Es Geloybte Aretz - a Germanwank

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Faeelin

Banned
;) They do have it broadly right, but I feel obliged to point out that ITTL's Germans are not the supercompetent military automata everyone knows and love-hates.

Hrm. Why is this the case, exactly?

The German economy is probably no smaller than OTL; if anything, it's larger.

It has an alliance with the UK, and Russia is significantly weaker than in 1914. What am I missing?
 
Hrm. Why is this the case, exactly?

The German economy is probably no smaller than OTL; if anything, it's larger.

It has an alliance with the UK, and Russia is significantly weaker than in 1914. What am I missing?

Enmity to cliche. The German army is very good - perhaps a tad less professional owing to its recent enlargement and lack of cadre, and the problems figuring out its modern toys, but not significantly different from what it was in 1914. But if you look at the actual performance of the German army in WWI as opposed to the storybook version - things like von Kluck's and von Bülow's handling of the Marne counteroffensive, the panicked decision to evacuate East Prussia, the crazy risk they ran denuding their northern front in the Brusilov offensive - there are plenty of mistakes that a luckier or better enemy could have exploited to greater effect.

I guess what I'm saying is: it's not a case of Stormtrooper vs. Beetle Beetlovich Baileyov. Too many TLs go on the assumption that once you put a German army corps somewhere on the map, they own that place.
 
24 February 1906, Berlin

The knock on the door had come early. It had found Mr Hugenberg awake, in his dressing gown and enjoying breakfast and morning papers. Inspector Tresckow hads not been entirely surprised to see him awake well before dawnb, but still regretted not having risen earlier. Rousing someone from bed often had a salutary effect on suspects. No such luck here.

“Mr Hugenberg”, the inspector pointed out again, struggling to remain patient, “the matter is not one of politicised justice or, as you phrase it, a tyrannical inquisition. Foreign Secretary von Bülow has lodged a libel suit against the party or parties that defamed him as a pervert in the papers. The public prosecutor's office has decided that the case merits action, and evidence suggests that the accusations originate with you. I am here to secure the evidence. Now, for the last time, will you cooperate?”

The massive shoulders under the silk dressing gown shook with rage. Tresckow half expected him to go for his throat. In a voice barely contained, Hugenberg answered: “No, inspector. I will not cooperate with this travesty. My manservant has already summoned my attorney, who will inspect your - warrant and decide on appropriate legal action. Until then, you may wait in the kitchen.”

Tresckow snorted. He could admire courage, even in an opponent, and this man had brass in spades. Still, this was not how you treated the Berlin police. Not and get away with it. It was amazing how much confidence the knowledge that His Majesty had your back gave you. The inspector straightened and raised his voice.

“Mr Hugenberg, you are within your right to ask for legal counsel and lodge any complaint you wish. You are not under arrest. But . . . “, this mattered, “you cannot and will not be permitted to delay an official investigation. Take a seat, Sir. My men will search the premises.”

Hugenberg seemed to visibly puff up. His face reddened. “Inspector, this is unheard of. Unheard of! You are treating me like a damned Social Democrat! I must remind you that the freedom of the press still abides in this country.”

Il y a des juges a Berlin, Tresckow mentally added. But they had been appointed by the justice ministry, which made things easier to predict most days. He faced down the livid journalist and explained, now in his best exercise-yard voice: “I will treat you exactly like a Social Democrat because, Mr Hugenberg, that is exactly how you ought to be treated. If it is indeed true that you are the source of these despicable rumours, then you will have to face the consequences of your actions. if not, then you are an innocwent man and have nothing to fear. until then, sit down and let me do my job. Failing which I am obligated to remind you that under article 113 of the Imperial Penal Code you will be liable to be arrested and sentenced to a prison term of up to two years”

It worked. Perhaps it had been the tone of voice. Perhaps Hugenberg actually had believed that the inspector would arrest him. Tresckow had half hoped for the opportunity, but the mighty wordsmith of the nationalist prewss yielded. Grumbling dire threats of complaints and dismissal from the force, he retreated into an armchair awaiting the arrival of his attorney. The inspector waved to his plainclothes men who swarmed into the apartment, bearing notebooks, sacks and boxes. Tresckow himself idly ambled into the study, his eyes flitting along the bookshelves. Gobineau. Bernhardi. Langbehn. Chamberlain's Foundations of the Nineteenth Century; he had read that himself. Not stuid, just – hysterical. He stepped over to the desk piled high with correspondence. They would have to work their way through these stacks back at the office. Tresckow wondered what had possessed Hugenberg to lean that far out of the window. Accusing officers, even generals, of being homosexuals was one thing (especially, the policeman mentally conceded, if they really were). But an unfounded accusation against a government minister was another. Von Bülow had agreed to press his suit, which had given them the opportunity to put on the thumbscrews. Maybe Hugenberg had felt invulnerable. Maybe his information had simply been bad. either way, he would be in trouble. He wouldn't be on trial for his life, but the expense and fine could well end up bankrupting him. His name – if he still cared about that – would never recover.
 
Well, it is an error to assume that because Wilhelm is liberal by the standards of his time and place, he is what we'd call a liberal. He's a technocrat, and as such he reacts badly to people standing in the way of evident progress. And he can have friendly chats with public prosecutors and police chiefs because - it's good to be king.

Come to think of it, the attitude of the George W Bush administration is a frighteningly good parallel to his.
 
Will they also draw what happened to Chancellor zu Eulenburg into this case?
If so hugenberg is in for a lot of trouble (lot more than he is already)
 
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Will they also draw what happened to Chancellor zu Eulenburg into this case?
If so hugenberg is in for a lot of trouble (lot more than he is already)

They haven't linked it to him formally yet, but the assumption is that yes, they will. He was the source. And since he cannot (as yet) name his source beyond "anonymous letter"...

Actually, not too much can happen to him. He technically violated no law and acted in good faith. But they'll use any resource they have to make his life miserable. Whether starting a feud with an important newsman is a smart idea is another question.
 
They haven't linked it to him formally yet, but the assumption is that yes, they will. He was the source. And since he cannot (as yet) name his source beyond "anonymous letter"...

Actually, not too much can happen to him. He technically violated no law and acted in good faith. But they'll use any resource they have to make his life miserable. Whether starting a feud with an important newsman is a smart idea is another question.

of course one can ask if is wise for a newspaperman to start a feud with the government/kaiser. Of course the moment a major conflict starts (with russia) and his trial is still ongoing, he could be charged with undermining the army and such (another close parallel with the bush administration)
 
27 February 1906, Berlin

Your Majesty,

I ask your forbearance for my use of this unusual channel of communication, but felt it a matter of urgency to address you on the matter today. were it not for the great weight it carries, both symbolic and political, I should readily have bided my time and awaited Your Majesty's decision, but it is my duty as chancellor to advise and counsel Your Majesty as best I can. I know that there are those in Your Majesty's court and personal entourage who oppose the idea of ministers being questioned by the Reichstag in the most strident of fashions and no doubt for reasons that are honourable and cogent. These men, whatever their intentions, are mistaken in their belief that the Reichstag poses a danger of any kind for the proper conduct of government or the order of society. I must most adamantly insist on my request that Your Majesty assent to the attendance of the cabinet at the coming sessions both as a matter of policy – assurances have been made to members of several parties supporting the chancellorship – and of symbolic force. The men of the Reichstag are loyal Germans, subjects to the emperor and lovers of their country. Where they go wrong, it is because they are misguided, not ill-intentioned or evil. A gesture of trust by Your Majesty would go a long way towards affirming that their love is requited, their parttiotioc efforts appreciated. From the refined heights of grand politics, this matter may indeed seem too trivial to be of much concern in any terms other than those of the safety of state, but the love of your people – the German people, as whose representatives the deputies are elected and seated – thrives on such gestures much as that of a devoted wife towards her husband. Your Majesty must not be seen to fear your people, lest misguided elements take encouragement from such misperceptions, nor to despise them. The truest of loves needs fuel to feed its ardour. Thus I bessech Your Majesty: Show this trust in your people, your loyal Reichstag, and it will be repaid hundredfold! It is not without trepidation I write these sentences for fear of being thought too emotional, too much a throwback to the days of the great Bismarck, with whom no contemporary politician safely stands comparison, but I feel I must also inform Your majesty that the discontent in the coalition that may result from an unfavourable decision may oblige me to resign my office. As an offficial of Your Majesty's government I do, of course, serve at Your Majesty's pleasure, but as a representative of the German people and a loyal subject it is impossible for me to reconcile my duty to Your Majesty and my obligation to my contituency, should this come to be.

Your Majesty's most obedient servant

Hellmuth von Gerlach, Reichskanzler

(retconned: Erzberger's too young and inexperienced yet)
 
29 February 1906, Königshütte

My dear Marie

You have asked me to describe what life is like here. That is not an easy task. You have probably read what the Berlin papers write and know of this or that, and all I can tell you is above all – it is worse than anything you have read. Probably far worse. I know you as a strong woman and you will want to know the exact truth and not be spared on account of your sex, but it is still not easy for me to describe this to you.

Our camp at Königshütte and the other ones we have at Tarnowitz and Reuthen holds, we estimate, 20-30,000 people. Just across the border there is another one in a nearby city that may also hold as many. I cannot give you exact numbers because nobody knows for sure. People come across almost daily, looking for food and shelter, and people also leave, some who found friends or relatives to take them in, some who somehow managed to get passage to the United States or the colonies, or those who just go away. Especially children and young women are also offered positions or passage by white slavers who will unscrupulously sell them on to brothels in Berlin and elsewhere. Again, I only know stories that the refugees tell, but the police arrested a brothelkeeper accompanied by four young Polish girls in Gnesen last week whm he had told would work as housemaids in Hamburg. The girls were 11, 13 and 14. Sometimes, people also just walk away. we have no fences, no way of checking on them. We don't know where they end up, only that the police bring some of them back. with no proper papers or work permits, they can be arrested, but not expelled. If you consider that ours is neither the only camp, nor even the largest, the true horror of the situation strikes you.

[...]

The system here is actually very good, all things considered. I know you would wish I could tell you horrible stories of the Church and its minions, but the Catholic charities are extremely helpful and cause us no problems at all. We operate our camp together, separting out anything would be pointless, and we all decided that we would pool our resources. There is little enough of everything. I was quite surprised when Pater Wishnewski agreed to the idea, but he is a very reasonable man and quite impressed with our organisation. Of course he preaches every time he gives out bread or clothes, but come to think of it, so do we. There are some in the camp who will not take anything from us, and some who won't take from the church, so it's a good thing we are both here. The authorities certainly are completely overwhelmed. I don't think I've seen a government agent doing anything useful in weeks. No, that is not really fair: We get paperwork for people crossing the border, and police to keep order in the camps – too few, but at least some. we have five officers for everyone here, and two of them speak Polish. It's funny: without the party organisation, they would stand no chance, and they know it. We have a few strong, disciplined workers here, and they joined our staff. They have armbands that say “Ordner” and officially, they have no power, but it's the closest to a police this camp has. Over at Reuthen it's terrible. They have robberies and rapes all the time. It happens here, too, but not as often, at least. One thing that really comes to mind is that we must organise our efforts. The aid committeees are doing sterling work, but we lose so much because we have no central control of our resources and no coordination. There must be something you can do in Berlin.

[...]

Can you imagine what a sod house looks like? it is a hole in the ground, abnout as deep as a man's shoulders, with walls going up a little over head high, and the ceiling made of saplings and branches or old boards, or anything that comes to hand, with earth covering it. If you are lucky, you have an iron stove, but just a primitive chimney dug into the side is already better than many can do. Down in these hovels, you have whole families huddling under too few blankets until the next distribution of bread, or groats, or coal to keep them alive. The luckier ones have sheds or huts made from planks, about what a Silesian farmer would keep his pigs in. We are building those as fast as we can, but there's not enough of anything. You can make five or six sod houses from the timber one hut takes. And we always neede more room for improvised hospitals and kitchens, too. The building is mostly done by refugees, we organise it and pay them. This is where the generosity of the people has been wonderful. There is money and food to do that, at least, and things have become much better since we've stopped letting the people fend for themselves.

[...]

Most days, we can find the people something to eat. the railways has helped us enormously, with sending trainloads of grain and meat at cut rates. If the farmers around here had any say in the matter, people would still be paying them gold and jewels for mouldy bread and sour milk. the extortion is unbelievable! It still happens, too. Women who need milk for their children, or sick people who need meat or eggs for broth are most at rtisk. the farmers sell wghat they have at fantastic prices. Many families have brought some valuables, jewelry or fine clothes, that the cossacks didn't take, but now they must pay these for a litre of milk or a quarter chicken. Some days, when there is not enough to eat for everyone, bread and groats also sell for silver and gold. When the money runs out, the families send their girls to get what they can however they can.

[...]

It is interesting how many Jews are becoming a kind of camp aristocracy here. They are educated and literate and speak German, or Yiddish, which will do in a pinch. People trust them to talk to the authorities on their behalf. Some of them do business with the pimps and the farmers, but most are gernuinely helpful and they stick together more than the Poles and Russians. The Socialist workers are doing well, too, they are disciplined and cooperate, but we don't have many of them. Most stayed across the border to fight. The Russians have it worst: They were uprooted just like everyone else and often waled all the way across Poland until they found something to eat here. The Poles look down on them, and the Jews often hate and fear them. they have no friends here – there are no Russian or orthodox charities like there are Polish and Catholic and Jewish ones – so we are the only people they have. They are a pitiful band, mostly peasants, and unbelievably poor. I cannot imagine what things must be like in Russia if they chose to come here instead.
[...]
Letter by Ludwig Kolaski to Marie Juchacz, later read out at the founding meeting of the workers' charity association Arbeiter-Wohlfahrtsgemeinschaft Solidarität
 
The people suffer. That had to be expected. But the German officials fail to react as needed, even after quite some time for preparations.

If they get their act together, building up the infrastructure and knowledge to do the necessary logistics will be extremely helpful for a future war with Russia.

If cooperation between Socialists and Catholics is more than merely a local, pragmatic thing, that could support further a future coalition between Zentrum and SPD. If you add the liberals, that has the potential to become a reliable powerbase for the Emperor in his more progressive politics.

It also shows that the Aretz is already on the way to get a larger Jewish population - and is finally about to get significant numbers of settlers in its colonies.
 
The people suffer. That had to be expected. But the German officials fail to react as needed, even after quite some time for preparations.

If they get their act together, building up the infrastructure and knowledge to do the necessary logistics will be extremely helpful for a future war with Russia.

I'd say they're not doing too badly, all things considered. Someone just plonked somewhere in the region of 200,000 people down in their most rural, least urbanised provinces and most days, everyone eats. In addition, the effort to feed them is pretty much a charity effort with very little state involvement. Of course they could be doing more, but that would have to go through the Reichstag for funding. It's still pretty awful, but by early twentieth century standards it's an example of "the system works". The next step will be giving these people work permits to replace the Polish seasonal labourers that are not coming this year, but that's not until summer.

If cooperation between Socialists and Catholics is more than merely a local, pragmatic thing, that could support further a future coalition between Zentrum and SPD. If you add the liberals, that has the potential to become a reliable powerbase for the Emperor in his more progressive politics.

That's the idea. Also, the Social Democrats are in the process of developing an infrastructure of their own that will be extremely useful in times to come.
 
30 February 1906, Berlin

“So, how much am I actually spending on these things?” Wilhelm laid down the heavy folder with and looked at his private secretary. There was an edge to his voice that made von Ammerlsleben uncomfortable.

“One and three quarter million Marks, sire.” he answered truthfully. The numbers were all there. Someone with Wilhelm's propensity for sticking his nose into things was bound to take an interest in court accounts sooner or later, and now it had happened. The onlyx thing to do was go along with whatever His Majesty decided.

“For three theatres. I guess it could be worse. People go there, after all. but about the rest of it, where does it all go? We spend more on our court than great-uncle Bertie does on his civil list, what do we get for it?” Wilhelm was amused yet, but it was the kind of grim amusement that could flick into annoyance at a moment's notice.

“Well, Sire,” von Ammersleben was visibly struggling to make a plausible case in this matter. “The Prussoian court is more – complex. There is the Office of the Chief Chamberlain and the Ministry of the Royal Family, the Court Chancery and Grand Herald's Office, the Master Hunter's retinue and Marshal's Office and the...”

Wilhelm shook his head in mock despair. “I am paying half of Berlin, am I not?”

“That's not an entirely wrong analysis, actually. Your Majesty, you have to consider that many of the people who work at your court are nobles of thehighest rank. If they were not given their positions, they would find it impossible to live a life appropriate to their station. The court in London can rely on its nobility to spend money, but we cannot do so with ours. Not to the same extent, anyway.” Von Ammersleben's voice was smooth. He was telling the truth, too – far too many noble families found it impossible to live well on the incomes their estates generated. Most of them turned to the army or the civil service, but a prestigiuous and highly lucrative court office was always within his Majesty's gift.Being Master of Ceremonies paid 18,000 Mk annually, which was more than any judge or general could hope to earn.

“It's what the Americans call a racket, really. Who appoints these people?”

“You do, Sire.” The same smooth face. You could do this kind of fencing with the emperor, and get away with it. Albert would have thrown an inkwell by now. Of course, he also knew better than to ask these questions in the first place.

“Dammit, you know what I mean. Who makes the decisions? I don't remember ever being asked who I wanted as my next deputy intendent of rose gardening.”

Von Ammersleben cleared his throat and adjusted his tie. “Sire, the offices of the court are filled by royal appointment on the suggestion of the heads of the respective departments. The paperwork does come across your desk, of course.”

He was right. It did. It had never occurred to Wilhelm to ask whether the number of officers' commissions, civil service appointrments, and court positions were in any way balanced or appropriate. Not until recently, anyway. You signed these things and trusted your people to know what they were doing.

“We are going to have to clear out a lot of that clutter. According to this, I have over a hundred hunters. I don't even like to hunt! And I don't think either of these two personal loaders to His Majesty ever loaded any gun for me.”

“They are ready to do so whenever required, Sire.”

“I think a groom of the stable could do that just as well without drawing a salary just in case! Anyway, I will have to speak to Walther about this. I have a few ideas. We can use the money better, I'm sure”
 
I can see quite some people get a rude awakening from their easy jobs. :D
And when gets out, it will only make Wilhelm more popular with the majority of the people. (maybe send some of these noble bums to africa?)
 
I can see quite some people get a rude awakening from their easy jobs. :D
And when gets out, it will only make Wilhelm more popular with the majority of the people. (maybe send some of these noble bums to africa?)

In the short run, it will work out quite nicely. But in the long run, is it really a good idea to make your government more rational if your claim to being at its head is based on having inherited the exclusive right to wear a pointy head from your father?
 
I'm fairly sure Albert warned Wilhelm about alienating the nobility in an earlier post; seems like he's determined to ignore that advice ...

Actually, I'd be interested in seeing something on the Kartellpartien, since Wilhelm is drifting towards favoring the SDP/Zentrum policies.

TB-EI
 

Adler

Banned
An officer in the German army needed some money in the background. Only if you became Captain or major you were earning enough. The problem was, that as officer you needed to have a way of life you could not really afford. The same had to be said by some other officials as well, where the wives had to make works to pay the servants! If you married a wealthy girl you had no problems at all. However, you could leave the service at any point and no one was asking why or seeing that as dishonourable.

Adler
 
02 March 1906, Berlin

“This is him, Your Majesty.” Inspector Tresckow placed the envelope on the heavy oak desk with a quiet sigh. Wilhelm flashed him a quick smile of gratitude, the rest of his face set stonily.

“He did this on his own?” Albert asked. The Prince had taken a personal interest in the case.

Tresckow answered immediately. “Yes, Your Highness, as far as we can ascertain. An interrogation and a search might yield more, but as far as we can tell the accusations all lead back to the suspect.”

“So, who is he?” Wilhelm asked.

“Count Schulenburg – a son of the von Schulenburg family.”

There was a sharp intake of breath. It was not the kind of thing you expected of old nobility.

“From what we know today, he had a promising career in the diplomatic service ahead of him when he was caught with another man in a bath in Hanover. It was not an Article 175 case, just scandal, but it was enough to ruin him, of course. Ever since, he has been living obscurely. He is known to frequent places that homosexuals meet at and be rather active in their circles, but he never used his name or its potential prominence for any public purpose. the family apparently was rather concerned he might join Hirschfeld's gang or campaign for the abolition of the article.”

“Why now?” Wilhelm asked. “If he wanted prominence, why did he not simply speak out?”

“We don't know Sire. Revenge, perhaps? He lost his position over his perversion while others kept theirs. But we can probably find out if we arrest and question him.” Tresckow seemed almost eager. Prince Albert's eyes glowed. He had liked Philipp zu Eulenburg very much.

“Can we do that?”

“The libel case gives us enough leeway. And we can certainly find witnesses to a violation of Article 175 if we have to. “ tresckow pointed out.

Albert shot a glance at Wilhelm. The emperor nodded. “Rake him over the coals, inspector.”, he said. We need to get to the bottom of this story.
 
I'm fairly sure Albert warned Wilhelm about alienating the nobility in an earlier post; seems like he's determined to ignore that advice ...

Actually, I'd be interested in seeing something on the Kartellpartien, since Wilhelm is drifting towards favoring the SDP/Zentrum policies.

TB-EI

The Kartell is broken. Wilhelm split with a large part of the conservative party for good, and both the ultracoservative agrarians and the Völkische are now arrayed against the government. The national liberals and Freisinnigen are still part of the emperor's power base (the current chancellor is a Freisinniger), and a fair number of moderate conservatives have migrated there. Their new coalition partner is the Zentrum. The relationship with the Social Democrats is still uneasy.
 
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