along with Urdu (As most of the AIML leaders conversed in Urdu, it didn’t take a genius to figure out what language would be made official). Jinnah had hoped that this was one of those nonsensical demands he had made to Congress with the intent on putting pressure on them, but Suhrawardy was serious. While Jinnah would had otherwise supported an independent Bengal, the fact that Ceylonese Muslims were asking to be a part of Pakistan had Jinnah change his mind about Pakistan, now, Jinnah wanted Pakistan to comprise of all the Muslim-majority areas of South Asia. After tense negotiations, and some Muslim League leaders urging Jinnah to go with Suhrawardy demand, Jinnah reluctantly accepted it three days after the meeting. The language question did not make it to Ceylonese and Malayalam Muslim League leaders, and it would cause problems in the 1950s.

Partition ended up a reality. Tamil Eelam was made independent, and Pakistan was comprised of the North-West Frontier Provinces, Balochistan, Sind, Muslim-Majority Punjab (including the Gurdaspur district, which was a source of some debate), Muslim-Majority Bengal, Muslim-Majority Ceylon, Malappuram and the Lakshadweep islands. However, Pakistan did not remain like this.

In the north was the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, its Maharaja (prince) being Hari Singh. Singh had wanted independence, yet was being courted by both Pakistan and India. Singh hated Congress, Nehru and hated Nehru’s friend, J&K Prime Minister Sheikh Abdullah even more. However, Singh did not care much for the Muslim League, leading to Pakistan having a better chance of gaining the state. After negotiations, concessions and some bribery, Hari Singh opted to accede to Pakistan. The agreement was a middle ground between full accession like with many other princely states, and the protectorate status India gave to Sikkim, though if one were to put it on a scale they would realize the autonomy given to J&K was leaning more to Sikkim status, even if they were not fully there. Singh’s accession greatly upset Nehru (himself a Kashmiri Hindu), Sheikh Abdullah and J&K’s Hindu and Sikh population. A brief coup led by anti-Pakistan Dogra soldiers put Sheikh Abdullah in power, but a counter-coup led by Hari Singh, loyalist soldiers and aided by Pakistan led to Hari Singh taking back power. Nehru was about to retaliate, demanding a plebiscite, but health problems caused by his near death (Nehru unknowingly had developed sepsis) led to him dying soon later. Rajagopalachari stepped down from his position of Governor-General in order to become Prime Minister. Rajagopalachari, unlike Nehru, had no connection to Jammu and Kashmir, and as such respected Hari Singh’s decision, and instead focused on helping the Hindu and Sikh refugees from Pakistan.

After partition numerous Hindu and Sikh refugees fled from what became Pakistan to what became India, and many Muslim refugees fled from what became India to what became India. However, when it came to the case of Lahore, a holy city for Sikhs which ended up in the Muslim state of Pakistan, a lot Sikhs refused to go and instead took shelter in the numerous holy temples in Lahore, such as the Nankana Sahib. This refusal led to Lahore having a 15% Sikh population. When Junagadh, a 99% Hindu princely state acceded to Pakistan, the Hindus revolted, but some went to India and formed a provisional government. Junagadh was blockaded and as such Pakistan couldn't do much except try their best to get the leaders of Junagadh to safely come to Pakistan. Junagadh was soon annexed by India, which had Pakistan become a bit annoyed, but decided to drop the matter.

While India was a bit annoyed at Pakistan taking princely states with either a sizeable Hindu population or a Hindu majority they let it go, but others were not so happy. Burma, decrying its partition as a crime, sent Buddhist tribes to attack Pakistani positions, and soon just attacked East Pakistan all together. Pakistan expelled the Burmese troops, but the damage had already been done. Burma and Pakistan developed a rivalry that would last to even today, and lead to wars in the future.

Afghanistan was also annoyed at the inclusion of the Wakhan Corridor into Pakistan, along with the Durand Line, which made the eastern border of Afghanistan what it is. Afghanistan was annoyed that the British left without negotiating with them, and also that the British promised to give back the Wakhan Corridor after the British and Soviets left Afghanistan in 1945, but decided not to. Afghanistan followed the same tactics Burma did with East Pakistan, except the Afghan army did not attack Pakistan. Pakistan expelled the tribals, though like with Burma Pakistan had made an enemy out of Afghanistan.

When it came to domestic issues, South Pakistan (as Lakshadweep, Malappuram and Pakistani Ceylon was beginning to be known as and soon became an official province of Pakistan) was shocked when the government said that Urdu, Bengali and English were made official languages, and not Malayalam, Sinhalese or Tamil, the main languages in South Pakistan. This led to the Southern Language Movement starting, led by Razik Fareed (who later formed All-Pakistan Muslim Congress, the political arm of the SLM), demanding that Sinhalese, Tamil and Malayalam were made official languages. However, some were more radical in their beliefs. The language declaration had risen the Ampara movement from the grave, and some in Lakshadweep and Malappuram were petitioning India to annex them (Rajagopalachari had initially thought of doing so, though he decided that India should focus on developing itself rather than interfere in the affairs of a nation which, while at times being annoying, isn’t that bad to warrant an invasion of. Besides, the economic liberal Rajagopalachari was losing power in his own party due to disputes with the socialist Congress establishment).

The language dispute led to the constitution being stalled for a while, though the support of both West and East Pakistanis drowned out the voices of South Pakistanis, and on April 3rd, 1950 the Pakistani constitution was implemented. Jinnah had made a deal with Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistan’s first prime minister, that if a constitution is made Liaquat will become president and Jinnah will become prime minister, a reversal of their roles. The deal carried on when the constitution was implemented, making the widely popular (except in South Pakistan) Muhammad Ali Jinnah prime minister. The Dominion of Pakistan was abolished, and in came the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

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I was inspired by @GoulashComrade's Somalia TL and @King of the Uzbeks Bhutan TL. At first I thought of doing a South Africa TL, or a Brazil TL or probably an East Turkestan TL, though I didn't have any more research materials other than Wikipedia, and I realized it could only get me so far, so I decided on Pakistan, and as I have family there and I have some books on Pakistan so I think this TL can be more plausible than a South African, Brazillian or Turkestan TL.
 
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I'll admit that most of what I know about Pakistan is just secondhand knowledge collected from my reading on Hakeem-ul-Ummat Muhammad Iqbal (though I hear translations of his poetry are pale imitations of the Urdu originals), but that just means there's gonna be a lot for me to learn here!

Keep it up, mate!
 
“I’m looking forward to making Pakistan one of the greatest nations in the world”
-Muhammad Ali Jinnah, speech to Pakistani Constituent Assembly, August 11th, 1947 (OTL)

Had Jinnah died before the constitution was made, he would be remembered as the greatest Pakistani, but Jinnah’s premiership complicated his legacy. Jinnah from 1950-1953 can be described as the right man at the wrong time.

With the ratification of the new constitution, elections were to be held. Jinnah, being immensely popular throughout almost all of Pakistan, had the Pakistan Muslim League gain a supermajority in the National Assembly.

Pakistani General Election, July 17th, 1950


Seat before Change 7/17/1950 Leader
Pakistan Muslim League 200 -30 170 Muhammad Ali Jinnah
All-Pakistan Muslim Congress 0 +11 11 Razik Fareed
Jamaat-e-Islami 0 +10 10 Abul A’la Maududi
Pakistan Socialist Party 0 +5 5 Mohammad Yusuf Khan
Pakistan Communist Party 0 +4 4 Sajjad Zaheer

The biggest issue in Pakistan in the early 1950s was the language movement. In 1951 Pakistan held its first nationwide census, and the results showed that 50% were Urdu-speaking Indian Muslim refugees (Muhajirs, as they were beginning to be called), most of them situated in Lahore, Dhaka and Karachi. However, South Pakistanis made up a minority. Because of this, Jinnah felt that the current situation was correct, yet said that South Pakistan could make Sinhalese, Tamil and Malayalam official provincial languages. India was also facing anti-Hindi agitations from their Tamil populations, and both Pakistan and India suspected Tamil Eelam might be funding the language movements in their countries.

Following the end of the Second World War the United States and the Soviet Union were in a stage of geopolitical tension known as the Cold War. The Cold War began around the end of World War II when the USSR invaded Turkey in retaliation for them providing shipping rights to Germany, and subsequently partitioned it, giving Izmir and Istanbul to Greece (which became communist with Soviet help), giving parts of Eastern Turkey to itself and making Kurdistan independent. While the USSR was preoccupied with Turkey, the US supported anti-communist Romanian militias, making Romania the only pro-US state in Eastern Europe.

In 1946 British Prime Minister Stafford Cripps allowed Soviet troops to withdraw from Afghanistan in return for a settlement in Iran which will begin with a British troop withdrawal much to the chagrin of the United States which wanted the Soviets to withdraw from both Iran and Afghanistan. The Soviets agreed, only to then go back on it and put Tehran under occupation and force the Shah to abdicate and placed a communist government in the Shah’s place, along with the Soviets annexing Iranian Azerbaijan and giving Iranian Kurdistan to Kurdistan. This threatened UK oil reserves, and for a time war almost started until negotiation easened the tension for a bit. The fall of Iran was a pivotal moment in the Cold War, as it brought the tension out of Europe and onto the Middle East. Following the fall of Iran, the United States sent diplomats to Afghanistan, Pakistan and India (the former two funding anti-communist Uyghur Islamist militias in China) in hopes of countering the Soviet Union. India, Pakistan and Afghanistan were open to the idea of an alliance with the United States (America was hesitant to ally with India, seeing as how the Soviets were making overtures to it and that the ruling Congress party was socialist), though the latter two had hoped that America will support them over another in the Afghanistan-Pakistan rivalry, which complicated things. While West Pakistanis wanted the US to support Pakistan in the Wakhan Corridor, East Pakistanis such as East Bengal Chief Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy were even more pro-American what with Burma allying with the Soviet Union and with not caring that much about the Afghanistan dispute. Not only that, but Islamists were beginning to hate the Soviets over their support of Israel, expulsion of Turkish Muslims and imposition of state atheism among their Muslim-majority puppets, and some of even them saw America as a “champion of Islam” for their support of the Arab states and opposition to the Soviets. Alongside that, Jinnah and most of his government were religious landowners, a group which certainly did not have a high opinion of communism, so it was easy to understand that Pakistan opted to ally with the US even if the US did not give any guarantees of support against Afghanistan. The alliance with the US did have its opponents, such as the left of PML, APMC along with the Pakistan Socialist Party and Pakistan Communist Party, which on June 8th, 1952 held anti-US military pact day, which had marches with low turnout, a signal that most Pakistanis either did not care or approved of their government buddying up with the Americans. However, had it been with the Soviets, the backlash would be bigger, though with none of the people leading the current anti-US backlash.

For a long time, starting from the beginning of the Ahmadiyya branch in 1889 there has been a debate on whether or not Ahmadiyya is a sect of Islam or a separate religion as Ahmadis don’t believe that Muhammad was the final prophet of Islam and rather he was the penultimate, the final prophet was a man named Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. Belief that Muhammad is the last prophet is one of Islam’s core beliefs, and as such many Muslims reject that Ahmadis are Muslims. This rejection has led to violence, and violence it did lead to in 1953 in Lahore. Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, Pakistan’s largest Islamist party, held mass demonstrations in Lahore and Rawalpindi calling for Ahmadis to be declared non-Muslim, and for Ahmadis to be removed from government offices. These demonstrations eventually led to Ahmadis carrying out counter-demonstrations, which were accused by Islamists as being funded by the Soviet Union, Burma and the Communist Party. Eventually the anti-Ahmadi and Ahmadi demonstrations clashed, leading to riots that lasted three days until the Pakistani government decided to intervene by engaging in negotiations. However, Jamaat-e-Islami was not willing to compromise with Ahmadis, and negotiations ended from there. Jamaat-e-Islami then began to author anti-Muslim League, anti-Ahmadi pamphlets, calling for Pakistan to witness an Islamic Revolution and calling Jinnah “Kafir-e-Azam” (a mockery on a name he was given, Quaid-e-Azam, meaning “Great Leader”). The Pakistani government caught wind of this, and Maududi, leader of Jamaat-e-Islami was put in jail, given the death penalty for sedition and executed in 1955, much to the outrage of Jamaat-e-Islami which held many demonstrations following his execution and even managed to surround the Prime Minister’s Office in Karachi. Jinnah was in declining health, and the riots worsened it, leading to his death on May 6th, 1953. Jinnah’s legacy, as mentioned before, was severely complicated with his premiership, and many Pakistanis would rather forget anything Jinnah did after April 3rd, 1950.

Obviously, the successor to Jinnah would be President Liaquat Ali Khan, though as he resigned from his seat in the National Assembly he was not made Prime Minister immediately. Feroz Khan Noon, one of the Founding Fathers of Pakistan, was made Prime Minister for a brief time at Liaquat’s behest. Liaquat Ali Khan’s wife, Jehangira Begum, was in Liaquat’s former seat and resigned to make way for a special election which Liaquat won with 89% of the vote, with a Socialist candidate winning 6% and a Communist winning 5%.

Liaquat Ali Khan inherited the mess of Jinnah’s premiership, such as the movement to release Madudi, which was growing in size. Elections were scheduled in 1954, and Jamaat-e-Islami refused to replace Maududi as their leader, which caused a controversy as the Pakistani government claimed that an imprisoned man, especially one on death row, cannot be party leader. The case, which was named Government of Pakistan v. Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, was taken to the Pakistani Supreme Court which ruled that an imprisoned man can be a party leader, unless he is convicted of either sedition or treason. Maududi was convicted of the former, and as such was not deemed eligible to be leader. The case incensed Jamaat-e-Islami, which made Maududi “Leader for Life”, yet made their actual leader a personal friend of his, Naeem Siddiqui. Jamaat-e-Islami campaigned on an anti-Ahmadi campaign, which worked for them a bit, and ended up with them beating out the ethnic-based APMC and becoming the official opposition. Left-wing parties increased their vote share as well.

Pakistani General Election, July 19th, 1954


7/17/1950 Change 7/19/1950 Leader
Pakistan Muslim League 170 -3 167 Liaquat Ali Khan
Jamaat-e-Islami 10 +2 12 Naeem Siddiqui
All-Pakistan Muslim Congress 11 +/- 11 Razik Fareed
Pakistan Socialist Party 5 +1 6 Mohammad Yusuf Khan
Pakistan Communist Party 4 +/- 4 Sajjad Zaheer

On December 3rd, 1955, Abul A’la Maududi was hung, leading to Jamaat-e-Islami calling for a “week of rage” which mass protests being staged throughout Pakistan against Maududi’s execution. For a time, the Pakistani government considered banning Jamaat-e-Islami as a seditious organization, though held off realizing that would just make the problem worse. The “week of rage” turned into riots, with police officers constantly battling Jamaat-e-Islami supporters. At the end over 132 people were killed as a result, and thousands were injured.

Following the week of rage, Liaquat’s government was seen as a dead man walking, and some saw that. The Pakistani government since Pakistan’s independence was suppressing left-wing parties, and the leaders of those parties exploited the government’s current weakness as a sort of revenge. However, their chances of getting in control was greatly increased when left-wing military officers began to connect with left-wing parties to discuss a coup, which achieved the support of the Communist Party, though the Socialists were against it. The day before the attempted coup, right-wing generals caught wind of it and leaked it to the government, leading to the officers being dishonorably discharged, and an investigation into the coup led to one officer telling the judge all the political parties and organizations which supported it. All of them ended up being banned, and their leaders given 20 year sentences.

The attempted coup just made Liaquat’s government seem even weaker, and for a time it seemed as if the Pakistani President, Chaudhry Mohammad Ali, will use his powers to dismiss Liaquat Ali Khan and his government and call for new elections, though that did not happen. However, some members in the Pakistan Muslim League were talking about replacing Liaquat with someone else, Feroz Khan Noon, Chaudhry Mohammad Ali and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy came up as potential names for his replacement. For a time it seemed that that plan might come into fruition, until the Burmese Military launched a surprise attack on January 1st, 1956.

The “New Year’s Attack”, as it was called, had Burma bomb Pakistani positions in East Pakistan and had their army put minor amounts of land under Burmese control. Pakistan was getting suspicious over Burmese military buildup near the border, though they had not fully prepared for an attack. Pakistan began to organize itself, and within two weeks Burmese advance was halted, and within another Burma was expelled from East Pakistan. The political effects were astounding as well, as every party rallied around the flag and gave their full support to Liaquat Ali Khan and his government. By February 8th Burma and Pakistan signed a peace treaty, which ended the war under Status Quo Ante Bellum terms. While the war was a Pakistani victory, Burma believes that the war was a Pakistani defeat as Pakistan had failed to occupy the capital, Yangon, even though Pakistan could had had the war lasted longer.

The war was a great boon to Liaquat Ali Khan and his government. The government became popular, potential intra-party coups were stopped as nobody wanted to overthrow someone as popular as Liaquat. The economy, which in the early 1950s was in a slump, began to get better. However, victory was short lived for Liaquat, as he was killed by a Buddhist tribal whose tribe had supported Burma while visiting the Chittagong Hill Tracts in 1957. Liaquat was replaced by Suhrawardy, who was being seen as a reformist.

Suhrawardy sympathized with the Language Movement, and had privately made calls to make Sinhalese, Tamil and Malayalam the official languages to Jinnah and Liaquat, though it fell on deaf ears. Shortly after becoming prime minister, Suhrawardy announced his support for a constitutional amendment making those three languages official languages of Pakistan. However, this lead to more problems. If Urdu, Bengali, Sinhalese, Tamil and Malayalam were becoming official languages, why not Sindhi, Punjabi, Balochi, Pashto or Kashmiri? Were they not important enough? Some pointed to India, which had quieted down language tensions by revoking Hindi as their official language and not making any language one, and some in Pakistan suggested doing the same. Suhrawardy proposed an amendment that would had implemented that suggestion, which got support from South and East Pakistanis, and small amounts of support from West Pakistanis, but that was all that was needed for it to be passed. The Language Movement had succeeded in their goals somewhat, though eventually Urdu would end up becoming Pakistan’s lingua franca.

Another suggestion that had been appearing from time to time was the expansion of National Assembly seats from 200 to 300. The support among the small parties and West and South Pakistani MNAs, though the reaction amongst East Pakistan MNAs was mixed, but Suhrawardy supported it, and spent some time trying to get East Pakistani MNAs to support it, which they ultimately did. The amendment passed with the support of all the APMC, Jamaat-e-Islami, Socialists and most of the Muslim League, though it was not effective immediately as it would take some time to determine the borders, and as such elections were delayed for a year.

Suhrawardy strengthened relations with the US, such as making Pakistan a founding member of SATO (South Asia Treaty Organization). In return, the US gave hefty amounts of aid to Pakistan, which Suhrawardy used to develop East and South Pakistan, making him popular in those areas. West Pakistan was also funded, though not as much, which caused some disappointment among West Pakistanis to the Suhrawardy administration. However, West Pakistan was receiving a lot of western investment thanks to Pakistan’s free market policies. The economic downturn in the early 50s was being reversed as the year 1960 approached, and Pakistan was experiencing an economic boom compared to its neighbors. India’s red tape policies leading to a low rate of investment and as such a stagnant growth rate, Burma was doing ok surprisingly, seeing as how ethnic conflict had begun to decrease in size what with nationalism growing with Pakistan being made as a boogeyman, and such such Burmese regardless of ethnic group began to work for economic growth. Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and Tamil Eelam were experiencing modest growth, Iran and the USSR were both experiencing a similar economic slump Pakistan did in the early 1950s. Pakistan was seen as exemplary, an oasis in what could be described a desert. Underdeveloped countries which in 2018 would be described as rich such as Ethiopia, Algeria, Malaysia and the Philippines began to adopt Pakistan’s economic policies.

With Pakistan going through an era of good feelings, many opted to vote for the party that gave them that. Prior to the election, Suhrawardy had asked President Bahadur Yar Jung to revoke the ban on the Communist Party and commute the sentences of the coup plotters. Jung refused despite further insistence from Suhrawardy, which ended with Jung resigning from the presidency as protest. A new president was selected in the form of Jalal-ud-din Jalal Baba, an enemy of Pashtun separatists due to him playing a pivotal role in winning the 1947 NWFP referendum in favor of the Pakistan side. Jalal-ud-din had followed Suhrawardy orders on the basis that Pakistan further prepare itself in case of a war with Afghanistan. Bahadur Yar Jung, not one to concede so easily, led a walkout of his supporters in parliament, though they were very few in number.

Pakistani General Election, April 3rd, 1959


7/19/1954 Change 4/3/1959 Leader

Pakistan Muslim League 167 +43 210 Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy
Jamaat-e-Islami 12 +23 35 Naeem Siddiqui
All-Pakistan Muslim Congress 11 +14 25 Razik Fareed
Pakistan Socialist Party 6 +14 20 Mahmud Ali
Pakistan Communist Party 4 -2 2 Sajjad Zaheer
Pakistan Muslim League (Jung) 0 +5 5 Bahadur Yar Jung


Suhrawardy had continued his current policies. The stress of being Prime Minister, however, had led to his death in 1961. Bahadur Yar Jung ran for leadership, but faced a tough battle as his supporters had left PML in favor of his own party. To remedy that, Jung had ordered all members of PMLJ to join the Muslim League and dissolved the PMLJ, which increased his support. After a tough battle, Jung had won. Jung was born into a rich family, and as such was alienated from the poor (Jinnah and Liaquat, while being landowners, were still popular among most Pakistanis for their great role in the independence movement), which while Pakistan was experiencing economic growth still made a majority. Alongside that, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, a socialist Islamic scholar being made leader of the Pakistan Socialist Party and shedding the PSP’s reputation as secular, which to many was tantamount to atheism, was one of the reasons for the growing popularity of Socialism in Pakistan, and the end of the Muslim League’s dominance over Pakistani politics.
 
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Sorry for spending some time on an update, what with exams and all. My next update will be about Pakistani pop culture (a bigger Pakistan means a lot of new faces). Comments will be greatly appreciated! :)
 
I find the existence of almost all of those exclaves dubious, about as implausible as Kalat or the NWFP successfully going Indian. In all of these cases, local leaders certainly wanted to accede to one country, but there is no way that the country in question could retain any power there whatsoever due to the lack of contiguity.

Muslim-Majority Ceylon

A quick Google search tells me there is no Muslim-majority part of Ceylon, and even Ampara district is merely Muslim-plurality.
 
A quick Google search tells me there is no Muslim-majority part of Ceylon, and even Ampara district is merely Muslim-plurality.

There are Muslim majority administrative units: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ampara_District#Administrative_units (the table doesn't outright say they are Muslim, though Sri Lankan Moors are almost all Muslim).

I find the existence of almost all of those exclaves dubious, about as implausible as Kalat or the NWFP successfully going Indian. In all of these cases, local leaders certainly wanted to accede to one country, but there is no way that the country in question could retain any power there whatsoever due to the lack of contiguity.

Pakistan does own some exclaves ITTL such as Lakshadweep, Junagadh, Mallappuram and Muslim majority Ceylon, but surely a sea connection could somewhat remedy the problem? Besides, look at Malaysia, Indonesia influences East Malaysian separatism and there is no border between West and East Malaysia but they are still connected.
 
Pakistan does own some exclaves ITTL such as Lakshadweep, Junagadh, Mallappuram and Muslim majority Ceylon, but surely a sea connection could somewhat remedy the problem? Besides, look at Malaysia, Indonesia influences East Malaysian separatism and there is no border between West and East Malaysia but they are still connected.

The analogy is off since Malaya and Borneo are extremely close to each other, far closer than these exclaves are to the main parts of Pakistan.

But perhaps the biggest reason I don’t think Pakistan can control such exclaves is because, even IOTL, it attempted to take control over Lakshadweep. However, India, with its much larger navy, stopped it from doing so. What has changed to avoid this?
 
However, India, with its much larger navy, stopped it from doing so. What has changed to avoid this?

Pakistan is given it in partition, along with Patel dying prior to independence (Patel had ordered the Indian navy to establish a presence), has led to Pakistan controlling Lakshadweep.
 
Pakistani Cinema to the late 1960s
Pakistani Cinema had begun in the 1920s, as most cinema had. As this was before partition, films were directed and had actors and actresses no matter the religion. Lahore and Bombay had the largest film industries in the Raj. Because of Lahore’s achievements to the film industry in the British Raj when India was partitioned it became no surprise that soon Lahore became the hub of Pakistani cinema.

At first, Pakistani cinema was paralyzed due to lack of funds, and as such the first films made were films that were beginning development during the Raj era. The first Pakistani film was Teri Yaad (Your Memory) in 1948, which while being unpopular at the time was remembered as it was Pakistan’s inaugural film.

While films released immediately after partition achieved below average success, the 1950s Pakistani cinema began to get up off the ground. Do Ansoo (Two Tears) would be seen as the beginning of the beginning of Pakistan’s cinema, with it becoming the first film to get a 25-week viewing status. Numerous singers, actors and actresses would begin to serve as the face of Pakistan’s pop culture in the 1950s and 1960s, such as Masood Rana, Ahmad Rushdi and Noor Jehan. Lahore would continue to be the center of Pakistani cinema much as how Bombay (which was renamed to Mumbai in 2001) became the center of Indian cinema, though not without some challenges from the capital, Karachi, and Dhaka.

As Pakistan was a multicultural country it was no surprise that soon Pakistan’s three wings will begin to develop their own cinemas. South Pakistan’s cinema was at first nonexistent, though the language movement emboldened them to make films under the South Pakistan Media Department. While most films were apolitical such as Candrayage Muhune (The Moon’s Mask, a horror movie), some films took a satirical tone against the Pakistani government’s refusal to listen to their demands such as Piya Saha Puta (Father and Son) made in 1953 which depicts an autocratic overbearing father controlling his young son and conflicts arising due to the son’s wish for autonomy and eventually the son winning out. The father was obviously meant to be a stand-in for the Pakistani government, and the son, South Pakistan. With the help of the Muslim Congress government in South Pakistan, film studios were being made, and eventually in 1959 the South Pakistan Film Development Organization was formed. The SPFDO was formed to encourage quality cinema, though at times traditionalists tried to take over the SPFDO in an attempt to restrict movies they considered “amoral”, though those attempts failed.

In East Pakistan their cinema situation was a lot like West Pakistan’s. By 1947 there had been eighty cinemas, and numerous silent movies had been made by then. Numerous film studios were made. At times, when more ambitious directors wanted to release their film nationwide, they had often put Urdu subtitles, though some few also put Sinhalese and Malayalam subtitles. Other directors met with Indian Bengali directors to see if their films could be shown there, and at many times it was, such as Akash Ar Mati (The Sky and the Earth), the first sound feature made in East Pakistan post-independence had not only been shown in the Indian state of West Bengal but had also used cast and crew from West Bengal. Less commonly some West Bengali films were shown in East Pakistan, though they garnered little interest.

Following the language reform Urdu cinema, which had been poised to take over all of West Pakistan, experienced a massive blow at first. However, Urdu was becoming the lingua franca of Pakistan despite language reform, and as such Urdu films were the only ones released nationwide, with most films being made in Lahore. Numerous directors of many ethnicities worked to make movies in their native language, though some had to face tough challenges. One example was Baloch directors, who in an attempt to make Balochi-language movies had forgotten that they were no cinemas in Balochistan, which was the case until 1969. Same was the case with Pashtun directors in the 1950s. Others had a better situation, such as Sindhis. Sindhis were off to a good start, mostly because the capital, Karachi, was mostly Sindhi [1], along with already having made films before partition much like their Punjabi and Bengali counterparts. Around 4 Sindhi films were made per year, and were doing pretty good until the late 1960s when people started to tire of it. This loss of interest was because most directors were just making movies of Sindhi folk tales. Eventually, directors in Sindh got their act together around the mid 1970s, around the beginning of Balochi and Pashto cinema, and began to make original, more interesting movies.

Pakistan, which had military rivals in the form of Afghanistan and Burma and economic rivals in the form of India along with threats such as the Soviet Union and their Iranian puppets, had an abundance of patriotic films as well, all of which were made to inspire pride among those in a country having few friends as neighbors. During the 1956 Pakistan-Burma War an act was proposed which would ban all Burmese films for the remainder of the war, which passed but didn’t do much seeing as how the war was over fairly quickly. However, the memory of the war lived on in both Pakistan and Burma, with both East and West Pakistani films being made of the war, such as the Bengali language film Jatira Sahida (Martyrs of the Nation), meant to honor Pakistani soldiers that died in the war. Jatira Sahida became a success all over East Pakistan, and soon an Urdu language version was made titled Shaheed-e-Millat which was also a success. Some films were made as a response to Burmese patriotic films. In 1960 a film was released in Burma entitled Ludu Aung Than (The People Win Through), which perpetuated the Burmese myth of a victory in 1956, and also featured copious amounts of anti-Pakistan propaganda, even more so than Pakistani patriotic films had anti-Burmese propaganda. A year later in 1961, Sher (Lion) was released as a response to Ludu Aung Than, and was praised for being more accurate than previous Pakistani films made about the 1956 War.

Pakistan’s alliance with the United States and enmity towards the Soviet-aligned communist Burma had led to the US creating Radio Free Burma, a branch of Radio Liberty which was meant to broadcast news to communist countries, nearly all of which had severely curtailed press freedom. Radio Free Burma was based in Chittagong, and at many times Burmese leaders had considered attacking Pakistan just to destroy the base of RFB, which unlike their Eastern European counterparts had managed to avoid radio jamming due to the many attempts at doing so by the Burmese government had failed. In a way, Burma almost did get a chance to do so in a future war with Pakistan in bombing raids around Chittagong, yet had failed to target the base but had managed to leave numerous military offices around Chittagong destroyed.

[1] - Most Muhajirs were evenly dispersed in Karachi, Lahore and Dhaka, making Sindhis having a bare majority in Karachi.
 
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Thanks! Where do you come from Pakistan, out of curiosity? My family is from a village near Sargodha.
Jhelum, also why did turkey get partitioned, izmir and euorpean turkey are very turkish why would the allies allow it?
Also how is the government structured, also how is pakistan military.

I wonder how foreign powers are trying to influence pakistan, USA are allies but the chinese would see them as potential allies, and the soviets are going to need to find a warm water port and pakistan could blockade the straights of hormuz strait. Also Britain.

Also, how is a strong pakistan is effecting muslim world, did they contribute more to help arabs in their wars with Israel.

Is hyderabad still independent.
 
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izmir and euorpean turkey are very turkish why would the allies allow it?

Stalin was close to invading Turkey in 1945 to punish it for giving shipping rights to Germany. With the US and UK having governments which are somewhat pro-Soviet they allow it. Turk were expelled, much as how Germans were expelled from Konigsberg and Silesia.

USA are allies but the chinese would see them as potential allies

Tibet is still independent and Turkestan has been divided into an Islamist southern part and Soviet-aligned northern part, so China and Pakistan don't have a border.

and the soviets are going to need to find a warm water port and pakistan could blockade the straights of hormuz strait

Pakistan feels threatened by the Soviets as it is surrounded by it and Iran. Not only that, but IOTL the Soviets were making overtures to India instead of Pakistan.

Also Britain.

The UK is less pro-US in an alt-Suez Crisis which has emerged in the background of this TL. UK-Pakistan relations are neutral.

Also, how is a strong pakistan is effecting muslim world, did they contribute more to help arabs in their wars with Israel.

Not in the first war in 1948, but in future wars, yes.

Is hyderabad still independent.

Got annexed by India as IOTL.
 
Hopefully Turkey can reclaim their land when soviets fall. How united is Pakistan as nation as it seems east and west have clear difference, such as the bengalis not caring about the afghan threat, is there some power sharing system for the different ethnic groups. Also politics and elections must have some level of violence as so many different groups, islamist, punjabi elite who want a punjabi pakistan, socialist, a strong hindu minority, and secularist and feminist later on. The Bhuttos must have strong support in sindh and south pakistan. Also with pakistan really only being were all just Muslims, secularist might pose as much threat as jihadis as secularism could ripe the fabric of the nation as its based on a religious identity.
 
such as the bengalis not caring about the afghan threat

While Bengalis don't care much for the Afghan-Pakistan tension they do care a lot with the tension with Burma, which is bigger seeing as how there have been two wars already and a foreshadowed third one.

is there some power sharing system for the different ethnic groups

No, the ethnicity doesn't matter. The PMs of Pakistan so far have been Liaquat Ali Khan (Bihari), Muhammad Ali Jinnah (Gujarati), Feroz Khan Noon (Punjabi), Huseyn Suhrawardy (Bengali) and Bahadur Yar Jung (Hyderabadi).

Also politics and elections must have some level of violence as so many different groups, islamist, punjabi elite who want a punjabi pakistan, socialist, a strong hindu minority, and secularist and feminist later on

Also with pakistan really only being were all just Muslims, secularist might pose as much threat as jihadis as secularism could ripe the fabric of the nation as its based on a religious identity

You'll see ;)

The Bhuttos must have strong support in sindh and south pakistan.

I don't plan on the Bhuttos being anything big IOTL instead of being a prominent political family in Junagadh (Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's father was the PM of Junagadh IOTL).
 
While Bengalis don't care much for the Afghan-Pakistan tension they do care a lot with the tension with Burma, which is bigger seeing as how there have been two wars already and a foreshadowed third.
You only mentioned the 1956 war with Burma what is the second war?
 
You only mentioned the 1956 war with Burma what is the second war?

In the first update I mentioned that Burma sent Buddhist tribals to East Pakistan (Most of the OTL Rakhine state in Burma had been given to Pakistan ITTL) and eventually sent troops to that area but were defeated.
 
Pakistan is given it in partition, along with Patel dying prior to independence (Patel had ordered the Indian navy to establish a presence), has led to Pakistan controlling Lakshadweep.

I don't think that's enough. There are more reasons than just Patel saying so that India took over any potential Pakistani exclaves outside its two "metropoles". Even Nehru, the least warlike person in India's administration, gave the order to invade Goa since he saw it as an integral part of India. If Patel didn't give the order to take over Lakshadweep, someone else was bound to do so. This is true for every other potential Pakistani exclave, especially Junagadh, whose Pakistani takeover I don't understand (500 soldiers somehow taking over a land with >500,000 people, most of whom are Hindus who see Pakistan as a state founded in blood? How?).
 
gave the order to invade Goa since he saw it as an integral part of India

That's a false equivalence as in Goa's case it was controlled by a European power a thousand miles away while Pakistan's control over the Lakshadweeps isn't the same situation. Had the Lakshadweep islands been given to Pakistan I don't think Nehru would attack. Why didn't Nehru try to annex the Hindu parts of Sindh (After all, it could be said that since the Indus Valley Civilization began in Sindh, Sindh is the birthplace of Indian civilization)? Why not the Chittagong Hill Tracts?

especially Junagadh, whose Pakistani takeover I don't understand (500 soldiers somehow taking over a land with >500,000 people, most of whom are Hindus who see Pakistan as a state founded in blood? How?).

Had Pakistan sent some troops into Junagadh India would had either backed off or lessen their role a bit. With that, there is a chance the Hindus in Junagadh might leave, and as a result the Pakistani government actively encourages Muslims to migrate to Junagadh turning Junagadh into a Muslim-majority province by 1950 (such great ethnic and religious differences have happened as a result of partition. Tripura's natives are Christian, yet the majority of the state are descendants of Bengali Hindu refugees). And as you said, Nehru was the least warlike person in India's administration at the time, only going to war in the case of his ancestral homeland, so with Junagadh beginning to experience a part of the mass migrations of partition Nehru might feel that it is in India's best interests to protect the refugees rather than annex a part of Pakistan.
 
Why didn't Nehru try to annex the Hindu parts of Sindh (After all, it could be said that since the Indus Valley Civilization began in Sindh, Sindh is the birthplace of Indian civilization)?

Because no such regions existed. Even before Partition, the only district with a Hindu plurality was Tharparkar with 49%. After Partition, every district had a Muslim majority. And even if such a district existed, unless it directly bordered India, it would be let go because otherwise it would be an indefensible exclave. Note that even IOTL, the Khan of Kalat requested Indian annexation and Nehru said no largely because he knew that Balochistan couldn’t possibly be defended against Pakistan.

Why not the Chittagong Hill Tracts?

It had a Buddhist majoritt. India had no reason to believe Pakistan would treat its non-Hindu religious minorities badly, though unfortunately the 1971 war showed they were wrong. Furthermore, this region had no value whatsoever.

Had Pakistan sent some troops into Junagadh India would had either backed off or lessen their role a bit.

Immensely doubtful. Local leaders would be begging India to take over the region - anything to keep the Muslims out - and as with Kashmir, India would accept. Furthermore, having heard the terrors of Partition from firsthand account, and having seen Hindu refugees coming in with injuries and talking about dead loved ones, a Hindu mob would likely try to lynch the Pakistani soldiers in an attempt to avoid the same fate.

With that, there is a chance the Hindus in Junagadh might leave

You admitted that it was 99% Hindu. Even if some Hindus left, it wouldn’t change demographics enough. This is reminiscent of Kashmir, though even Kashmir wasn’t 99% Muslim until the 80s and 90s ethnic cleansing. Pakistan would be totally unable to change demographics.

and as a result the Pakistani government actively encourages Muslims to migrate to Junagadh turning Junagadh into a Muslim-majority province by 1950

So, they’d create colonies akin to the Ulster Plantations or the West Bank settlements? Ethnoreligious tensions have already been massively worsened by Partition and sending in Muslims to colonize Junagadh would worsen things a lot further.

Tripura's natives are Christian, yet the majority of the state are descendants of Bengali Hindu refugees

Tripura, on the contrary, has had a large number of Bengalis as far back as 1680. While its natives are Christian and animist, it has had a large Bengali Hindu community for a while. Hell, it even has a Sanskrit name.

only going to war in the case of his ancestral homeland,

Nehru cared little about Kashmir. He didn’t even bother to learn Sanskrit despite it being the thing that made the Kashmiri Pandits, well, Pandits. He went to war because a local leader, Sheikh Abdullah, asked for Indian annexation and its king said no. As it turned out, while Kashmiri Muslims wanted to be Indian, Poonchi and Mirpuri Muslims wanted to be Pakistani. The result was a war.

Make no doubt about it, local leaders in Junagadh would request Indian annexation. And India would gladly fight for them.
 
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