Es Geloybte Aretz - a Germanwank

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22 February 1905, Moscow

Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, military commander of Moscow, did not find it easy to change his mind or reverse a course of action, so his decision of today had come as a surprise to many. Prince Georgy Lvov, his guest, was foremost among those to be thus pleasantly surprised. Lunch, music and pleasant conversation – Lvov was an accomplished conversationalist, and a very pleasant man, Grand Duke Sergei admitted to himself – began the approach. Later, the two men would head out to the Bolshoi for a concert. A private theatre box was an admirable place to negotiate things. Seated in the carriage, flanked by mounted police, Grand Duke Sergei began to outline his suggestion: “You understand, your Excellency, that an abdication is ourt of the question. The principle of autocratic government cannot be questioned. But his Majesty is interested in discussing options with the more moderate proponents of reform and come to an accomodation. I understand you are acquainted with some of them...”
Prince Lvov nodded cautiously. He was hesitant to enter the minefield of politics – not himself a revolutionary by temperament or belief, his involvement in the semstvo was based on his charity work more than anything else. But the Grand Duke was appealing to his patriotic duty, and Lvov shared his concerns about the possibility of a genuine revolution.
“I cannot make any commitments on anyone else's behalf, obviously, but I will...”
The carriage slewed sideways. Duke Sergei instinctively ducked as he heard a horse neigh in pain. The first shots did not take him by surprise. Drawing his revolver, he raised his head to bring his eyes level with the window. The gendarme was down, his horse collapsed on the man's body. Two armed men approached the carriage, firing their pistols as they went.
“Assassins!”, the Grand Duke shouted to Prince Lvov who seemed locked in fright. He raised the revolver and fired, noting with some satisfaction that the attackers seemed dismayed and confused to see him returning fire. Prince Lvov snapped out of his paralysis, looking out of the window to see what was going on. The two revolutionaries looked on in utter shock as they recognised the man. One of them reflexively raised his gun, but the other struck down his arm. “Idiot!” His shout could be heard inside the carriage. “Not him!”
Duke Sergei roared with anger. Firing again, he rose to shout for help, oblivious of the danger. There were two more mounted police with them. Where were they? One more shot, then another. A bullet spanged off the metal fittings of the coach. Duke Sergei took careful aim and felt sure he would have hit his target dead center if his leg had not buckled under him. He fell, momentarily confused in a tangle of noise, shots and hoofbeats. Two gendarmes had rounded the corner and opened fire straightaway. One of the assassins dropped, clutching at his stomach. The other ran. Prince Lvov had dropped to his knees, struggling to breathe. Blood seeped from his shirtfront. Sergei felt sure that he could not have been hit by the gunmen. He opened his mouth to breate the policemen for their stupidity just before he fell forward.
 
3 March 1905, Mukden

General Kuropatkin looked his best for the occasion. It was his first formal encounter with Field Marshal Oyama, and despite his obvious discomfort, his consummate skill at protocol showed in every detail. Encircled in the city of Mukden, he had failed in four bloody attempts to break out to the north. Rumour had it that some of his own regiments were refusing to attempt another assault. No reinforcements or supplies were coming into Vladivostok either, if the reports of local spies could be trusted.
“Marshal Oyama,” he declared in French, “in accordance with the agreement negotiated, I surrender the garrison of Mukden to the Imperial Japanese forces. The First, Second and Third Manchurian Armies are in your hands, sir.” He removed the sabre from his belt and extended his hand. Oyama declined the gesture. “General,” he replied, “your men have fought valiantly.” He let the barb sink in for a moment. “Prepare your troops to disarm and entrain for Port Arthur for transport to Japan. They will be treated well.”
Kuropatkin saluted stiffly and left. Oyama turned to his subordinates. “And thus, history is made.”
The assembled officers stood silently for a moment.
“General Nogi, I will inform his Majesty that this victory is owed to a large degree to your quick and skilful maneuvering. I regret to say, though, that your lot is not to rest yet. My armies are exhausted, and I suspect it will take us at least until summer before we can resume large-scale operations. Your Third Army is still relatively mobile. I will detach all units still in fighting condition to join you. Your objective will be to move north along the Manchurian railroad. Ensure you are not outflanked, and use all due caution, but take as much of the line as you can before it is destroyed. If you can take Harbin, we will know that the gods favour our endeavour., nobody will fault you if you cannot.”
General Nogi bowed.
 
I like this TL. Subscribed!
And the title is intriguing....:)
I know my comments here are very late but...

Thanks.

Tiny nitpick although a bit late.
"Reval" is another name for Talinn, Estonia. Given that the Baltic states are part of the Russian Empire I don´t think the German navy would use that name.
Might complicate relations with Russia too.

I figured on that one being intentional. It is supposed to signal a dedication to restoring the German dominance of the baltic that 19th century historians ascribed to the "German Hansa". Partly a signal to Britain that this is not about the Atlantic, but mostly a signal to Russia that Berlin considers the Baltic a German concern. It's undiplomatic, and I admit I don't know well enough how touchy these things were, but I note that the Royal Navy happily reused prize names of captured French ships in the nineteenth century, so I suppose it casn't have been such a big deal. The supposed pattern I have in mind for the German navy is:

Battleships named after realms and historical persons

Heavy cruisers named after Hanseatic cities

Light cruisers and named after birds or fish

Destroyers and torpedo boats have only numbers



If I remember correctly the Japanese got German military assistance for their army in OTL. They tried to learn from the "best". Navy modeled on the Royal Navy, army assisted by Germany.

They did. It seems that their heavy losses in the Russo-Japanese war were partly owed to their reliance on Prussian infantry tactics.

Just looked it up (Internet search and a history book "Colonial Empires since the 18th century") and both disagree?
Although Bismarck tried the approach with chartered companies in OTL it didn´t work. They never got enough capital from investors to really run the territories. Not to mention that none of them were profitable which is why they didn´t get capital. The chartered companies were (almost) broke so Germany was pretty much forced to take them over one after the other. Although with the chartered companies still privileged.
- Cameroon and Togo were administrated by the German government almost from the beginning (around 1885)
- German South West Africa (Südwest") follows 1888
- German East Africa in 1890
. Only the Pacific territories were run by chartered companies till 1899.

You are right, of course. :eek: I got the idea into my head somehow that Ostafrika was the first rather than the last to go into direct government.

- the Maji Maji rising happened in 1905/1906 in OTL. When you wrote this post we were in 1903 so how can they remember it?

You have that right, too, of course. I was thinking of the Araberaufstand, which completely unravelled company control.

And with the German government already involved I would assume that this Wilhelm - being a nerd and all - would almost certainly ask for a summary / review. And given the Congo situation, with special attention to problems.

Yes and no. He has a very large remit (not quite as large as Wilhelm II OTL, but plenty to keep him busy). There are reports from the colonies, but they do not look at all different from reports that come from British holdings. As far as Wilhelm is concerned, that is fine. He is a liberal by Prussian standards, but to any modern, he would be an awful racist and authoritarian.
 
The supposed pattern I have in mind for the German navy is:

Battleships named after realms and historical persons

Heavy cruisers named after Hanseatic cities

Light cruisers and named after birds or fish

Destroyers and torpedo boats have only numbers

This is happyness. Birds less fish more.
 
29 January 1905, Stockholm
Karl Weber's job was usually not exciting. As a representative for AEG, Sweden was a quiet posting. You could not expect much business in the country of Eriksson. Today, though, was more exciting than most – to be truthful, more exciting than Weber cared for. He had brought his guest to the port and boarded a lasunch to take him out to a ship waiting offshore, which was tricky business even if you had your sea legs. Weber had been in the infantry, twenty years ago, and the mysterious Mr Heikkinen did not seem any more comfortable. By the time they climbed to the schooner's deck, both looked slightly green and were grateful for the steaming mugs of tea the captain ordered brought up for them.
“Mr Weber,” the visitor spoke excellent Swedish, “I assume these are the tools you discussed with the patriotic club?”He pointed to the crates secured on the ship's deck.
“The tools we discussed are stowed below. These contain generators, just in case.” Weber felt extremely uncomfortable. One of the things he had not expected to be asked to do in his capacity as a commercial clerk was playing the secret agent. Heikkinen wenbt doen the hatchway to open a box, lifting out a Mauser rifle. He handled it far too competently for Weber's taste.
“These are excellent. Thank you, Mr Weber, and please convey my thanks to our unknown benefactors, too.”

Well, maybe...
According to the Ericsson website in 1900 they employed 1000 employees worldwide? Doesn´t sound exactly like a serious competitor (back then) to Siemens, AEG or whatever?

The "secret stuff" though is fascinating.:D
 
Well....
Albert already made his opinion known in his letter to the Prussian Landtag (page 2) as you said. Maybe Wilhelm III has to remind his military (and the larger population) of the Napoleonic wars? Especially 1813? Seems they have forgotten quite a bit?

As far as I know the number (percentage-wise) of Prussian Jewish volunteers was higher than the overall percentage of the Jewish population in Prussia? That doesn´t sound like "unmilitary and cowardly". Sounds pretty patriotic in fact.
And I would assume that the Ullstein press would mention that too?

Oh, yes, they do. The main problem I see here is that ethnic chauvinism and antisemitism are European phenomena, so they won't just disappear from Germany because the Emperor disapproves. Wilhelm II disapproved of Social Democracy, and that didn't help much. But you are, of course, right that this is an important factor and has created a very fragile political constellation. The imperial government traditionally relies on the Kartellparteien to ensure it gets its laws through the reichstag. There are negotiations and horse-trading going on, but it is all among people with very similar agendas. Given the highly problematic nature of the Bismarckian political institutions (they don't really work unless you break the rules), everybody is very worried how a real conflict between the reichstag and the emperor will play out. With the emperor not following the national conservatives on their path into increasing chauvinism and antisemitism, that is now a potential wedge issue. Parts of the conservative spectrum are contemplating open opposition to the imperial government on the issue, but of course that is anathema to most conservatives. Loyalty is their raison d'etre. If the conservative bloc fragments, the emperor's Reichstag majority is gone (and with the growing Zentrum and Social Democrat representation, the Kartellparteien already need the votes of Christian Social and other fringe representatives). Thus, Wilhelm is unwilling to touch this in public, though sympathetic to others who voice liberal opinions.

Given this Wilhelm´s reaction to the Lesche - Gernsdorf duel / murder (page 8) and his friendship to Rathenau I would expect him to mention this - to conservatives - inconvenient fact. :)
Conservatives in Prussia first want to forget the legacy of Frederick the Great and then the legacy of the "Freiheitskriege" (Liberation wars againist Napoleon 1813-1815)? :eek:

They were quite willing to abandon it wholesale IOTL. Of course there is the difference between what you might call paleoconservatives - Prussians longing for the good old days before universal suffrage and social democrats - and neoconservatives - German ultranationalists with antisemitic and racist agendas who don't care for a separate Prussian identity. The latter are much more successful among the urban lower middle classes, which means a growing constituency.


Not to mention that both France and Russia (as mentioned in countless posts) are a possible threat to Germany. Anyone inciting distrust or hate among loyal German citizens (because of religion, origin or language) is therefore pretty close to treason. :p
(Leak to the press from some anonymous senior administration official.)

A fair number of senior officials say as much in public.
 

Don´t mention it. :D

I figured on that one being intentional. It is supposed to signal a dedication to restoring the German dominance of the baltic that 19th century historians ascribed to the "German Hansa". Partly a signal to Britain that this is not about the Atlantic, but mostly a signal to Russia that Berlin considers the Baltic a German concern. It's undiplomatic, and I admit I don't know well enough how touchy these things were, but I note that the Royal Navy happily reused prize names of captured French ships in the nineteenth century, so I suppose it casn't have been such a big deal.

Nope. Won´t work.
This is early 1902.
You don´t name your naval ship / army division whatever after a town or region you don´t own. Not during peace times. And it will be taken as an indication of your future intentions if you do. There is no way in h*ll Germany in early 1902 would name a naval ship after a Russian Baltic Sea town.

The supposed pattern I have in mind for the German navy is:

Battleships named after realms and historical persons

Heavy cruisers named after Hanseatic cities

Light cruisers and named after birds or fish

Destroyers and torpedo boats have only numbers

Sounds good so far. Of course this TL German navy is supposed to be smaller. So:
- Battleships named after realms (Prussia, Bavaria...)
(- the future battle cruisers named after generals maybe?)
- heavy (armored) cruisers named after Hanseatic League port cities
- light cruisers named after German cties
- "Destroyers and torpedo boats have only numbers"

<Snip>

Yes and no. He has a very large remit (not quite as large as Wilhelm II OTL, but plenty to keep him busy). There are reports from the colonies, but they do not look at all different from reports that come from British holdings. As far as Wilhelm is concerned, that is fine. He is a liberal by Prussian standards, but to any modern, he would be an awful racist and authoritarian.

According to your own TL this Wilhelm III is a nerd. Unless really, really distracted by something else he will want the best information on his own colonies before making a suggestion at that international conference, Meaning that he would really resent being embarrassed by some current newspaper reports.
 
Would it alleviate your worries if I tell you Grand Duke Sergei survives? Probably not.

Indeed not. Mukden was a Japanese victory IOTL, but nothing of that extent. With the strike preventing supplies for whatever is left of the Russian military...

It will be interesting to see the Japanese gains of the peace treaty.
 
Nope. Won´t work.
This is early 1902.
You don´t name your naval ship / army division whatever after a town or region you don´t own. Not during peace times. And it will be taken as an indication of your future intentions if you do. There is no way in h*ll Germany in early 1902 would name a naval ship after a Russian Baltic Sea town.

SMS LÜbeck it is, then. They can build SMS Reval in 1910.

Sounds good so far. Of course this TL German navy is supposed to be smaller. So:
- Battleships named after realms (Prussia, Bavaria...)
(- the future battle cruisers named after generals maybe?)

Perhaps. There will not be an SMS Preußen, though. It's bad luck - what if it's sunk?

- heavy (armored) cruisers named after Hanseatic League port cities
- light cruisers named after German cties
- "Destroyers and torpedo boats have only numbers"

I want to keep the Bundesmarine tradition of having cruisers named after birds, for "old times' sake", so to speak.



According to your own TL this Wilhelm III is a nerd. Unless really, really distracted by something else he will want the best information on his own colonies before making a suggestion at that international conference, Meaning that he would really resent being embarrassed by some current newspaper reports.

He is embarrassed, but of course he can always point to the fact that it is "not policy", so to speak. he has clear rules about how colonies are supposed to be run. reality on the ground looks different, but simply taking a look at recent history will show how long it takes for news of systematic violations of rules to penetrate into the public consciousness. The colonial charter has no more chance than the universal peace agreement pushed by Nicholas II at the Hague, sadly.
 

Adler

Banned
As for the names German navies, except the Kriegsmarine under Hitler, did never have a problem naming ships "Deutschland" or "Preußen", even at the danger of the loss.

The historical naming conventions were:

1. Battleships: Named after states or rulers
2. Armoured Cruiser/Battlecruiser: Named after persons
3. Light Cruiser: Named after towns and cities
4. Gunboats: Named after animals
5. Smaller boats: Only numbers

Even in the very beginning of the Kaiserliche Marine these conventions were soon accepted. So a naming of these ships in another way would be a problem.

Adler
 
7 March 1905, Czenstokhov

Colonel Kaminer was trembling with rage. To say that he was not used to having his orders questioned would be a misreading of the situation. He was not an oldfashioned martinet who demanded unquestioning obedience from his men. But as an officer, he expected his soldiers to understand and carry out their duties to the best of their ability. The idea that they might simply refuse to do so had so perplexed him that he was reduced to helpless anger. There was no procedure for this, no regulation, and no instructions other than the iron commandment that it should not be allowed. Mutineers were to be punished. Disobedience was not to be allowed. Even so, Kaminer had felt certain that he could reason with his men. They were, after all, his regiment, troops he had lived and laughed with, whose worries he thought he understood and whose lives he had often tried to make easier and happier. He almost thought of them as his children, and could nmot bring himself to believe they might prove cowards.
“Grisha, it is not Manchuria.”, he addressed himself to the ringleader, Sergeant Shevchenko, who had raised the protest. “I don't know who gave you that idea. Our orders are to guard workl details on the supply route, along the Trans-Siberian railroad. The damned strikers make it necessary to move troops and equipment under guard. You will watch over prisoners and guard trains, not fight Japanese!” He could see, though, that the crowd was not convinced.
“Lies!”, one of them shouted, “Lies! We will be slaughtered by Nogi's machine guns!”
“We won't die for some officer's incompetence!” another yelled. “We're not cattle!”
“Go yourself!”
That stung. Kaminer turned to the shouter: “You dare...?! I will go! If you have to charge Japanese machine guns, I will be there beside you, and if we die, then I will lie in the same earth.”
“Bah!” came the reply, “officers always find a hole to hide in.”
The colonoel drew his revolver. “I will not be accused of cowardice, you cur! You will obey my orders and return to duty, and I will forget this incident, but if i see one of you here in ten seconds, you will all suffer the penalty for mutiny.”
Time seemed to slow as Kaminer realised he had made a terribly mistake. The men would not leave. He could not retreat. A show of strength might save him – if he acted decisively. He raised the gun and brought the barrel to bear on Sergeant Shevchenko. “You first, Grisha!” he said, his voice choking, as he squeezed the trigger. The shot never came. Colonel Kaminer stared in disbelief at the revolver on the white flagstones of the exercise yard. Pain pulsed through his chest and shoulder, and he realised he had fallen forward. Corporal Surkov, who had stood guard at the office, held a bayoneted rifle in his trembling hands, blood coating the blade. Sergeant Shevchenko's face was deadly pale.
“All right,” he muttered, “no going back now.”
 
13 March 1905, Brussels

CONGO PURCHASE VOTE FAILS
“Price is unacceptable”, “Bloody legacy would taint Belgium forever”

Today, for the second time, the negotiations over the purchase of the Congo Free State have broken down as Parliament once again failed to produce a majority for the expenditures. While the socialist Partys has voiced almost unanimous opposition to the concept of a Belgian Congo, with a speech famously referring to it as the “blood-stained legacy of a tyrant passed on to sully our national reputation for untold generations”, concern over the excessive price demanded by king Leopold appears to be the decisive factor in the rejection of the offer by a significant number of Conservative representatives. Charges of unpatriotic behaviour levelled by supporters of the colonial venture were rejected categorically yesterday...
 
19 March 1905, Berlin

Karl zu Ammersleben, personal secretary to His Majesty Wilhelm III, efficiently laid down the files and documents required and bowed, symbolically, but noticeably. He never omitted the small obeisance that was, to an extent, his punctilious symbolic protest against the excessive informality the young emperor liked to affect in his inner circle. “Your Majesty, the papers, as you requested. Are you sure this is wise?”
Wilhelm managed a brief smile. “No, Mr zu Ammersleben, I am not. But since no course of action open to me appears wise, I might as well choose the one that appears honourable and send the lot packing. Sort of a Gordian knot thing”
The Reichstag had chosen an odd point to make, refusing to strip Rittmeister von Gernstorf of his immunity. The fool had, of course, refused to resign his seat. That alone was testament to the degree to which the automatic support of the Conservatives that Wilhelm I had enjoyed had eroded. That the Social Democrats and Zentrum party gleefully voted down the Liberals in their efforts to unseat Gernstorf was no surprise, of course. They were smelling blood and hoped to milk the continuing scandal for all it was worth, and Gernstorf was playing into their hands, with intransigent supporters cheering him on. Wilhelm's choice to dissolve the Reichstag was unconvincing as Bismarckian cunning, but it would do for a principled stand. And it rid him the permanent confrontation that a finely balanced parliament with no stable majority produced. It may have allowed him to rule with less interference than his uncle Albert had had to suffer in the final years of his regency, but it made for an unpredictable environment. You could never tell what budget items or laws would pass.
“Yes, your Majesty.” the conscientious servant assented. He obviously had different ideas, but zu Ammersleben was the product of a traditional, deferential conservatism that had all but died out in modern Germany: He genuinely believed that his monarch knew best, and it was not his place to question him. In some particularly hectic moments, Wilhelm envied Prussia's earlier kings for having been served by such men.
“I still think you haven't quite thought this through, Wilhelm.” Prince Albert remarked. “What will you do if the reds win?”
Wilhelm smiled thinly. “They won't, uncle. And if they really do – you said it yourself, they've lost their edge. What have they been able to force though lately? Stipends for Reichstag members, tax exemptions for cooperative societies, mandatory fire brigades for large industrial premises – it's not exactly bloody revolution. A lot of it isn't even such a bad idea. They're naïve, but not dangerous.”
“If you say so.” Albert was unconvinced. “You know they will clip your wings, though.”
The emperor shool his head. “If they can. Seriously, I am better off with the Social Democrats in rather than out. You pointed out to me yourself how important their constitutency is, and you know how hard the Conservantives have become to work with. Half the time they will demand one of their pet laws to be passed in return for assent on anything. I'm fairly convinced they hate me more than the reds do.”
Now it was Albert's turn to laugh. Freed from the punishing routine of imperial paperwork, though still Wilhelm's most trusted adviser, he had taken to reading the papers voraciously. “You're right there. I can't say why, but the Social Democratic press is quite fond of you. Some of the editorials in the Kreuz-Zeitung, on the other hand... 'youthful enthusiasm', “boyish optimism', 'reckless naivete' – if I didn't know any better,. I would say they were criticising you.”
Neither man mentioned the far less flattering words that völkische papers found for the emperor. A number of publishers had hinted darkly at Germanic traditions of elective kingship and the authority of imaginary ding-assemblies to punish treason even in the highest of places.
“Bismarck must be spinning in his grave.”
 
April 12 1905, Tokyo

Ambassador von Hintze sat in a lawn chair in the garden of his official residence. Secretary Oka, a man whose astute mind and conversational skills he had come to greatly appreciate, shared the afternoon's rest with the German representative. They were, as usual, discussing politics.
“I would advise taking the matter seriously.” Hintze counseled. “This Sun Yat-Sen is very far from an insignificant person already. Exile movements have played an important role in a number of European revolts and revolutions, and they can be influential far beyond what mere numbers would suggest.”
Oka considered this. “You have made your position on China quite clear. The question is, will the Chinese government thank us if we take steps to hinder Mr Sun from continuing his work?”
“Yes.” Hintze was adamant. “Of course, it will take coordinating. The imperial government is not known for its responsiveness, I am told, so a few pointers may be called for. But as a token of good faith, the proactive dismantling of a revolutionary cell would be most appropriate. China can be a valuable ally against Russia if the war lasts longer, as it well may.”
“Still, consider the humiliation many Chinese still feel over the war we fought against them. I do not think the Dowager Empress will welcome us with open arms.” He was cautious by nature, a born diplomat. Hintze could be impatient with siuch people, but Oka's objections were always reasoned, if sometimes unimaginative.
“The Dowager Empress may not be your primary concern, anyway. China has two great armies whose commanders are much more significant powers than the court today. And Chinese politics have demonstrated nothing if not remarkable flexibility. I am sure once the question of Mongolia entering Russia's ambit – along with Xinjiang and Tibet, if we can trust the plans that Colonel Druve discussed with the Dalai Lama – is raised, the Chinese government will come to see reason.”
“Yes, I agree, they will. I would have to do the same. You say the Dowager may be safely disregarded? I would be careful on this count.”
“Note, I did not say safely disregarded. She is still dangerous. But she will be dead very soon – quite possibly as soon as one of her political enemies can expedite it. Emperor Guangxu is still young and may well reign for many years to come. If I may make a suggestion?”
Oka eagerly leaned forward: “I am all ears.”
“Look to the Chinese forces in the South. Whjen the Dowager dies, there will be a bloodbath at the court. Whoever comes out on top will have to rely on one of the army leaders. Right now, most of everyone's dealings are with Yuan Shikai. He is exactly wrong for you. His territorial base conflicts with your ambitions, and his forces were badly stung in Korea. Zhang Zhidong's Wuchang army may well answer your purposes better. Ever since the Tibet campaign, he has been able to build up a formidable establishment, and we already have numerous German advisers there training his troops. What he lacks is the funds to rival the Beiyang army.”
Oka was intrigued. Hintze could practically see his colleague's mind working. “With his position, Zhang would be acutely aware of the French ambitions to his immediate south. Might he be amenable to an amicable settlement in Manchuria?”
“The question may not need to be asked for several years, I am sure. And I do not say drop all interest in Yuan, just – keep an eye on the Wuchang army. Zhang is old, and if the Dowager had dared replace him, she would have. He may not be the person you need to speak with, anyway. The tea is very good, by the way”
Oka agreed.
 
06 May 1905, Warsaw
Hauptmann von Lowtzow still felt his head was spinning. Until a few days ago, he had spent his months in Poland trying to drill and train ragtag insurgentsd in the use of rifles and machine guns, tactics and logistics as best he could. He had walked in and out of “free” Warsaw several times, but invariably found the claims to control of the city less than convincing. Whatever the people might be doing in the streets, the Russians owned the railways and still inhabited the barracks. Then the first of May had come, and suddenly, things had changed. From what he had heard, the Russians had finally got their act together and decided to dissolve a large demonstration. As with so much they did, it was both too late and far too brutal. The occasional resistance that the cavalry troops met on the broad avenues of the inner city became more stubborn and effective in the side streets and working-class districts, and by the afternoon, the commander had called on infantry to help. Had the Russians struck immediately, they would most likely have routed the rebels, von Lowtzow was still fairly certain. However, they had taken a whole day to assemble their forces, and even they had deployed them in groups that were too small, and poorly coordinated. The officer wondered whether they might be having trouble trusting their forces, the way they apparently mixed units from different regiments. Rumour had it there had been mutinies in Czenstokhow and Lublin. The delay, though, had given the grandiosely named National Army (Pilsudski insisted in the new term) time to move men and materiel into the city, and they had, shockingly, managed to giove the Russians a very bloody surprise. By the 4th, the Artillery Barracks were under their control and the last fighting force that could have stopped them was leaving Warsaw to regroup. Of course, Pilsudski had taken the opportunity to declare himself the head of a Polish provisional government and Warsaw the capital of free Poland. The next day, journalists from every neighbouring country had begun flooding in, as had thousands of eager volunteers looking to join the cause. Von Lowtzow had been kept very busy trying to keep a handle on things like telegraph lines (most westbound ones were working), railways (the line through Thorn seemed to be useable, but the Russian garrison at Lodz made the connections to Ostrowo and Königshütte impassable), war stocks (enough rifles for three hundred men, to be distributed among better than four thousand volunteers) and the telephone network (it was incredibly convenient to simply call your forward observation posts rather than having to rely on runners). Yesterday, a reporter from the Daily Telegraph had shown up trying to interview him. That was a problem, of course – officially, he was Polish, and his Polish was barely good enough to pass for one to a British journalist.

Right now, the war council of the National Army was in conference with one Mr Zehntbauer, a representative of the Berlin chamber of commerce and agent for Krupp. He had some intriguing suggestions to make. “You see,” he pointed out, “if the rail line can be kept open, we will be able to continue to do business. Basically, we will consider all companies and entities in this part of Poland as legitimate business partners, either on their own or through the offices of the temporary managers appointed by the provisional government for Russian-owned firms.”
“I am still not clear on the – scrap metal – you are offering?” Colonel Brianski interrupted. Mr. Zehntbauer smiled. “The Krupp steelworks acquired a large consignment of superannuated military stocks. Gewehr 88, a few 77mm field guns, even howitzers, on the understanding we would dispose of them. They were replaced in the course of the military expansion and modernisation that has recently taken place and have been kept in readiness in the event of a potential resale. We will be happy to send them to any company here willing to contract for them, and what you choose to do with them afterwards is, naturally, not our concern.”
Pilsudski looked pensive. He did not like being dependent on the Germans, but the offer was almost too good to be true.
“What about payment?” he asked.
“I am sure there is sufficient specie in the government's coffers that were acquired during the liberation of the city.” Zehntbauer suggested. “As to later consignments – I believe the Berlin stock exchange would be open for bond sales.”
 
As far as I understood the revolt was in Tschenstochau, barely 50km from the German border, among troops to be sent to Siberia.
 
Vielen Danke fur Eine Zusse Grosse Deutsche-wank!

I'm kvelling about how you've balanced the far-more-savvy Albert and Kaiser Wilhelm III teasing Germany out of the diplomatic corner it painted itself into OTL trying to play naval chicken with the Great Britain and trying really hard to defuse antisemitism and anti-Slavic discrimination.

Having Germany on board with Polish nationalism's a little weird, but OK. Regardless of how much fun they get out of twisting Tsar Nick's tail, they're creating a shitstorm for the Austrians and themselves to deal with.

The big problem is that yes, Albert and Billy the Younger have managed to keep Britain neutral and assure them they're not hostile and put together memos of understanding with Whitehall, but the Germans are still largely without a dance partner 100% in their corner.

What would do a world of good is Britain and Germany making a much more formal alliance with free trade and defense cooperation.
Germany needs it and the UK'd be smart to work with it, because it'd put the two most innovative European commercial powers in league with each other instead of at loggerheads.

One can only hope that the German-Japanese alliance bears some good fruit and gives Taisho democracy a fighting chance, but that's twenty years down the road.
I'd love to see Germany following the better angels of its nature.

It's ghastly to see Russia going through the grotesque tribulations as OTL through 1905 without much home improvement. I see the same half-hearted olive branch to Constitutional Democrats reformists that neuters all parties that allowed things to limp along until WWI forces the issue of who's really in charge and responsible for running the country.

Also, hopefully, the Ottoman Empire gets a chance to clean house and survive a couple of decades or so more rather than let the Sauds as landlords of Mecca and Medina.

Anyhow excellent TL!
 
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