Es Geloybte Aretz - a Germanwank

Status
Not open for further replies.

Eurofed

Banned
IOTL the Japanese were in the process of vassalising Korea and managed to make the emperor cut all ties with Russia and hand over the defense of his realm to Japan in 1905 following the Portsmouth treaty. This was based largely on their perception that a) they could muster the military might to sit on Korea no matter what the locals thought and b) they needed to conquer something after the peace left them too little territorial gain. IATL, the Korean emperor has parlayed his ability to supply auxiliary troops which the Japanese need badly into a more favourable position, at least until the Japanese need ends. Technically, very little has changed, but there is a clear reversal in the momentum towards the subjection of Korea to Japan.

Given the circumstances, I'm very skeptical that it makes any difference in the medium term, although it might delay the timetable of Japanese annexation of Korea by a year or two.

As things stand, Russia seems headed to be kicked out of the southern Far East even worse than OTL. Japanese fatigue is going to be fleeting, as far as the subjugation of Korea is concerned, and neither Britain nor Germany seem interested to prop up Korean independence against Japan any more than OTL. America appears to be as indifferent as OTL, and China is still too weak and concerned with other areas, if any.

Very good TL, BTW. :D:cool:
 
30 November 1905, Simbirsk

“It's not something that needs concern us too greatly”, Sergeant Shternmiler pointed out to his men. Privately, he was of the opinion that no aspect of his new assignment was something that needed to concern him greatly. He had not, at least, been relegated to complete inactivity like many others, both soldiers and civilians, of non-Russian extraction had. But his new assignment was disappointing at every level. Perhaps, he told himself, he had been used to too much of a good thing. A respected officer in the St Petersburg force, assigned high-profile political investigations and even covert operations, he had gained an exaggerated sense of his own importance. Russia, he had tried to convince himself, was a big country and needed good men everywhere. Yet every piece of experience in his posting conspired to hammer home the message that he had been relegated. Parked, like an unwanted locomotive on a side track. Oh, he was being treated with the kind of deference he was quite unaccustomed to from his earlier position, no complaints there. At the arse end of Kazan, an Okhrana sergeant was somebody. He was invited by wealthy families and got to dance and converse with ladies hungry for conversation with someone who happened to not only speak French and German, but also have first-hand knowledge of how you did things in the capital. Even his official quarters were spacious and well-appointed, a world away from the pokey two-room flat he had inhabited for the better part of ten years. It was just that in the end, none of this mattered. At least not more than a day or two. He was comfortable, he was deferred to, he was even able to carry on a discreet affair (more, he admitted to himself, to exercise his skills at clandestine business than for any real interest in the lady). He wasn't doing anything worthwhile, though.

The question on the table today was the kind of thing that concerned the gendarmes here greatly: Were they to interfere with the increasing number of barter deals with which cityfolk (who had had a bad year, with the railways hardly running at all and fewer people buying their goods) tried to ensure they had food for the winter. Shternmiler himself was in two minds about the whole business. He was from the countryside himself, though not from peasant stock, and felt a small measure of satisfaction that the high and mighty urbanites actually had to defer to the farmers who grew their bread for one. On the other hand, if the system had deteriorated to the point that it was impossible to take their grain from the peasants – and it certainly looked that way - then the consequences would be immense. He understood the world well enough to know that Russia depended on the tax take in cheap grain and hard labour its countryfolk provided. The harvest had not been bad – he would have heard from his family if it had been. But even in Simbirsk, amid the good black earth of the Volga basin, grain was short. The trainloads that landholder families used to sell for shipment down the river or up the rails to Moscow were rare. Sales were relatively free here – the ridiculous orders that only good patriots were to be allowed to buy bread had gone unimplemented when the governor announced that as far as he knew, everyone in town was a good Russian. But even so, some days there was no bread to be had in the bakeries. Of course, he and his men did not go hungry, but he had his ear to the ground; a growing number of people did. And there was practically nothing that could be done. He was forbidden from taking his gendarmes into the villages to enforce sales, as he had suggested a few days into his new post. Now that he realised how badly control had slipped, he even admitted that the decision had been correct. Without the military to back them, the gendarmerie would have been dead men in short order. And the soldiers were not to be had. Rumour had it that the garrison was unruly, and while some units remained reliable, too many of them were away guarding railway lines and canal locks. What was left was policing the marketplace to discourage hoarding and price gouging. And that, the sergeant reflected, was what the eyes and ears of the Czar had come to: Glorified market overseers.

“Let them barter.” he instructed his subordinates. “Everyone needs to eat. But try to see what the going rates are while you are at it. And step hard on anyone trying to pull a fast one.”
The blank looks greeting him told him more about his force than he wanted to know.
“If you catch anyone selling sawdust for flour, watered-down milk, or mouldy grain, I want you to bring him in. We need to teach that kind of people a lesson early.”
The men nodded, saluted and trooped out of the station room. Not for the first time, Shternmiler asked himself whether it really was too late to take his wife and children to America. They didn't have an Okhrana there, of course, but working for Pinkertons might be possible. And it couldn't be worse than this.
 
01 December 1905, Helsingfors

...Today, the fateful hour of decision has come for our people, and it is with full confidence in the native courage of the Finnish people and the justice of our cause that I now call on all men of Finnish blood to throw off the yoke of the Russian oppressor. The blood of our martyrs calls for revenge! Finnish men, do not let your women and children starve at the command of a tyrant! Finnish soldiers, do not fire on your brothers! ...
(Finnish Declaration of Independence)

“...We cannot but extend our sympathy to the brave Finnish people in their fateful hour of battle. These men, courageous and principled all, have long sought to reach an accommodation with the imperial government. their demands were few – the recognition of their own tongue, the vote in their own parliament, and an end to the cruel measures with which the government of Nicholas II vainly tried to mould them into Russians according to the taste of their ruler. Today's declaration, as is often the case, does not mark their victory in this conflict, but only its onset. Hard times and uncertain days still lie ahead before – if ever – the Finnish nation will be born. But the effort is more hopeful today than it long seemed, not least through the example of the Polish revolt and the upswell of international support to which this has given rise.

Your correspondent himself today walked the streets of Helsingfors to ascertain what impact, if any, these words have had, and found their power considerable. Armed men are about, both of the Red Guards and the Protection Corps, embraced and cheered by the police and unchallenged by the garrison's soldiers who limit themselves to guarding their own barracks. Gunshots were heard earlier, and while no certainty can be had, it is rumoured that the harbour authorities and governor's offices have fallen to the rebels. We hear in the streets of improbable triumphs, the mutiny of Finnish regiments in St Petersburg and the bones of cossacks already bleaching in the sun under Viborg's walls, but it can be said with absolute assurance that even if no Finnish government yet has full control of the city and country, the Russian one has lost this control today. ...

As seems so often the case in Russia today, the gravest enemies of its rule come from its own ranks. It is Colonel Gustav Mannerheim, a highly decorated soldier of the Czar whom many a British Indian officer fully expected to face in battle in the Himalayas one day, who has become the public face of this revolution. While his judgement remains to be tested, neither his bravery nor his devotion to his people can be called into the slightest question. It is heartening to see the joy with which the hard and often bitter men of the Social Democrats greet him as their leader, with what ease and forbearance he can unite them with their rival Young Finns. “Today,” as he writes in his declaration to the Finnish people, “I know no parties or tongues among us. today, I know only Finns!” ...”
(The London Illustrated News)
 
07 December 1905, St Petersburg

After several days of calls on the population of St Petersburg to march on the palace, the exhortations of the Workers' Council have been followed. I have been unable to ascertain exact numbers, but a large body of protesters bearing banners and icons moved towards Zarskoye Selo this morning. I have despatched Attache von Bargen to see what, if anything, would come of this, but he has not reported back yet. There have, however, been reports from several civilian witnesses, including two German expatriates, of a disastrous confrontation. The group of protesters included both a number of organised petitioners and a large body of armed Socialists. Tensions between the two groups were high from the beginning and they split en route. At Srednerogatsk, they were confronted by local members of the Patriotic Union who, after orders were given to disperse, reportedly attacked the leading petitioners, killing and injuring many. Witnesses speak of wanton cruelty and suggest rape. The Patriotic Union in pursuit of fleeing petitioners then encountered Socialist protesters and engaged them, not expecting them to be armed. They were routed after a brief firefight and pursued several kilometres down the road, where two companies of the Peobrazhenko Regiment offered them succour. Anger in the city is at a high pitch, and groups of armed men are seen marching out towards Zarskoye Selo at irregular intervals to reinforce the protesters. An unconfirmed rumour originating from the telegraph office at the Finland Station states that Nicholas and his government have departed for Moscow. At this point, very little can be substantiated, and it would be pointless to telegraph every story making the rounds in the streets, but it appears that the government has lost control of its capital for good.
(diplomatic cable from the German embassy, 15:23h)

... Mr Aschberg, representative of the firm of Woermann, reports being accosted by mutinous soldiers in the streets. He observed a firefight over the Nweva bridges which were raised on orders of the governor and guarded by cossack cavalry, but are now lowered and guarded by Finnish rifles and – by his description of their uniforms - Wolhynia Guards infantry. A number of lynchings have been witnessed by German citizens now sheltering on our premises. Regrettably, we have reason to b elieve that Attache von Bargen will not return from his mission of reconnaissance. He is reported to have died in a firefight on the road, his papers handed to the porter by a Mr. Andresen, a German merchant sailor who is now a member of the local Workers' Council. The situation appears out of control.
(diplomatic cable, 17:42h)

The embassy has been formally notified that the government of his Majesty Emperor and Autocrat Nicholas II has been temporarily relocated to Moscow. I marvel at the resourcefulness of the despatch rider who delivered the news. Preparations for a relocation of myself and Attaches von Kuhn and Ellensbach are being undertaken. Rumours of a battle between the Socialist revolutionaries and the guards continue to fly. Given the state of the railway and roads, I do not expect the move to Moscow to be possible in less than two weeks and request permission to temporarily appoint our Moscow Consul diplomatic charge d'affaires to the Russian government, such as it may be.
(diplomatic cable, 19:08)

Protesters are now returning to the city, and we are receiving a better account of events over the past 24 hours. Following the departure of Emperor Nicholas, his family and minister, the guards withdrew from the blocking position they had taken up interdicting the road. A resourceful commanding officer left a small group of soldiers to tend watchfires, which ruse not being discovered until early in the morning allowed his men to evade a disastrous confrontation with a mob of armed revolutionaries now numbering in excess of 10,000. Their advance to Zarskoye Selo was unopposed, and they are now in possession of the imperial palaces where, by all accounts, they proceeded to inflict considerable property damage. The anticlimactic nature of the resolution has created a jumpy atmosphere in the city. Most German citizens have returned to their homes, but it seems unlikely life will return to normal anytime soon. There are reports I am in the process of confirming that the men of the Finnish Rifles whose contribution to the maintenance of order in the early months of the year have made them widely unpopular are being entrained to Helsingfors where they aim to join the provisional government. I have taken it on myself to despatch Attache Ellensbach to initiate informal contact with the Workers' Council in order to establish how they intend to proceed in running the city. At this point I must commend the courage of this young man whose colleague met such a tragic fate only hours before. ...
(diplomatic cable, 08 December, 08:56h)
 

Faeelin

Banned
Oh jeez.

Which is more representative of the rest of Russia? Kazan, where the Tsar still has authority, even if shaky, or Saint Petersburg?
 
So the Tsar left St. Petersburg for Moscow, then came back to St. Petersburg at some point after the 20th of November 1905... and now, less than three weeks later, is forced to flee to Moscow again? One wonders what impact this will have on the Tsar's standing in Moscow.
 
I wonder whether the Finnish uprising can bring the Scandinavian countries into the game?

Furthermore, what's the general opinion in Britain on the revolts? Are they truly sympathetic, maybe supportive, or reluctant and thinking it to be a German project?
 
I wonder whether the Finnish uprising can bring the Scandinavian countries into the game?

Furthermore, what's the general opinion in Britain on the revolts? Are they truly sympathetic, maybe supportive, or reluctant and thinking it to be a German project?

The Brits are all for plucky Poles and stalwart Finns fighting for liberty. The British public IATL is extremely Russophobe. Of course that doesn't mean they'll do anything politically that could embarrass them, but they will quite happily watch while anyone who cares to have a go dismantles the Russian Empire. Of course there will be a point when it goes too far - they wouldn't tolerate, say, an Austro-Hungarian port on the Black Sea or Vladivostok going French - but on the whole, they are for it.
 
So the Tsar left St. Petersburg for Moscow, then came back to St. Petersburg at some point after the 20th of November 1905... and now, less than three weeks later, is forced to flee to Moscow again? One wonders what impact this will have on the Tsar's standing in Moscow.

Very little. The Muscovites do not like the Czar any better than the St. Petersburgers. It's lucky for Nicholas that the Patriotic Union has more support in Moscow and environs than it does up north.

Of course, His Majesty did not "flee". He relocated. Of his own volition. It says so in all the Moscow papers.
 
Very little. The Muscovites do not like the Czar any better than the St. Petersburgers. It's lucky for Nicholas that the Patriotic Union has more support in Moscow and environs than it does up north.

Of course, His Majesty did not "flee". He relocated. Of his own volition. It says so in all the Moscow papers.

Time for a state visit to ... somewhere.
 
The Brits are all for plucky Poles and stalwart Finns fighting for liberty. The British public IATL is extremely Russophobe. Of course that doesn't mean they'll do anything politically that could embarrass them, but they will quite happily watch while anyone who cares to have a go dismantles the Russian Empire. Of course there will be a point when it goes too far - they wouldn't tolerate, say, an Austro-Hungarian port on the Black Sea or Vladivostok going French - but on the whole, they are for it.

With Britain this sympathetic, the Germans should dispatch a high-ranking mission to the Scandinavian countries to discuss how Finland could be supported in its fight for freedom - officially and inofficially.
 
09 December 1905, Paris

TREASON MOST RANK!

Prime Minister Deroulede's Secret Plans for War Unveiled!
Death and Destruction to Gain Votes!

... This body of letters dated August 14 has come into our possession through the brave act of a patriotic man who chose to remain unknown in his service to the Republic rather than collect the undoubtedly lavish rewards their authors would have given him. They were dictated and signed by then Minister of War Paul Deroulede, addressed to the late Prime Minister Cavaignac, and copied out on official ministry paper. A thorough inspection has proven them to be genuine, and we invite any independent experts to satisfy themselves as to their authenticity. Their explosive content is such as to defy credibility: indeed, had we not the certainty of their origin, we would have to condier them preposterous fiction. politicians of the highest rank, entrusted by the French people with high office, conspired to lead our country into a destructive and disastrous war for no purpose other than to garner votes in the coming elections. indeed, on more than one occasion does the author go so far as to suggest that these might be the last elections France would ever see, as his Bonapartist fantasies of autocracy should be realised through the bayonets of an army of obedient mercenaries and the frenzy of a populace driven mindless from the privations of war.

IT SHALL NOT BE!

(L'Aurore, purportedly authored by Georges Clemenceau)
 
It seems unlikely that Deroulede would be so frank and ambitious in letters such as those (dictated, not written in person, copied out on official ministry papers - and, of course, they are letters in the first place, rather than something discussed in person), but I may be overestimating Deroulede's common sense.
 
This offers the real possibility of neutralizing France due to internal problems. Now with France out and Britain sympathetic, Germany can risk going to war over Russia.

And if Germany goes to war, I can imagine quite a lot of countries to team up against Russia: Scandinavians, Ottomans, Romania, Persia.
 
It seems unlikely that Deroulede would be so frank and ambitious in letters such as those (dictated, not written in person, copied out on official ministry papers - and, of course, they are letters in the first place, rather than something discussed in person), but I may be overestimating Deroulede's common sense.

I was unsure about that myself, but - Deroulede was rather well known for lacking common sense of any kind. IOTL He tried to instigate a coup in 1899, not on the basis of being a military officer or anything, just because he thought it was a good idea. He apparently started hectoring officers and got some to follow him to the National Assembly. The results were predictable. Syveton is a bit of a hothead (IOTL he died under highly scandalous circumstances) The current government of France is not exactly a picture of competence or reason. Cavaignac apparently was a little better, but not much. I'm going on the assumption that it is the nationalist right rather than the republican centre that managed to produce an effective political organisation in the 1890s, soiild themselves as the party of stability (managing to keep caucus discipline and have governments running for years without anyone resigning), pushed through anti-Masonic laws and managed electoral majorities based on Catholicism, popular anti-Semitism and nationalist tub-thumping. I don't see it lasting, by the way. Their margins of victory have been getting smaller every election, and 1906 is the one they'll lose. Clemenceau has a long to-do list for republican housecleaning.
 
Ah. Yes, that does sound like the sort of person that would send letters like that. Hm... assuming the dreams of war were about Germany (which would seem the likely assumption), then I wonder how this will influence Clemenceau's government's relations to Germany. I suppose that will be touched upon in later updates.
 
10 December 1905, Paris

“...so even if these letters are genuine – a claim for which, to date, we have only the word of a known associate and supporter of a proven traitor – we must ask in what way they reflect poorly on their purported author. Would it be in that they call for war with Germany? How can any true Frenchman think this amiss? Have we really become so far removed from our fathers before whose bayonets the dynasts of old Germany trembled? Have we so fully embraced our truncated existence that we willingly forsake the captive provinces of Alsace and Lorraine? No, this is not France! France need not fear war, but craven, purposeless peace that fritters away its national strength and dulls the edge of generations of its manhood. To wish for a war that ends this fat, cowardly indolence that is bought with the piecemeal abandonment of our future glory, a war that clears the stuffy air of old, staid Europe and makes room for the ascent of our vigorous race, is no crime. It is nothing more than to wish for our country what she needs. To wish for peace, peace without honour, without aim, without purpose or function, is the dream of the coward and the gormless, soulless, nationless Jew! ...”

Jean Bayrou put down his copy of the Libre Parole. His boss and editor, Georges Clemenceau, shook his head in mock despair. “I was wondering whenn that would come.” he remarked acidly. Looks like we touched a nerve, no?”
It did indeed. The reactions in the papers of the Ligue Patriotique varied from outraged to frenzied. Clemenceau picked up another clipping from his desk. “How about this one:”, he said, “'Look into the purse of the pacifist and you find in equal measure the poison of Ullstein and the gold of Rothschildt!'” The great man focused on his secretary and said with his inimitable mock sincerity: “A rewarding career, Jean. It is not too late to change jobs.”
Bayrou did not find the situation entirely humorous. The Ligueists had made it clear enough that if they had their way, France would have no more room for such things as opposition papers. Finding new employment might be the least of his concerns in that event., though.
“Here's another one,” Clemenceau continued, lifting up a particularly Catholic paper: “'...The infidel and the Jew, knowing in their hearts that their death is doom, fear war and conflict. But the true Frenchman, the descendant of Vercingetorix, of Clovis and Rollo knows in his soul that all things must die, but the glory of great deeds is alone eternal!' ... I wonder what His holiness thinks of that particular doctrine.”
Bayrou chuckled. Sometimes, those writers could get carried away with their own rhetoric. Of course this also happened to him and his allies on occasion, but at least he had no dogma to defend.
“You look glum, Jean.” his editor pointed out helpfully. “Don't. They are already squealing, and we'll hear more of that come the election. There are more letters to publish, too. Every little drop helps.”
Bayrou sighed inwardly and buckled down to work. Sometimes he wondered what living in London would be like. He hoped he wouldn't have to find out next year.
 
Top
Status
Not open for further replies.
Top