Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands unto God: A History of the True Whigs

[Youngmarshall]

The next Great Football Power?
​

The creation and dissolution of nation states has a profound effect on the fortunes of International football. The Soviet Union was a footballing power in a way that independent Russia and Ukraine are not and there has been many articles written about how good a theoretical modern day Yugoslavian team would be had that country not collapsed into 7 different states.

But countries join together as much as they split apart. In 1990, East Germany joined West Germany and the great Matthias Sammer and Ulf Kirsten were added to an already formidable West German side, helping them win the 1996 European Championship during which Sammer was player of the tournament. As regional unions such as the European Union and the West African Economic Zone are increasingly pushing towards ever greater union, there comes the question is a single football team for these unions on the way?

An EU team would of course be a superteam which would include 20 of the strongest teams in the World and should dominate its rivals like a Colossus, but a WAEZ team is perhaps the more tempting prospect as West Africa is closer on the path to complete union.

The first question we must ask is should complete union happen would the football teams actually merge? After all the United Kingdom and other countries, such as China, Denmark, France, Netherlands, New Zealand and the USA, have various teams representing a single political entity.

Precedent would indicate it would, not just Germany but also with Senegambia, Yemen, Vietnam and the West African Federation. When countries merge they tend to push for symbolism of unity, such as a united football team.

Would the team actually be as strong as all that though? On paper the signs seem good, a unified West Africa would be the biggest country in Africa and one of the top ten biggest in the world. A joint team consisting of five teams with World Cup Experience (six if, the ever reluctant, Nigeria are included) and two teams (Senegambia and Ghana) who'd reached the Quarter Finals seems formidable and a good candidate for the first African World Cup winner.

But these are also teams which are used to having rivalries with each other. Croatia has outperformed Yugoslavia because their teams is united in a way the old team never was. Would a Malian crowd cheer for a Burkinabe captain? Would cliques not form between the Ivorian players and those from the Federation? Would such a team be haunted by the lack of unity which often dooms International efforts?

After all the desire for federation is a top down one driven by economics. Regional and national identities loom larger in the minds of the average fan and player. There's already been hints from various players that some veterans would rather retire than play for a united team.

But lets put all that aside. If, as hinted, a united West African football team could be ready to seek qualification for the 2026 World Cup in North America, how good would that be and would it have a chance of winning it?

Well the truth is most teams would be little more than dead weight. Apologies for any fans of the Niger or Togo teams, but with some exceptions, Naby Keïta of the WAF and Bertrand Traoré of Burkina Faso come to mind, it's almost certain that the squad's selectors would concentrate on Senegambia, Mali, Ivory Coast and Ghana.

But that still leaves a team with Mané, Mendy, Aurier, Partey, Ayew, Zaha, Bailly, Koïta etc to include, which is a mouth watering selection. Football fans hoping for something special in the next World Cup, should perhaps keep one eye on the Ouagadougou talks as well as the transfer window.

 

[Sceonn]

Interesting bit about football. How big have clubs become or are national team competitions still king in West Africa?

 

[Youngmarshall]

Interesting bit about football. How big have clubs become or are national team competitions still king in West Africa?

You need a lot of money to run a successful league. It's a lot cheaper to have a good national team.

My instinct is that domestic football will remain pretty amateur,

 

[Youngmarshall]

List of Leaders: The West African Federation

Decisions made by a five man executive council of the elected leaders from each nation. Ceremonial Executive President role is rotating.

Liberia-Monrovia

1997: Oscar Jaryee Quiah (True Whig)
1997-2005: Amos Sawyer (Socialist)
1997: def Oscar Jaryee Quiah (True Whig), Thomas Gankama-Quiwonkpwa (Patriotic Union), Alexander Louis Peal (Country Party), Pearl Brown Bull (Progressive Christian party), Charles Taylor (Liberian Capitalist Party)
2001: def George Eutychianus Saigbe Boley (True Whig), Alfred Lahai Gbabai Brownell (Country Party), Thomas Gankama-Quiwonkpwa (Patriotic Union), Pearl Brown Bull (Progressive Christian party), Jewel Howard (Liberian Capitalist Party)
2005-2008: Sekou Conneh (Socialist) - Resigned mid term
2005: def Jaybloh Nagbe Sloh (Traditional Alliance/True Whig)
2008-2017: Ellen Carney Woewiyu (Socialist)
2009: def Jaybloh Nagbe Sloh (Traditional Alliance/True Whig)
2013: def Leymah Gbowee (True Whig), Harry Varney Gboto-Nambi Sherman (Patriotic Union), Silas Kpanan'Ayoung Siakor (Country Party), George Weah (Liberian Capitalist Party)
2017- Jehmu Greene (Green Alliance/True Whig)
2017: def MacDonald Wento (Socialist), Benoni Urey (Patriotic Union), MacDella Cooper (Progressive Christian party), Richelieu Dennis (Liberian Capitalist Party)

Liberia-Kankan

1997-2004: George Doré (True Whig)
1996: def Thomas Lansana Beavogui (Socialist Party), Thierno Abdourahmane Bah (Islamic party)
2000: def Koutoub Moustapha (Islamic party), Hortense Martin Cissé (Socialist Party)
2004-2012: Charles Niankoye Fassou Sagno (True Whig)
2004: def Koutoub Moustapha Sano (Islamic party), Kabiné Komara (Socialist Party)
2008: def Koutoub Moustapha Sano (Islamic party), Kabiné Komara (Socialist Party)
2012-: Moussa Camara (Islamic Party)
2012: def Charles Niankoye Fassou Sagno (True Whig), Ibrahima Fofana (Socialist Party)
2016: def Djéné Kaba (True Whig), Yamadou Turé, (Socialist Party)
2020: def Djéné Kaba (True Whig), Nancee Bright (Country Party), Yamadou Ture (Socialist Party)

Sierra Leone

1997-1999: John Karefa-Smart (Transformation)
1999-2007: Edward Turay (Transformation)
1999: def Solomon Berewa (Sierra Leone People's Party), John Arouna Karimu (Union Party)
2003: def Ernest Bai Komora (Union Party), Abdul Kady Karim (Sierra Leone People's Party)
2003-2011: Ernest Bai Komora (Union Party)
2003: def Edward Turay (Tranformation), Julius Maada Bio (Sierra Leone People's Party)
2007: def Alhaji Samuel Sidique Sam-Sumana (Transformation), Julius Maada Bio (Sierra Leone People's Party), Nemata Majeks-Walker (Women's Party)
2011-2015: John Onoje (Union Party)
2011: def John Caulker (Transformation), Samura Kamara (Sierra Leone People's party), Femi Claudius Cole (Women's Party)
2015-: John Caulker (Transformation)
2015: def John Onoje (Union Party), Bernadette Lahai (Sierra Leone People's party), Salamatu Kamara (Women's Party)
2019: def Bernadette Lahai (Sierra Leone People's party), Mohamed Juldeh Jalloh (Union Party)

Guinea-Conakry

1997-: Alpha Condé (Guinea Nationalist Party)
1996: def Mamadou Boye Bah (True Whig), Ismael Gushein (Landless People's Party), Mahawa Bangoura (Socialist Party)
2000: def Ismael Gushein (Landless People's Party), Mamadou Boye Bah (True Whig)
2004: def Ismael Gushein (Landless People's Party), El Hajj Aboubacar Somparé (True Whig)
2008: def Rabiatou Serah Diallo (Landless People's Party), El Hadj Camara (Islamic Party)
2012: def Rabiatou Serah Diallo (Landless People's Party), El Hadj Camara (Islamic Party)
2014: def Rabiatou Serah Diallo (Landless People's Party), El Hadj Camara (Islamic Party)
2018: def Ismael Gushein (Landless People's Party)

Guinea-Bissau

1997-2004: - Carmen Periera (African Party)
1999: def Domingos Fernandes (Batefa Party), Kumba Ialá (Democratic Party), Veríssimo Correia Seabra (Struggle Front)
2004-2014: - Francisco Fadul (African Party)
2004: def Batista Tagme Na Waie (Struggle Front), Idrissa Djaló (Batefa Party)
2009: def Aregado Mantenque Té (Struggle Front)
2014-2019: - Malam Bacai Sanhá (African Party)
2014: def Aregado Mantenque Té (Struggle Front), Kumba Iala (Social Renewal)
2019-: Nuno Gomes Nabiam (Struggle Front)
2019: def Malam Bacai Sanhá (African Party), Mamadu Iaia Djaló (Social Renewal)

(Authors Note: The flag is meant to look amateurish, it's a deliberate mimicking of the Asofo style of the OTL Liberian County flags)

 

[Youngmarshall]

An Interview with Silas Kpanan’Ayoung Siakor: October 2018
​

I met Silas Siakor in a coffee shop in Weasay Community, a neighbourhood in Monrovia to the West of Capitol Hill where intellectuals have been debating the future of Africa for over a century. Here, over the decades, activists from the colonial empires have met to plan out the independence of Africa, pan-Africans have planned its union and Socialists have discussed the writings of Marx and Lenin. Siakor, a bright and charming man, is the representative of a new political tide in West Africa, one which is increasing causing waves: Environmentalism.

Few Westerners take note of the details of West African politics and so it is easy for 'the green wave', as Siakor grandly calls it, to have gone unnoticed but Monrovia has long prided itself on being a city that is facing Africa rather than the Atlantic (the coffee shop we meet at wears a window sticker proudly announcing it only serves 'African made Products') and its newspapers have been filled with stories about the newfound success of African environmentalism. Earlier this year, Ram Ouédraogo's 'Environmentalists of Burkina Faso' had surged in the general elections, Mariam Blati of the Sankarist Party 'Preservation of the Revolution' remains President but she requires Ouédraogo's support in the assembly.

"Ram's a good man," Siakor tells me when asked about it, "I'm not surprised the voters recognised that."

But there's more to it that just that, Burkina Faso is a country long aware of the dangers of environmental destruction, one of the early symbols of Sankara's revolution was the planting of trees to revert the desertification of the Sahel. As the world pushes further towards environmental collapse through global warming, West Africans are beginning to worry about their future. West Africa is hot already, an increase in temperature could easily make it unliveable entirely. Already increased evaporation is effecting the water levels and harming agriculture. To an extent, Blati and the other West African leaders to lose votes to the green wave are victims of their own success. Extreme poverty and repression are increasingly a thing of the past as the countries of West African Economic Zone increasingly democratise and grow economically and so voters have more time to worry about the future.

Siakor has benefited from this worry himself. In last year's elections in Liberia-Monrovia his 'Country Party' gained enough senate seats that they've been able to act as Kingmakers, with President Greene relying on their votes.

"Our success is a very, very powerful indication that when there is something wrong in your community, you can make a difference by standing up," he tells me. For the country party, that something wrong was the destruction of rainforests and the unique biodiversity that came with them. "The problem has always been that local communities in the forest region don't get a strong say in how natural resources are managed, particularly the forests on which they depend. We used to have the district system for that but now it's all decided in Monrovia and our culture and traditional practices are ignored to open up more land. Political agendas and interests always seem to override the environment and human rights."

These agendas is why Siakor's party is not universally popular. For many Liberia-Monrovia needs more housing, more roads, more factories, more rice paddies, more exploited land. To some the Country Party stands against progress, both socially, it famously opposed the legalisation of homosexuality, and in terms of needed development projects. Many in Monrovia are sceptical about man made climate change and view it as an excuse to stifle their own advancement.

He gives short shift to these arguments. "They should talk to villagers whose houses had been destroyed by logging companies in order to build roads through their villages, or those who died of a disease [Ebola] caused by outsiders pushing into natural areas. We're not against development, we're against a central government and multi national companies ignoring the needs of local communities. Development models that rely on endless economic growth, driven by over-consumption is not the only way people's living standards can improve."

The County Party is firmly in favour of land belonging to the local communities, in Liberia 50% of all land in each county must be owned for the common good and preserved for food production or nationalised industries but that means there is 50% owned by private owners and this often means major corporations.

"Rural communities in Liberia live by the land, managing it collectively and sustainably. And then Car companies buy that land for rubber plantations so they can produce more petrol using cars and sell off the trees previously there for timber. This needs to be reversed, we need to reforest the clearings and return that land to its traditional guardians."

The deforestation of the West African Federation has largely been halted thanks to environmental efforts in the early 2000s but to an extent the damage has been done, not much of the rainforest that was there in the 1980s still survives. And there are larger problems looming.

Liberia under Greene is increasingly pushing towards green energy, in terms of hydro power, biomass and solar power. But West Africa as a whole accounts for only about 1% of the World's carbon emissions, it is at the mercy of Asia, Europe and North America and can only hope they follow their lead.

Surprisingly Siakor is cynical about the west's push towards renewable energy. "While politicians and big businesses promote renewable energy technologies as a breakthrough that should be harnessed, the social and environmental costs associated with the raw materials they need is often ignored. We make biofuel in Africa to be imported to Europe, often at the coast at polluting our lands, so Europeans can pat themselves on the back about how green they are. But they're not growing the fuel in Europe and they rarely take account of the costs of getting it there."

This is a common complaint from the developing world about first world environmentalism. That it massages its own figures by hiding the cost in poorer countries, in terms of funding power plants there, moving industry there or exporting their rubbish to it.

While Greene often talks about a green industrialisation of West Africa, Siakor's own ambitions are much more grounded. He talks a lot about his passion for education and his hope that the new vocational centres will solve the unemployment crisis and victories in enforcing labour rights and tax bills against companies. You get a sense, however, that he is in something of two minds about the new investment promised to the village areas where he grew up in, while he has consistently pushed for the new roads, electrical power and sewage systems, he seems almost embarrassed to mention them as if by connecting those rural communities to the world he risks ruining what he loved about them.

I ask him if he'd gone back to his own village recently.

"Not for a few months," he replied thoughtfully, "but we keep in touch. My dad texted me yesterday about the football scores [The West African Federation had beaten the Republic of Congo in an important qualifier for the 2019 African Cup of Nations]. I like to think I still have a place on the farm if my political career goes badly."

 

[Sceonn]

I really appreciate this sneak peak views into the country. This Mali followed up on Burkina to plant trees in the Sahel?

 

[Youngmarshall]

I really appreciate this sneak peak views into the country. This Mali followed up on Burkina to plant trees in the Sahel?

Thank you and yes, I imagine so, it already kind of happened in otl and a more entrenched Sankarist regime probably leads to imitators if its working. Won't entirely stop the desertification of Northern Mali but alongside a less protracted civil war means they're probably better off than otl.

 

[Youngmarshall]

 

[Sceonn]

Has Mauritania gotten rid of it's racist apartheist policies and avoided conflict with Senegal?

Chad, being Francophone, probably might want some form of partnership with the Block too.

 

[Youngmarshall]

Pan-Africanism: An Uncertain Future

Political Movements are always the children of their own era's troubles and must adapt to the new ones to survive. Pan-Africanism was a product of the relentless degradation suffered by black Africans in the 19th century due to imperial colonialism at home and racist segregation abroad. In the 21st century, Africa is still facing problems, it is poorer and less developed than any other continent and sees most of its natural riches sent abroad to multi national companies and kleptomaniac dictators rather than being invested within itself, but those problems and so their solutions are different. Union has become less about mutual protection from invasion and more about being able to make better economic deals.

Modern Pan-Africanism differs from the first generation in that it is far less racially focused. First Generation pan-Africanism was founded among the ex slaves of the New World and sought to unite those ex slaves with their homeland by promoting black solidarity. Race was the only thing a Muslim slave from Senegambia, a Christian slave from the Congo and a pagan slave born in Brazil had in common with each other, though even there there was dispute over how dark skinned you had to be, to be black. A central part of early pan-Africanism was that the New World slaves had a part in it. Modern pan-Africanism are not uninterested in the diaspora, African American Civil rights leaders are normally well known in Africa, but they're not normally included in their hoped for union, attempts by Haiti to join African bodies like the African Union or the West African Economic Zone have been rejected and there's little appetite for a new migration of African Americans back to Africa. Modern Pan-Africanism promises Unity that is much more geographical than racial. It was the formation of the West African Federation that meant that the Lebanese Liberians were finally offered citizenship, something the earlier generations of pan-Africans had refused them due to not being black. And this represents a genuine change in view, in pan-African internet spaces it is not rare to hear of 'first world privilege' which is something Black Europeans have but Lebanese Africans don't.

Alongside this there is now often less emphasis on Black people being innately cooperative and having to avoid mimicking an alien individualistic White ethos. Being proud of being African rather than attempting to imitate the West remains a core part of the selling point of Pan-Africanism but Africans tend to glorify the traditional power structures of the Chiefs less than the original diaspora intellectuals did and freely adapt western political theories, many pan-Africans are also Marxists and view class solidarity as more important than a racial one.

Communalism and self sufficiency of Africans due to communal efforts however still remains a core part of the philosophy and is a large part of its appeal though pan-African parties often ignore this promise while in power. This promise of a protectionist autarchy rather than the lost money fleeing Africa has long resonated and has melded with many of the concerns of the 'green wave' environmentalists about global warming by promising to reduce global trade. However the movement has largely moved away from Blyden's ideal of communal farmers and traders towards something more like Garvey's Black Capitalism with the emphasis on the major employers being African owned rather than multi national and emphasis on Trade Unions, something Blyden viewed as a white man's tool, to keep those companies honest rather than mere community spirit.

By sheer practicality, pan-Africanism has also drifted towards regional unions as proof of concept, though, of course, cross continental plans still exist, it is likely a continent wide free trade zone will be introduced before the end of the 2020s. Pan-Africanism in practicality often just means treaties of economic union with your neighbours with a push towards federalism. Several countries under Pan-African leaders have merged in the years since independence, Senegal and Gambia, Zanzibar, Tanganyika and Kenya, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Sierra Leone. And while all three are not uncontroversial it is generally thought that the members have prospered through union, though as a counterpoint there was also of course the ill-fated Libyan-Chad union.

This federal structure of self governing states with their own legal and tax codes under only a relatively powerless central government has also become a hallmark of Pan-Africanism, unity through self government. States with weak Nationalist identities or deep ethnic divisions such as Mali and the Côte d'Ivoire are now openly talking about joining as part of a larger union with greater self governance for different ethnicities as a way of resolving their own separatist difficulties though the extent to which this is welcomed by the separatists is very much mixed.

Of the regional unions, the Arab Maghreb union, despite historically high levels of enthusiasm from the Egyptian and Libyan governments, has failed to achieve much and is currently defunct, Southern Africa has a customs union but also strong national identities and wariness of governance by Pretoria, while similar hostility to Ethiopia has prevented much work towards union in the Horn of Africa. East Africa has of course Kentanzania and the sheer size of that country has slowed down moves towards closer union with the Great Lakes Nations, though the promised entry of Zaire and Somalia into the East African Community may change that.

But. as ever. the hope of Pan Africanism lies in its traditional strong holds such as Monrovia, Accra, Conakry and Bamako. A united West African State may plausibly emerge within the next five years. The West African Economic Zone has a number of advantages in terms of union, thanks to years of close working together. Most of the steps so far have been relatively easy, the majority of its members have used the same currency since independence thanks to their colonial legacy so a joint currency was easy to arrange and the cooperation of their armed forces has been encouraged as a way to defang possible mutinies. But the civil war in Côte d'Ivoire upon the announcement of free movement of peoples is a warning sign that many have noted.

With strong national, local and religious identities, and a history of civil wars and independence movements, there is worry that the union, if declared, could lead to ethnic bloodshed on a level of Yugoslavia, Ethiopia or Zaire. Certainly its difficult to argue that pan-Africanism is mostly a middle class preoccupation and unpopular among the average village dwelling peasant. It's hoped the economic advantages of union will allow for rising living standards to offset this but then there's the question of how much the middle classes are willing to pay to level up the poorer areas and how much infrastructure is there to allow that to happen.

There is also the prospect of further religious tension, with Christian and pagan minorities further reduced in importance in a union made up of primarily Muslims and Sharia Law already existing regionally in both Nigeria and the WAF. Likewise there's a fear for democracy, Monrovia has a history of peaceful democracy going back one hundred and fifty years but most of the other countries were post colonial states with weaker institutions. Few of them have not had one party authoritarian governments or military coups, at the worst extreme, Mauritania was practically an apartheid state only a handful of years before it joined the currency zone and even the more stable countries like Ghana have problems with corruption and brutality from the state and routine tax evasion and distrust from the citizenship. Democratisation has happened all across the Zone but without those strong institutes there is a worry the trends could be reversed and the WAF is too small in number to be much of an influence within that larger state.

Much like in the 1960s and the formation of the League of Independent African States, Pan Africanism has a huge opportunity but equally the possibility of discrediting itself for a generation. President Greene's recent interviews certainly give the impression of someone who knows that the outcome of the Ouagadougou talks will to a large extent dictate which way not only she is remembered but how her whole ideology is.

 

[Workable Goblin]

Some innnteresting hints at what's gone on elsewhere on the continent in that post. Kentanzania was unexpected, to be honest, although in hindsight it makes some degree of sense considering that OTL a Kenya-Tanzania merger was seriously considered but foundered on Kenyatta versus Nyere, from what I recall. Zaire being called Zaire is also a very interesting data point, though being included in the East African Community strikes me as being a little odd. There seems to be something of a hole in Central Africa here, Cameroon to Zaire I suppose. Especially since they don't seem to have avoided the Congo Wars, I imagine they're some of the poorer regions of the continent.

EDIT: Also, I don't recall but did we ever get any notes on Biafra? Obviously they didn't revolt successfully, but I was wondering what interactions the WAF nations had with the revolution at the time. I expect that the official policy of each nation generally favored Nigeria, but I wouldn't be surprised if there was some unofficial support for Biafra in some countries, and maybe official support in different countries during different phases of the war due to poor relations with Nigeria (the way that Ivory Coast backed Biafra IOTL).

 

[Youngmarshall]

Some innnteresting hints at what's gone on elsewhere on the continent in that post. Kentanzania was unexpected, to be honest, although in hindsight it makes some degree of sense considering that OTL a Kenya-Tanzania merger was seriously considered but foundered on Kenyatta versus Nyere, from what I recall. Zaire being called Zaire is also a very interesting data point, though being included in the East African Community strikes me as being a little odd. There seems to be something of a hole in Central Africa here, Cameroon to Zaire I suppose. Especially since they don't seem to have avoided the Congo Wars, I imagine they're some of the poorer regions of the continent.

The Democratic Republic of Congo applied to join it in OTL two months ago. I think we often forget the extent to which the Eastern Congo is tied in to the politics and economy of East Africa. Kagame has been one of the most important players in Congo politics since the 1990s and Rwanda is very much an East African country.

Or you know, maybe it's a hint that Barthelemy Bisengimana takes over from Mobutu.

 

[Youngmarshall]

Biafra is a great question @Workable Goblin. Something I thought about but never actually came to any conclusions hence the lack of mentions so far. Might be worth an update just on that actually.

 

[Workable Goblin]

The Democratic Republic of Congo applied to join it in OTL two months ago. I think we often forget the extent to which the Eastern Congo is tied in to the politics and economy of East Africa. Kagame has been one of the most important players in Congo politics since the 1990s and Rwanda is very much an East African country.

Oh, I didn't know that they were trying to join the EAC IOTL. But while I am pretty aware of the ties between the eastern parts of the country and the countries that are farther east, you can say similar things about plenty of countries that have been excluded from regional organizations because they don't quite fit even though they have ties, sometimes extensive ones, with those regional organizations--Morocco's rejected bid to join the EU comes to mind here (or Turkey, but that's a more complicated case that's not just about being "in the wrong place"). It just seems that they would more naturally fit in with a Central African organization versus an Eastern African one.

Of course, there's no particular reason that they couldn't join multiple regional organizations that have overlapping but not identical bailiwicks--Morocco is a member of the Union for the Mediterranean, after all, which includes EU countries. Especially since the nominal goal remains some kind of continent-wide union at some future point.

 

[Youngmarshall]

West African Referendums: What you need to know!
​

With a date picked for Referendums on the unification of the West African Economic Zone, here's all the background you need to know!

What is the West African Economic Zone?

The West African Economic Zone (or WAEZ) is a regional union, much like the EU. Its members share open borders with free trade and free movement of peoples and services, have a single currency (the West African CFA franc which is pegged to the Euro!) and cooperate on infrastructure and peacekeeping missions.

Who are the members of the WAEZ?

Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegambia, Togo and the West African Federation are all part of the WAEZ.

What about Nigeria?

While technically part of the WAEZ, Nigeria is not part of the currency union (it still uses the Naira), is not part of the customs union with shared external tariffs and does not have freedom of movement with the other countries. Because of this it is not included in most lists of WAEZ members and will not be holding a referendum.

What will the Referendums decide?

Much like the ever closer union of the EU, the WAEZ has long held a goal of becoming a single state. This is the question being put forward to the voters. If the 'Yes' vote wins the referendum, the WAEZ countries will reform as a single state by 2025.

What would that mean?

The WAEZ members would form a new country with shared citizenship, a unified army, unified sports teams and a shared foreign policy with single ambassadors.

What would this country be called?

The name 'West African State' has been mooted. No flag or Anthem has yet been suggested.

How big would this 'West African State' be?

It would be of the ten biggest countries in the world in both area and population.

Does this mean the constituent Countries would cease to exist?

They'd no longer have a seat in the United Nations, so would no longer be acceptable answers for independent countries on the gameshow Pointless, but they would still exist as entities. The proposed structure is a federal one in which each current country would still have their own parliament, tax and legal code. Ghana would still make its own laws, it would just be part of a joint foreign policy.

How would that work?

The President would be chosen by a nation wide vote, and be in charge of foreign policy, but would be responsible to a council of the leaders of each individual country and would be unable to do anything without their approval.

Who would be represented in that council?

One of the most contentious issues of the Ouagadougou talks was the representation of federated countries. The legislative council will include a representative from any entity within the West African State with their own tax and legal code, such as Gambia or Sierra-Leone, though their vote will be worth less than that of full members.

Why is this vote happening now?

West Africa has always been a hotbed of pan-Africanism, the belief that the African people need to unified in order to become prosperous, and numerous federated states have been formed post independence. There was the Mali Federation (Mali, Senegal and Guinea), Senegambia (Senegal and Gambia) and the West African Federation (Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone). The relatively slow emergence from poverty of Africa during the last few decades has given renewed confidence to the unionists, led by the 'Women's Mafia' of pro unification leaders, who have pushed for closer union.

Who are the Women's Mafia?

The three female leaders within the WAEZ, Henriette Diabaté of Côte d'Ivoire, Jehmu Greene of the West African Federation and Mariam Blati of Burkina Faso, have risen to the forefront during the Ouagadougou talks due to their pro union views.

When will the Referendums be held?

16th, November 2022.

Will they definitely go ahead at that date?

All countries have agreed on that date, and for neutral observers to be in the country to check it is free and fair. While emergencies could theoretically delay that, a change of government should not as failure to conduct the referendum would negatively affect that country's relationships with the Zone.

What about the Pandemic?

While testing is scarce, it looks like West Africa has been spared the worst effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic. Vaccine rollout has been slow so far but there's no reason to think that would cause a delay to the vote.

How will the Referendums work?

Each country (with the exception of Mali) will hold a nation wide referendum on the WAEZ becoming a single country with the options being 'Yes' or 'No'. The franchise open to any adult citizen of the country but not to non citizens from other West African countries, who have taken advantage of the freedom of movement. Ivorian immigrants living in the WAF for instance, will vote for the referendum in the Côte d'Ivoire rather than the WAF. Federal states such as the West African Federation, Senegambia and Côte d'Ivoire will still vote as a single bloc rather than each constituent country votes being counted separately.

What about Mali?

As a result of the peace talks that ended the Malian Civil War, North and South Mali will vote separately. Should they vote differently this would de facto result in Mali's partition.

What happens if a country votes 'No'?

They will not join the new country, though their current treaties in terms of freedom of movement and cooperation will remain with the new country. This could mean that the new country will be non contiguous in terms of borders depending on who votes yes and who votes no.

Will the union definitely go ahead regardless of how many 'No' votes there are?

No, should 6 or more of the 11 countries vote 'No', the new state will not form and the project of closer unity is to be abandoned entirely, at least in the short term.

What is the result likely to be?

It's too early to tell, while there is genuine enthusiasm among Pan-Africanism in certain areas and poorer countries such as Niger and Togo see it as a possible major economic lifeline, there are strong national, local and religious identities which strongly oppose greater union. Cabo Verde is almost certain to vote 'No', while Burkina Faso is almost certain to vote 'Yes', but the other nine countries are harder to tell.

Will the results be accepted?

West Africa has a history of political violence and there are worries about unrest regardless of the result. Both sides have, at least publicly, embraced the referendums and said today they were confident of a victory in the court of popular votes but we don't know if that would survive a loss.

Where are the possible Hot Spots for violence?

Mauritania's government under Biram Dah Abeid, its first black leader, is already fragile and unpopular thanks to his movement against the security state and slave owners and there are fears of a coup against him should Mauritania vote for Union.

The Christian minority in the southern provinces of Côte d'Ivoire have been promised self governance within a 'West African State' but they fear losing more of their voice in a state with shared citizenship with many other Muslim Majority countries and anti union riots have already broken out in Abidjan.

Mali is also a possible trouble spot though General Seth Amoama of the Ghanian Armed Forces, who is in charge of the WAEZ forces within Mali, has said publicly that he feels confident of a peaceful vote.

As a citizen of a West African Country living in the West, can I vote in these Referendums?

If your citizenship is still active, you should be able to. Though each country has slightly different rules, so it's recommended you contact your embassy for further details.

 

[Youngmarshall]

And that is that for this thread. Cheers everyone.

I would however still like to write a traditional story with an eye for publishing it set in this version of Liberia. I've decided it's going to be about Didwho Welleh Twe and his family. Twe was someone I cast as a guerrilla fighter during the French occupation and the book would start with him coming back to his old town after being pardoned but having had all his lands confiscated and with active blood feuds with most of his neighbours.

Look for that at some point, I'd like to put it online for feedback while I'm writing it but it won't be in this thread and it will probably be in the writing subforum rather than this one.

 

[Sceonn]

Thanks for the story! 👍

 

[Fleetlord]

Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegambia, Togo and the West African Federation are all part of the WAEZ.

Was excluding Ghana a typo, or are they not holding a referendum? (Also, poor Botoe never got a sobriquet, not sure if that was intended.)

Great timeline! I found myself really rooting for these referendums to be a success.

 

[Youngmarshall]

Was excluding Ghana a typo, or are they not holding a referendum? (Also, poor Botoe never got a sobriquet, not sure if that was intended.)

Great timeline! I found myself really rooting for these referendums to be a success.

Thank you!

And also thanks for some great proof reading. Ghana should be there and Botoe should be 'The Footnote'. Will correct both.

 

[Youngmarshall]

And that is that for this thread. Cheers everyone.

I would however still like to write a traditional story with an eye for publishing it set in this version of Liberia. I've decided it's going to be about Didwho Welleh Twe and his family. Twe was someone I cast as a guerrilla fighter during the French occupation and the book would start with him coming back to his old town after being pardoned but having had all his lands confiscated and with active blood feuds with most of his neighbours.

Look for that at some point, I'd like to put it online for feedback while I'm writing it but it won't be in this thread and it will probably be in the writing subforum rather than this one.

It's called Peace in Heaven ended when the first Kru were baptised and has now been started over in the writing subforum.

I've also just written a short 8,000 word piece of AH over in that writing subforum, The Rise and Fall of Dagger John, High King of Ireland which finished last week. Please check it out, if you enjoyed my writing at all.