Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

SkylineDreamer · May 28, 2021

Early Crisis and Mohamed Rahmat

Premier Musa Hitam exerted every ounce of his energy to sustain the delicate balance which his predecessor, LKY, has established marvellously. The growing economy under slightly better conditions even for the lowest of the poor had been the late Premier’s greatest achievements in his career. Despite being the most unrecognized abroad, his accomplishments succeeded his figure, radiating throughout the people who had been benefited from him. Still, there had been obstacles to achieve such triumphs, and those obstacles had been growing.

Concerns about the long-lasting economic growth were proclaimed by national economist after the last Carter term. In 1981, there was a devaluation of the dollar from inflation that supported the nation’s healthcare system which the US President highly had looked forward to. The devaluation of the dollar had actually not affected the growth of Indonesia, but it inflicted a slight indent on the state’s stock price which nearly shrank by 5%. That was Indonesia’s Panic of 1981, the local entrepreneurs had not been so fond of the weakening dollar and a small percentage of them had even resorted to the most stable currency in the world, the Deutsche Mark, for day-to-day commerce.

Carter shaking hands with Chairman Paul Volker for devaluation, 1981

Indonesia’s dependence on the dollar had been reflected way during the end of the Australian Aggression. The Nasution Presidency had owed Kennedy Administration a huge favour. As a result, the reconstruction of the state was mainly funded by grants, debts and graceful donations sent by the American government. Stopped during the Nixon term, the American had not stopped helping Indonesia after since. In the transitional government, the national debt to the Americans alone had risen to 79% of the nation’s GDP.

The succeeding administration was better in terms of economics. LKY’s university background and well-positioned witty figure attracted Subandrio to appoint him. In just three years, public debt had fallen dramatically to 79%. The large proportion of the debt was ‘washed’ as voluntary investments which funded the entire industry. As native conglomerates joined forces with their foreign investors, a stable balance was achieved on those two factions which caused the economy to boom. Including LKY’s less regulatory attitudes on most of Indonesia’s commerce, the service sector also expanded rapidly in power.

However, the business relied deeply upon the protection of the predecessor. LKY’s voice was crucial as lower branches of government officials were anti-business. On several occasions, local districts may need direct instruction from the central cabinet to continue said industry. In February 1986 alone, LKY had dismissed 328 local councillors just because they propagated demonstrations that harmed the company’s revenue towards the government. This power, albeit unconstitutional to popular belief, was not prohibited at all as the constitution allowed the central government to intervene for the betterment of the state.

LKY during his dismissal of said staffs, 1986

Overall, LKYs strict character with outstanding results had been the bane of improvement for the past years. The nature of Indonesia’s society had always antagonized corporate figures such as big banks or businesses, but the Premier, by one’s own bootstraps, purged those followers with the current situation Indonesia had become. Young scholars were delighted by the prosperity, so did the middle-aged population which saw their best era for their generation.

The death of the Premier uncovered the patch which concealed Indonesia’s true and unimpeded feelings towards business. Especially in the State Republic of Nusantara, the apparent opposition against the government had been most vocal. Without the new Premier’s command, local bureaucrats independently took matters and reverted allegiance towards the State Republic. Should they had to said why they reasoned as a fair ‘democratic’ move which the previous government has been attempted against it. The federal authority, to put it simply, had no unity in action with the State Republic of Nusantara. The largest of the state republics, Nusantara was literally Indonesia-proper. Unfortunately, the high staffers were affiliated with Mahatir’s PPP, they were too entitled to listen to Musa Hitam.

As stock prices kept receding, Musa’s focus was fixing the economy before the populace became too agitated by the sudden economic reversal. His first initiative was bailing out companies on the verge of bankruptcy, to fund them and have enough money to continue employment. However, his action stirred an increasing voice of the anti-business populace that had now chanting more for further regulative policies. PPP’s Melayu Bersatu Faction was the first to jump the board, then PPI and PUI to support the movement. Musa’s most vocal opposition, shockingly, rose within his own party.

State President of Nusantara, Mohamed Rahmat, was chosen in 1983. Previously, Mohamed Rahmat was a loyal PPP statesman that got elected with en-masse voting from the Malayans. He, albeit initially was amiable to the Premier, pursued closer ties to Mahathir Mohamad. However, he conjured a political strategy which had divided Nusantara into distinct ethnicity. Javanese, Sundanese and Borneo tribes were isolated to his Melayu group. Therefore, many of his voters dwelled merely in Malaya and Sumatra. His win in 1973 was because the gubernatorial election split Javanese voters into three groups, PPI vice-chairman and daughter of Soekarno Megawati, PNI-R DPD politician Ali Sadikin and PRD Wahono.

Muhammed Rahmat during a public gathering in Palembang, 1984

Advocacy towards pro-labour sentiment maintained Rahmat’s legitimacy from the divided voters and somewhat appeased non-voters to side with him. Especially in the non-college group, Rahmat’s popularity rose significantly when he pushed for an increased budget of general insurance for working accidents. His problem was most of the revenue were from satellite cities of all neighbouring federal district, he didn’t like that his state was given the non-profitable while big metropolitans were controlled by the federal government. He conveyed that frustration to his hinterland people whom jobs and opportunities were seized by that same federal districts. Soon, what was once his base’s exclusive by race had become widely accepted under one class: blue-collar workers.

His countermeasure for all his problems was quite simple, frankly. He pressed the federal government with demanding more budget percentage for pro-labour laws. A proto-medicare program was launched, subsidizing all patient treatments classified as common checkups. He passed ‘Employment Laws’ which protected freelancers from exploitative corporates. At first, Premier LKY was reluctant to oppose the majority of Indonesia’s population. Besides, the economy was still doing great. Yet, as the divide grew ubiquitous across Nusantara, Premier LKY tapped budget spending towards Rahmat.

The Premier also discovered questionable spending under the administration. He looked at the state budget to have an excessive amount of welfare spending. Should welfare become a state priority, the staggering level was not equivalent to its effect on the citizens. Thousands of Nusantara citizens migrated to Federal Districts or other state republics, the notion had become a concern that pushed for an investigation. His state was also the most tainted one, his staffs had been fired multiple times by the late Premier.

He debated Premier’s suspicion of corruption to be blatantly misleading and genuine misdirection of the Indonesian public. Premier’s growing disagreement also prompted villagers to side with the state president. Except for seasonal workers at the federal district, most of Nusantara’s nationals had endorsed Mahathir Mohamad as the next leader. Nevertheless, said voters were PPP ones. PPI, PUI and PNI-R all had a particularly fanatic base that preferred die than change allegiance. However, PPP’s voters were adequate for a transition on the Parliament.

The rise of Musa Hitam provoked Rahmat to act steps unthinkable during the LKY reign. Musa Hitam, in contrast, had less unrelenting commitment than LKY had. Rahmat had been the first to persuade Mahathir to form an overthrow of the current PPP leadership. While months went by, State President Rahmat perform manoeuvres that past administration would consider as treason of the government.

Since the revaluation in 1985, the minimum wage was Rp3,500 monthly, but the Nusantara officials had unilaterally raised the wage to Rp 5,000. This was from the local union’s plea which heard only by the state government. State President of Nusantara argued that the imposition had existed way before the election The declaration was published on 5th September. The Premier was desperate on resolving the issue because as payday would come, an unprecedented outcome would definitely have meant the economic downturn to be worse than before. In Rahmat’s eyes, this was his perfect gamble. Should the government fail and economic slug occurred, he has disenchanted people from his perceived ‘temporary’ joys of capitalism. Should the government succeed, his pro-welfare policy will continue to push aggressively for attracting workers.

State President of Nusantara Mohamed Rahmat and his pro-labour laws, 1986

Premier Musa Hitam was incapacitated on fighting against multiple fronts. His ministers sounded warnings an economic downturn was imminent with Rahmat’s deeds. Nonetheless, Musa Hitam his best to mitigate the impending loss by printing more money. But, he was too late.

As the 29th of September arrived, multiple businesses liquidated themselves from the unwelcoming minimum wage on Nusantara. Industrial complexes sent hundreds of thousands home as their worth had become too expensive to sustain. The crippled secondary sector inflicted damage to the service commodity, destroying trade values. Thus, the stock market worsened its fall. The proceeding events marked the nation’s slow fall to the infamous Crisis of 1986.

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Mohamed Rahmat OTL was the Information Minister of Malaysia. ITTL he is the State President of Nusantara, his power is alike to the Republic of Indonesia during the United States of Indonesia Era. If the federal government had a rival government, it would be the State Republic of Nusantara.

You may think Rahmat's motives are a bit strange, but this is the perfect example of Indonesia's socialists. OTL Indonesia has always had socialist tendencies that never changed, businesses would still be regulated as opposed to Taiwan or maybe Malaysia. The current Omnibus Law still suffered backlash despite passed. ITTL, socialists had been discouraged with LKY's economic system. This Indonesia was more of Greater-Singapore ITTL, therefore opposition against the system was apparent. It was not that LKY despised socialism, no. His economic policies were relaxed that most conservative Indonesian thinkers would think of it as 'radically liberal'. This Rahmat character ITTL was the embodiment of decades from presidents that neglected the socialist side of economics.

In the upcoming chapters, we would see how Rahmat thought of non-economic issues, like social or cultural change in Indonesia. However, I also wanted to address the Crisis of 1986. A small hint for the crisis: it would be transregional.

SkylineDreamer · Jun 8, 2021

The Crisis of 1986: Prologue

We have experienced the height of materialistic voyeurs for the last 30 years. The nation has transformed itself from an agrarian home into a regional powerhouse. We were unstoppable back then until the crisis emerged. The crisis abruptly changed the leadership and possibly granting instability for years to come.
Edi Sudrajat, 1999

No other region has witnessed the economic miracle of the late 20th Century better than the Asia Pacific. Since the fall of the Japanese Empire and embrace the American order, Asian allies of the West flourish in success and influence on the global stage. The Korean War basically boosted Japanese commercial prowess internationally, some considering levels on par with the United States. With Japanese might, the boom has spread throughout neighbours like Korea or Taiwan (although relatively delayed). Not in the distant future, these nations would also spread the wealth to Indonesia and her two most favourable allies, granting them the new generation of Asian economic tigers.

For Indonesia, the Subandrio Administration was commemorated with exceptional growth and capital on her people. Tens of millions carried themselves away from the average poverty limit, most of them becoming the thriving consumeristic middle class that rotates the circulation of money even better. Up until 1985, Indonesia’s economy was a 10-year outstanding growth. Yet, a variety of warnings had signalled an end to this upwards trend. Nevertheless, the subtlety of these warning had been the reason why the crisis it came after was devastating.

Firstly, common to the popular agreement, the agrarian sector had been the main culprit. Regardless of the inevitable change in which a nation must leave its farming phase to industrialize itself, Indonesia was rendered prematurely transformed. The government has admittedly skipped crucial steps of developing the nation. The mechanization of agrarian appliances had been comparably slow, the importance of this sector had not been stressed enough and the countryside had lost direction over time. Thus, villages often witnessed a dwindling of their population as young people were interested in moving to cities. Cities consumed vast amounts of food that only the countryside provided. As a result, the strain on consumer goods inevitably increases raw imports. This was dangerous as reliance on foreign trade will become one of the cases why the crisis was so profound.

Second, which indirectly contributed as the fuse for this crisis, was the growing laxity from the relaxed system of local liberalism. President Subandrio’s socio-cultural policies were ineffective in continuing the balance and Premier LKY had stressed the economy above all. The void of any cultural stances by the government grew distrusts that plagued the middle-aged populace to form a specific rebellious stance against the growing free society. With the young becoming open and wild, the old opposed themselves farther to the conservative side. While these social struggles occurred in big cities where capital had flowed rapidly, the hinterland was definitely not the case. They had been radicalized by their loss of productive workers to the cities, so cities often being described as evil, lecherous absorbers that took the village’s opportunities. While metropolitans have become bigger and richer, the countryside generally loses profit and significance. Therefore, most anti-liberal supporters came from this side of the nation, radicalizing everyone there including those young people whose parents have been indoctrinated for years antagonizing big metropolitans.

It formerly was a battle between young and old, but the current federal government’s administrative division solidified disputes which stressed the urban-rural divide. The Federal Districts and the State Republics had been the striking example of why it has been the case. The central government occupied economically strong cities while the state republics was left with backwater, isolated regions. This appropriate predicament was the reason State Republic Nusantara opposed the central government as soon as the federal power showed apparent fractures.

As mentioned beforehand, the State Republic of Nusantara was the federal’s staunch opposes solely for the nation’s unfavourable regions from the government’s ‘cherry-picking’ strategy. The Federal Districts were selectively chosen around Nusantara which possessed vast potential which any suburban or surrounding rural wished to receive. Big metropolitans like Jakarta and Singapore brought forth extensive wealth towards the city population, but it was limited only to the most direct neighbours. Unfortunate locations like Cilacap, Tegal and Cirebon continued to stagnate as their population prefer migrating to said federal districts.

The unattractiveness of Nusantara had been a major reason why Mohamed Rahmat had been extremely vigorous on expanding the labour laws; it was the most effective legislation to recall those flocking migrants back. Notwithstanding other sensible reason why raising labour conditions at that time, Mohamed Rahmat was perceived as simply retaking his own nation. That was why the countryside had been vigilant in supporting Mohamed Rahmat and elated for a new federal government.

Nearing the 30th day of the month, companies one by one discharged a portion of their workers to alleviate the financial burden. Approximately 50 thousand workers, notably from satellite cities for the federal district, lost their pay and left for home. The dissatisfied proletariat immediately launched a protest against their dismissal. A demonstration followed after to the companies’ headquarters, demanding at least an equitable compensation for sudden unemployment. Most of the business conglomerates shrugged them off as they faced another problem; reduction of productivity. Worse, much of this inflicted the most damage on canned goods, crucial for city-dwellers.

The fall of production started the cataclysmic domino into a crisis. As production fell, factories failed to sustain the consumption that had been stable before. On 12th October 1986, prices of goods skyrocketed and shopping centres had food shortages. Then, just like clockwork, every price inflated highly to follow the rapidly rising food prices. Not just another two weeks, the stock prices fell 25%, millions of lives lost their jobs and money. Inflation had just arrived on the corner. Public agitation rose and protest grew rampant in almost all of Indonesia. The most unaffected, weirdly, was the other State Republics like Papua, Melanesia and Madagascar, all of them purposefully distanced themselves from the chaos which was happening in Nusantara.

Western Indonesia had been hit the hardest by the economic panic. Soon, the successive month greets the government with widespread protests. Some of them demanded the regional government to cease this self-destructive initiative and follow the central government. Yet, the larger, still more populated state republic rallied to end the Federal’s reluctance on reducing profitability for welfare.

The federal government announced that they would negotiate with the regional government about a possible compromise to end this calamity. President Subandrio supported Musa Hitam and Mohammed Rahmat for a meeting. They eventually agreed in Bogor, where three parties would cold-headedly solve this issue.

President Subandrio was the most powerful man in the room. Yet, he sat there helpless by both sides of the issue. He has heard the arguments which Premier Musa Hitam and State President Mohammed Rahmat expressed passionately so that a fight nearly happened. On the third day of negotiation, the President truly fathomed there would not be any agreement by dusk. He decided to intervene hand, now.

Subandrio understood the concerns of the two gentlemen which made the president thought deeply about this issue. For nearly thirty years of experience in politics, foreign policy was equivalently messy like the ones he faced today. However, as foreign policy affected only how others perceived Indonesia, Subandrio was meticulous to balance both sides of the argument, decide which will affect the entire people of Indonesia the best and find his sound determination.

Premier Musa Hitam, unsurprisingly similar to the late Premier’s opinion, had expressed that Indonesia would lose the opportunity it presented on the global stage. While China and India remained isolated with Japan already moved far beyond the developing stage, it left Indonesia and few others to carry the torch for the economic benefits it would reap. Interestingly, the Premier connected his tangible state uniquely with the promises our forefathers dreamt during independence.

“It is not the best way, but it was the most effective. The boom in the economy will push prosperity better, sooner or later. But, as most of our dearest economist has argued, we are far from that stage yet, we merely achieve halfway. If we decide to increase labour laws, it would only end the benefits Indonesia has been given since the Nasution era. We just waste thirty years of another economic positivity. Our forefathers had expressed a dream which Indonesia remained prosper and rich, I see this as a square method of plans we can achieve.”

However, State President Mohammed Rahmat had proclaimed that in the process of industrializing, we had neglected far too many of our farmers into destitute. The urbanization process was so fast that the countryside lost more than it could maintain. In the end, the advancement of factories would end up sacrificing the array, a futile trade according to him. Also, he mentioned on numerous corporations exploited the inexperience and lack of information farmers and labours had to comply with a job they even cannot live upon. These pro-labour law was a saviour for most of them, and until justice being made, they would only antagonize the federal government stronger. President Subandrio, with all being said, also supported Mohammed Rahmat under this matter.

The first and second day was full of a heated argument, sometimes ended up with slurs declaring each other villainous. Despite them being born on the same peninsula, Subandrio was quite intrigued by their ideological passion. Unlike back in his days, most ideas formed by a charismatic figure, unlike now that had been party-driven, or collectively endorsed. Moreover, unlike the old political system which used far simple and mundane strategies of no opinions and just arrests, these men retorted with hard facts and solid data. Their days of debate could fascinate Subandrio with how changed his nation has become, a proto-Westernized society that he himself had silently fancy on. Nonetheless, the current crisis was childish on his behalf, he thought he needed to finish this issue with an executive order. Dated back from Sukarno's regime, executive order had been efficacious in solving nationwide issues. Such as the declaration of survival against the British Empire, the controversial reconstruction and lastly Subandrio's plea for better education, most executive orders (more like commandments) had been a positive outcome for Indonesia.

President Subandrio, after his break for Asr prayer, will announce his own decision by the time after. His declaration will be publicized, Rahmat and Musa must honour the executive decision created by him. Despite the presidential powers to become somewhat ceremonial, the President was still highly respected from the legacy two previous presidents had given. On the 11th of November 1986, after a compromise from both powers, Subandrio roared the populace with a speech.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim

My brothers and sister who currently attend this press conference, and to all of the people who watch this broadcast.

Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh

Firstly, I would like to express my thanks to all the workers in Indonesia. You have arduously strived for the result which the country had been extremely grateful of your sacrifice. For the past few years, jobs had been increasingly available nationally. Yet, as I would like to express today, some of these opportunities show concerns of those who stayed within their own kampungs.

Before I declare my true intentions of this public broadcast, I would like also to announce recognition to entrepreneurs all across the nation that had opened companies whose success was immeasurably beneficial to Indonesia for the last decade. Your diligence and hard work had made outstanding levels of achievement that we are comparably competitive with secondary powers of the world. Without these creative thinkers, Indonesia would not be as powerful as it is now. Still, these same entrepreneurs were condemned by our own men. They mostly condemned these men as too creative, sometimes allowing backroom deals that the populace wholeheartedly felt betrayed upon.

Subandrio then stopped for a moment, letting the populace absorb his words.

The meeting today in this place was destined to hold a compromise between two Indonesians on different objectives. The division had been so serious that the regional government had turned against the central government. Moreover, the fight which has taken place also ruined the nation deeply from the rising unemployment, inflation and all sorts of economic woes that we have never experienced and should not be, especially under my administration. As duty for the whole nation of Indonesia, I intend to mediate for their behalf, which fruited only three days of desperation and fruitless agreement.

It was not entirely their fault, personally. The people of Indonesia surely had recognized the crossroads which we delved in, picking choices is difficult under a naturally human world. On many occasions, sacrifices must be made to continue on the path. It has been done countless times, during our struggle for independence, during our struggle of maintaining independence, and the times currently another struggle we have to face.

For that record, as a duty as the unifying figure of the Federal Republic of Indonesia. I solely announce the State Republic of Nusantara to cease the raise effectively immediately. In the meantime, the government will apply necessary measures which the farmers would be heard. We will not redo our mistakes on not listening to the voices of people. The Federal Republic of Indonesia is for the people, and we should act accordingly.

Live and yet Live, Indonesia!

Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh

I'm back guys.

In this chapter, we would see the first glimpse of President Subandrio announcing an incredibly controversial topic (which he could lose popularity).

The next chapter would be addressing other crises immediately after Subandrio's speech. As said in the quote, it was just the beginning (sadly).

SkylineDreamer · Jun 14, 2021

The Crisis of 1986: Jakarta v. Nusantara

Backlash ensued after the President’s public response ceased the Governor’s attempts to pass the troubling labour law. The regional authority complied anyway, they delayed most of the parts into next year, gaining almost three months for further negotiations. During that time period, substantial unrest occurred all across Indonesia, notably in major urban centres with high concentration.

According to most noble politicians, Subandrio had been reckless in determining the controversial matter in his own hands. Despite his job of handling exactly matters that if not manage could disrupt the unity of the nation, Subandrio acted hastily on issues that may need time. Based on this matter, Subandrio had effectively shut down the hero of the Nusantara countryside, alienating his popularity deeply into the abyss. Expectedly, a public backlash erupted in protest of the president’s decision. Many on the television concurred this topic as common public debate. Unfortunately, many of the adversaries are charismatic, cunning figures.

The first man who proceeded on criticizing the President’s speech was Nahdatul Ulama leader Abdurrahman Wahid. He, who also was widely known as Gus Dur, censured on the government’s minute of empathy to whom most of the citizens of Indonesia belong. His voter base, located mostly within the heart of the Nusantara State Republic, felt the dearest on the failure of their hope which was the Labour Law of 1986. As most of the Ulama’s supporters were traditionally accustomed farmers, clerks and workmen, they brought masses to protest at the nearest Federal District and deconcentrated federal-owned building. Those locations were Semarang, Surabaya, Bandung, Walini City and Jakarta.

Workers protest rallying to Jakarta from Bekasi

Musa Hitam’s first counter to the NU was reminding Gus Dur of his previous government’s agreement for a future on a cooperative basis. That agreement ultimately rebuked by Gus Dur as it was tangled with the rising Islam radicalism which his own organization wished to quench. Also, the traditional, mystified, form of Islam in Indonesia was rather well-defended by loyal believers. Nevertheless, Musa Hitam’s careless manoeuvre cost him another resentment from NU’s loyal adherents. Not only they loved their leader, but they also were willing whatever Gus Dur urged them to. The turbulence the government had caused in this year alone gave Gus Dur the necessary popularity to propel him as the sole idol of the Nahdatul Ulama. Elected in Situbundo in 1984, his early years were full of consolidation and strengthening his position as the head of the organization. Slowly, Gus Dur’s popularity rose and people began to support him. In a little, subtler context, his criticism may have credited respect towards a new group; the non-Muslims.

Gus Dur’s other charms were humour and tolerance with the latter initially deprecated by his own NU ulamas. While he commonly used humour in preaches, sermons and public seminars, his tolerance helped him attract non-Muslim supporters. In 1985, he commenced multiple appearances in churches, temples and viharas. Indeed, his supporters were quite agitated with their leader ‘too fond’ of non-Muslim adherents. The sentiment ended conveniently, as Gus Dur’s good luck could have been, by the current commotion at the federal level. That was the case because few parishioners, especially Catholic ones in Yogyakarta and Surakarta, heavily championed the new law. Buddhism follower in the northern coasts of Java, a majority of the ones who remained outside Federal Cities were low-income blue-collar workers, who also advocated the law. The veto of the law not only gained more criticism on the federal government, but the countryside also put aside religious differences to fight for the law.

Fellow santri, ustad, ulama. Fellow Indonesians of a different faith. Not only does our livelihood may hamper under the cancellation of the law, but it would also destroy the hope which we have dreamt of for so long. That is why, we, not only Islams, Christians, Buddhism, etc., but as Nusantaran people, fight against the tyranny that the central government can suppress. Not only we can reclaim our rights, but we also can unite against the ‘greed of the devil’.

Abdurrahman Wahid

The second figure to exploit the opportunity, unsurprisingly, was Abdurrahman al-Baghdadi, the leader of the HTI movement. Formed in 1983 during al-Badghadi’s stay in Australia, the purist Islamic movement had been gradually gaining traction especially on the desperate poor which had lost hope on the government, both local and federal level. Previously campaigned for a pro-Wahhabism affiliation on belief, tradition and customs, HTI had become the correctional alternative view confronting the Kismayo Crisis. The HTI movement attracted especially temperament youths that saw their parents, accusing their disillusionment with mystical trusts or liberal friendliness that the youths opposed by HTI’s indoctrination.

selain-indonesia-ini-negara-negara-yang-melarang-hti.jpg

HTI Protest in 1986, gaining traction in the 90s and 00s

Despite being the end of the anti-establishment faction, HTI in contrast garnered members within indigent urban sprawls. In the State Republic of Nusantara, NU and Muhammadiyah had defended their base persistently despite showing cracks after the Kismayo Crisis. HTI had also been discouraged by the military because they had insulted Pancasila and the previous regimes for being too Western. Considering former President Nasution and former Prime Minister Suharto to be popular in the military, they had been elated to crack down several HTI bases deemed ‘endangering the principles of Pancasila’.

For Abdurrahman al-Baghdadi, the labour law was his perfect moment to rise and challenge the religious establishment Islam Indonesia supported. Especially Mecca’s host nation Saudi Arabia was increasingly reinforcing purist beliefs on everyone visiting for hajj, HTI’s contentious oration allured gradual sympathy. Behind the scenes, converted elites also funded HTI for expanding their movement.

Islam teaches every one of us to be equal, willful, and compassionate to others. The federal government had proven himself to be not a Muslim, particularly Muhammad’s pure followers of his teachings. As this movement promised, we would help the labour law to pass as this is our struggle on advocating the true Islam in Indonesia.

Abdurrahman Al-Baghdadi

The two-character opted to crusade against the scrapping of the 1986 Labour Law only propel countless other figures to join aside. Activists, local charmers, broadcasters and local politicians emerged on fighting against the Subandrio’s commentary. The campaign had not been finding an alternative by next year, but a return of the implementation by the new year. Pressure mounted on the federal government heavily on Musa Hitam’s burden. To exacerbate the fragility of the current Musa reign, another crisis had provoked in foreign relations.

1st December 1986
Ministry of Foreign Relations Office, Jakarta

Last September, the people of the Philippines saw the most shocking election in their history. Neither Raul's Liberal Party nor Aquilino Laban[1] won the election, despite all media coverage had bet on either of the two. Teofisto Tayko Guingona Jr. from the deep socialist DSP[2], swept the popular vote by 21.13% of the voter margin. It was unprecedented and shocking to the news and the world. But, for Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim, it was the perfect actual occurrence of ‘when two fights, the third wins’.

President of the Philippines (1986-) Teofisto Tayko Guingona Jr.

The politics in the northern neighbour could be summarized simply by a logical conclusion. Both Aquilino and Raul, despite showing opposite policies, ideas and promises, tried to appease the centrist moderates that mostly the nation voted. The centrist idea had maintained for decades in Philippine history, only a few names could sustain power without cooperating with the middle. The Nacionalista Party of Marcos seized the right voters, but the right was fractured by typical regionalism and local parties, thus hampering another pro-Marcos win. Thus, the only single uncontested block was left voters. As the communist party had been banned in the 50s, the Philippines Laban had all their time when the entire left would vote for the best candidate. Communist sympathizers, as one might have assumed, would grandly campaign for Teofisto, securing him a presidency. The president was quite controversial upon inauguration, and worse on his foreign policy.

The president had announced that the Philippines would leave South Vietnam in their own interests and stop sending supplies that ‘wasted their allowance’. Moreover, he considered efforts on leaving the EAC and finding their own destiny. This was a typical attitude on most East Asian lefts. It happened in North Vietnam, causing the Chinese to stop funding. It almost happened in Cambodia when they distrusted North Vietnam. Left-wing ideologies in East Asia was populist-driven that compromise with other powers meant death and betrayal of the people.

The stop of aid had made the Saigon government repetitiously demand Indonesia to help. This was bolstered by sudden change by Vice President McNamara’s Asian Call Speech, which assembled East Asian nations to aid the growing conflict in Indochina. Already losing on popularity and legitimacy, the Glenn Administration distressed on finding a good public view to save his reelection. The 1986 midterms have finished, and the Democrats barely holding on to the majority in both Senate and House. Still, now with Indonesia’s economy going shambles, Washington DC had demanded the Indonesian government to actively use the military to aid the Vietnamese fellow. Threats like ceasing the scientific improvement Indonesia had been benefiting, donations to Papua’s infrastructure and the protection the States gave had been three of many ‘if nots’ Anwar Ibrahim needed to consider.

“Sir,” his office secretary greeted Anwar,” Defense Minister Try Sutrisno is here.”

“Ah, yes. Tell him to come here please.”

Anwar Ibrahim expressed formalities to the general, exchanging remarks and goodwill. Still, unexpected to Anwar, Try Sutrisno already opened a discussion.

“Anwar, the conditions in South Vietnam had been radically Americanized. An escalation would happen if the Americans keep sending their troops there. Contrary to popular belief, I thought the Democrats were pacifists enough to refrain from doing so. I was wrong.”

“I have told you, Try. If you want to engage the army, the President is the one you need to contact, not me.”

“But Anwar, you’re the President’s aide. He only trusts few others, and you are one of them. His pacifism only resorted to the stagnation and decline of Indonesia. He naively demanded the return of our troops in Africa, not knowing that they too became antagonistic because of that reason.”

Anwar deflected the argument, “The economy is also bad, Try. With the current dispute between the local and federal government, I don’t think we could return as usual.”

“The economy can be recovered if South Vietnam stabilized. You know from Trihandoko how a stable and friendly South East Asia can boost our domestic income. Hell, sometimes war can improve the economy.”

“What are you saying?” Anwar wasn’t sure he would like the answer.

“There was a reason why we had been at war for thirty years and won almost most of them. Indonesians are committed, innovative and damn tenacious. But that comes with a purpose, a difficult purpose which the current administration cannot provide. The 1986 Labour Law only strengthened Indonesians to fight against the federal government, it carried instability and maybe destroy the federation we establish.

The point is the government had running in circles ever since Subandrio called out our forces in Africa. The economy was not his miracle; it was LKY’s. The lame-duck governance would only paved way for more extreme ones. Therefore, I need you to tell Subandrio that he needs to compose himself. The alternative one can provide, currently, was to persuade the federal government we can help our allies.”

Anwar Ibrahim digested the thought of Try Sutrisno. Sure, people had interests but no one knew the real intention of the president himself. Pacifism and education had been his enthusiastic path, but the Kismayo Crisis and the bad coherence of bilingual education had robbed the popularity of LKY’s wonderful policies. In his opinion, Subandrio now tries to reinforce LKY’s popular policies, which now crumbled after the 1986 Labour Law. This was not his area of expertise, but the brewing protest sure thrilled him as an Indonesian.

“Of course, Try. I maybe will try to concur with him.”

[1] This ATL Laban was not created by Benigno Aquino, but Aquilino himself as a protest for both Liberal and Nacionalista pro-Western.
[2] The DSP (Demokratikong Sosyalistang Partido) was an ATL made, technically socialist party like Indonesia's PRD or PPI. There are also allegations which the Communist Party of the Philippines may have funded the Party. Nevertheless, it has won the election. This reflected the 1912 US Election where Wilson won against the Republicans and fractured Republican Progressives.

Next up would be the core of the protest movement, and the government response regarding it.

SkylineDreamer · Jun 19, 2021

Another December of Protests

3rd December 1986
The Presidential Palace of the Federal Republic of Indonesia

It was not a déjà vu; it was blatantly a repetition of history. President Subandrio obviously acknowledged the memory of last year’s riots which protested after the Tragedy of Poroporo. This year, the law fiasco reminded the federal government how fragile stability and national peace can turn to be. The 72-year old man sat in the situation room, frantic and irritated with the cabinet’s power on resolving the issue.

“The situation has overreached our control, Mr Premier. We have lost our confidence in a national stage,” Try was commenting on Musa’s persistent stance to stop the law until a better, reasonable alternative was written. The Premier wished to revise for a lower wage and deletion on the insurance clause. While insurance of labour was depicted to be a morally necessary improvement, the State Republic of Nusantara demanded maternity leave, sustainable pension and unpayable money dismissal which meant that companies would bankrupt if they fire any worker. Even without the last clause, investors would find Indonesia less profitable in capital injection, leaving potential growth elsewhere, turning Indonesia into an unwanted pariah.

As many as Musa Hitam can express these concerns to the cabinet. Try Sutrisno, the Defense Minister, remained staunch that the populace would eventually kick the current administration out in favour of another of their liking. As a better alternative, he suggested giving the people a piece of distractive news elsewhere, which was helping the Vietnamese in the war. To his advantage, many of the cabinet members agreed on Try’s strategies. It had worked especially well during the Australian Aggression; It would work again under current circumstances.

That wretched sentence barely ceased the President’s annoyance with the hawkish defence minister. However, Musa Hitam had briefed the President the day before and expressed the cabinet concerns about him. Subandrio agreed that he had been lacking prompt, decisive and committed policy ever since the failure of the education policy of his liking. At that time, he would have demanded to have an official language of Indonesia, while English as the international language shall be spoken too all across Indonesia. Yet, as time went by, regionalist attitudes emerged. The Bilingual Act did not stop most provinces on Nusantara to teach Arabic, Mandarin, or local languages instead of English. Only Federal Districts (except Singapore, which had passed a law to promote both English and Mandarin as secondary languages) had been the strictest. While he tried imposing harsher parameter, Subandrio finally loosened and determine to not contribute further complications.

That said complications had left LKY the sole strong figure in the era, albeit the frustration from a majority whose Chinese-descendant tolerance had been controversially fluctuated. Subandrio’s one supported argument had been the minimum wage back in the 70s. He certainly could not use that achievement anymore, the modern workers actually protested against it. So, this administration was highly appreciative of LKY’s economic model, nothing more. Ultimately, as the death of that figure came sudden, so does the prosperity and stability under him.

Subandrio, as one might dream, thirsted for that kind of power and sturdiness, yet time and time he always hit the wrong note. Maybe, in his opinion, being a diplomatic foreign minister fruited a diplomatic president, not a strong one. He had been accustomed to flexibility on things that maybe would go South. But, he understood that age had taken a significant toll on his life. He became rigid, undiplomatic, apparent from last year’s records of the exasperating and emotionally engaged meetings with cabinets.

“Mr Defense Minister, can you elaborate how this tactic of yours can end this unstoppable cycle of protests?” The President stayed as calm as he wanted. He didn’t like Try’s simple manoeuvre of politics. However, his predecessor, Nasution, had maintained power for more than a decade. Maybe the President would listen for once.

“Mr President, our society was and still is, militaristic within nature. Our own passion fueled the continuation and at length victory for our side. We still have millions of people, young and old, all willing for an intervention to South Vietnam.”

President Subandrio understood this too. After the Tragedy of Poroporo, the populace quickly forgot it for the Cambodian Civil War that was gaining international attention due to its Cold War significance. After American support against the English, the people quickly gained support for any American’s support. Moreover, both Carter and Glenn Administration had aided Indonesia abundance of capital, intellect, and support. Subandrio would not object that America’s science cooperation satisfied Islamic scholars and intellectuals to not involve in politics. Scientists like Habibie, Bakrie, to Muhammadiyah intellectual Amien Rais, had endorsed the American system because of the technological superiority they admired. The pro-American sentiment still popular fortunately to make things work.

Nevertheless, President Subandrio was reluctant on pursuing particular motives. Years of meeting with foreign officials abroad surely broadened his geopolitical views both Western and Eastern Outlook. He especially studied well on the Soviet Union and the United States, both superpower nations with peremptory power on a sphere of influence. France, meanwhile, was famous for taking matters independently, therefore uniting his colonial possessions and no promise of independence, which according to the President a bitter demise. Indonesia, which had grown as a regional power, had been experimenting with interventionist attitudes. That, without the power, would make Indonesia fewer friends and more enemies.

Southern Africa was the greatest example of that result. Mozambique and Angola both loathed Indonesians as ‘traitorous third world’ power that licked America’s boots at expense of the region’s destruction. The Apartheid South Africa was also befriending Indonesia for industry and money, destroying more relations in Congo, East Africa and the Horn. Subandrio was afraid that contributing more troops to South Vietnam would eventually intensify the devastation.

The President sighed as the cabinet meeting became less useful from the bickering amongst ministers.

2nd December Protest

Tuesday was the arrival date of the first wave of protests that originated from satellite cities around federal districts. The majority of which formed in Jakarta from the surrounding Depok, Bekasi and Tangerang municipals. These were workers from the State Republic of Nusantara, all wished the labour law to be implemented as soon as possible. The three main targets of the protestors were the Presidential Palace, the MPR Complex and Thamrin Roundabout. However, most of the protestors arrived in MPR Complex to criticize the federal government’s actions.

MPR Building, 1986

The arrival of the protest, ironically, was opposed by the residence of the surrounding MPR Complex. Senayan and Karet had become a moderate housing complex inhabited by notable conglomerates, each having its own set of security guards. A hostile exchange happened at the noon of December 2nd as complexes defended themselves from the incoming mass. Luckily, the mass moved to the MPR front gate for the main objective.

Unlike last year’s protest, this year was filled with angry farmers, workers and fishermen who had believed in the law passing in the State. The mass was commonly divided into three major sects, the HTI-sympathizers, the NU members and the PKI labours. Other non-official groups affiliated with either of the three sects, but must identify themselves with head attires.

The largest and most organized protestor on that day was the Perhimpunan Pekerja NU commandeered by a Madiun Mayor of Irfan Rasyid. Born from a respected generation of elders in his own county, he became the leader of his village before elected as Madiun Mayor in the early 1980s. Unlike other local officials who stayed in the office during his tenure, he sometimes returned to his home to even farm for the family. As a result, he was prevalent in the public eye, sometimes admired by village outsiders. Also a fellow adherent of the NU’s Islamic branch, he prayed unwaveringly in mosques and heard Friday Sermons routinely for the entirety of his lifetime. He was strongly inclined to NU and therefore joined the PPNU in 1983. In his point of view, he witnessed city growth from local televisions and envied them rather the stagnation of the hinterland likewise his village. Gradually, he pursued better welfare for his village who had been distantly cared for by the government.

PPNU rallying people to come to Jakarta, 1986

As NU endorsed his initiative of protest, he successfully collected 13000 people, in his village and surrounding area, to join the protest against the federal’s ruling. This was the first wave, as another 25000 more would join by the week after, giving pressure to the Parliament. Their demands were simple; to pass the Labour Law, and they would be home instantly. PPNU was, on the 2nd of December, the largest block in the three sects. However, he would soon be dwarfed by the second sect.

Sentral Organisasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia was the 2nd sect that sided with the communist sympathizers of PPI. Rooted from Semaun of the ISDV party back in the 20s, SOBSI had gradually returned to the national stage after a period of discouragement from Nasution’s presidency. It was heavily affiliated to the PPI and formerly PKI, especially the instability caused by the communist uproar in the 60s. However, this organization was currently contested with Nasution’s Serikat Buruh Nasional Seluruh Indonesia, a PNI-R union. Nasution’s SBNSI was the largest union organization in Indonesia in the 80s, they supported neutrality and distance to any involvement for the protest. As a result, the SOBSI exploited the momentum to protest so they could steal union members from SBNSI and returned its status as the largest labour union.

The SOBSI was led by Bambang Wuryanto, a local representative of Semarang city’s workers’ industry. the SOBSI, notably for their’s far-fetched base from Jakarta, had divided arrival into five different times, each adding thousand to demand multiple agendas of the SOBSI. By the 2nd December, only 8500 people arrived with red headbands and loudspeakers. In contrary to NU’s broad usage of megaphones towards ulamas and public clergy, SOBSI’s loudspeakers are mostly given to agitators and activists from the PPI, campaigning further than the Labour Law. Several campaign wishes, were to enact a national program regarding agriculture and fishery industry, using the term ‘Green’ and ‘Blue’ Movement to boost the productivity of both sectors. They also criticized Indonesia’s leaning towards the United States, demanding the government to correct itself into a neutrality approach, risking tons of investments and benefits in progress.

SOBSI in the 1986-1987 protests

Third and last of the big groups in the protest was Front Pemurnian Islam commandeered by an enthusiastic scholar Muhammad Rizieq Shihab. The acronym FPI was adopted deliberately to confuse people with FPI, the Islamic youth organization, to deliver a familiar essence to the Islamic population. Unlike the youth FPI, this group leaned on HTI’s campaign and much of the protestors were sympathizers of the new Islamic movement. Their campaign was connected loosely to the 1986 Labour Law; their main objective was to punish the government for the use of ‘scapegoating’ in the events of the Kismayo Crisis. He believed that the LKY Administration was guilty of tainting the name of Islam from the testimonies of the people who encountered horrors under the name of Islam. Furthermore, FPI was an acute anti-imperialist, anti-American rhetorician. They stressed an alliance with Saudi Arabia to ally with Islamic nations, sometimes carried on with a ‘unified Islamic Caliphate’. Unfortunately, the last motive was discouraged by many of Indonesia's older population who witnessed Islamic rebellions that wreck their childhood. Thus, this movement was carried more by young naïve scholars who blatantly accepted Saudi’s slightly radical preaching during their time of hajj.

Habib Rizieq (right) as the leader of the protests

The 2nd of December marked the first wave of protestors to arrive at the capital. Frictions and disputes were minimal during the early days. However, as waves came, the government was certain that these protesters could spark another national crisis. On the 15th, they sent a reserve garrison of Jakarta to monitor the protestors. Yet, much to their dismay, the protestors stayed in the roads, waiting for the faithful moment on January 5th, a Monday, for the annual opening-year congressional meeting.

The buildup for what's to come in the protests. Indonesia would still have rough days ahead.
The government not unified with Subandrio still acting as an unstable commander with Musa losing power in the Parliament.
Two out of three new characters introduced as the protest's leaders are fictional, except the third one which Indonesians all know so well.
The next chapter would mainly be the government's panicked response to quickly end this nuisance, possible with a dialogue with the regional government.

SkylineDreamer · Jun 25, 2021

Same Problems, No Solution

12th December 1986
2020 Massachusetts Ave NW, Washington DC

Ambassador Ali Alatas had won the trust of the Nasution presidency as a prominent diplomat. He used to substitute as UN Ambassador and other fortunate positions. His descent tied with the Ba’Alwi Sada clan. However, due to Subandrio’s distrust against him, his promotion as Foreign Minister was cancelled in due time. He eventually repositioned into various representatives all across the globe, notable Japan, Germany and Canada. At least for almost a year now, his current stop is the Ambassador of Indonesia for the United States.

A year should definitely fail to comprehend the complexity of American politics, but Ali Alatas understood the mere broad outline of it currently happening. He was called by President Glenn for a simple conversation of goodwill. He accomplished it quite well, the former astronaut expressed great admiration of the archipelago nation of Indonesia, and his ties with the President grew. With help from the daily broadcast on the nation, Ali Alatas was capable to summarize what the public had seen in US politics and what really happened behind the scenes.

The bipartisan chasm can further be divided into several factions each that mainly contributed to the chaos which was the current American party system. Both Democrats and Republicans had their range of the spectrum, each had their own most moderates and most radicals. Unlike in Indonesia, where multi-party ruled, these parties emerged as one in America as factions within a party. Therefore, should two radical candidates had chosen by two parties, the election would have simply become who the lesser evil was to pick. This method, Alatas thought, was the first death symptoms of democracy. Fortunately, the system currently lingered on this delicate balance with moderate candidates.

The incumbent Democratic Party, in essence, had two conflicting bodies pushing to dominate each other in power. Those comprised New Deal Liberals and Progressive Wingers. New Deal Liberals adopted powerful social programs, civil rights, consumer protection and few others which Indonesia considered as blasphemy. This clan ruled the government since the 40s, and few of them constituted as party’s top officials. Notably Senator Ted Kennedy, The Udall Brothers [1] and Edmund Muskie with young followers such as Ed Markey, Paul Tsongas and Martin Sheen [2]. Progressive Wingers were nothing in common with the terminology of ‘progressivism’. Instead, that term was used to reform the Democratic Party which had been too exclusive for the North.

These Progressive Wingers were Southern Democrats which were the bane for the tumultuous period which was the 70s. Well known for pragmatic attitudes and bridging chasm, they were the ‘compromise’ candidates the Democratic Party applied to harness Republican voters at their extinction. Former President Carter as a great example continued the New Deal Liberals but gradually extorted policies that favoured farming and non-college workers, sometimes reinstate old policies which the Republicans used. The term 'Centrism' for Progressive Wingers was more apparent in the Southern States. Endorsements like saxophone artist Bill Clinton[3] and environmentalist politician Al Gore publicised this term showing pro-Southern Carter Democrats were. Without Reagan's popularity and small segregationist remnants, Carter's reign would have been perfect like FDR in the 40s.

This centrist strategy, along with a perfect period which was the 80s, was the reason why 1980 was a landslide without the President’s debate tactics even trying. Ali Alatas, upon looking at the progressive faction, was reminded by early LKY’s premiership. Alas, the Democratic Party resorted back to liberalism under Glenn, who was extremely supportive of Kennedy’s views. Unlike Carter, who was cheered in the South, Glenn was deeply appalling to their preference. Also, his stubbornness of Space Race contributed to few losses of notable party representative fledging to the new Conservative Party. His selection of McNamara was poor too, it practically undid the Southern Democrats approach in one election.

“Mr Ambassador, the CIA had given us reports for the Somalian status. They noted us to not cease hope on salvaging the ship,” Deputy Ambassador Ganjar Kartasaswita [4] reported.

“The ship has been exploded by our own Marines. How’s that supposedly recoverable? You know what, just put the documents there. I will look at it later,” Ali ordered.

Ali looked at the Television which had been on during his hours of cerebration. He noticed on representative Dick Gephardt condemning the upcoming devaluation next year by government officials.

The Inferred Television Broadcast

“The continuation of lowering our currencies was entirely unnatural for a superior world power like the United States. The government keeps playing short benefits while destroying the American image. If our currencies could not be a world currency, how we supposed to become a global power?”

Dick Gephardt, 1986

Dick Gephardt, a Conservative Politician from Missouri, was what Ali Alatas comprehended as one of the Young Four. The Young Four were relatively reformist unlike the creators of the Conservative Party, the Reagan Coalition. The Young Four were modern Conservatives, they had Democratic opinions but they all despised the blue party by one notion; the dangers of economics. The Young Four battled the growing inflation with a tendency of repetitive devaluation and he continued to oppose it along with Joe Biden from Delaware, Dan Quayle from Indiana and Dick Cheney from Wyoming. Uniquely, these men had different subgenres they pursued. Dick Gephardt promised for conservation of marriage, Joe Biden proposed conservation of patriotic curriculum in education, Dan Quayle wished for better law reinforcement and Dick Cheney promoted big military. The youngsters had done extremely well in their States; they just need 1988 to prove their legitimacy for federal power.

“It seemed that the Conservative Party has developed for their ascension,” Ganjar stated. The news implicitly appraised the representative for his pertinent views on the slugging economy. Popularity had struggled for the President for a few months.

“Agree,” was all that I can say. The Conservatives had lost for almost a decade by absolute Democratic control. Either way, this party would have sprung up sooner or later, regardless of who to rally.

15th December 1986
Jakarta City Hall, Federal District Capital of Jakarta

The Jakarta City Hall or Balaikota, 1986

Today, District Secretary of the capital Sudomo Hendarto [5] entered his conference room full of members of two crucial bodies. On the one side of the ballroom, members of the State Republic of Indonesia had gathered to battle for the Labour Law. The other side was Musa Hitam with the Federal Cabinet, looking for any alternatives to settle for a compromise.

Although this issue had been going on for quite some time, the 15th of December was the first conference which both parties had agreed on revising the Labour Law. Multiple meetings before had been stagnated within bulletins on what to discuss. At this time, they agreed on settling the demonstrations that had been arriving for days.

“What’s on the table? Secretary?” Hendarto signalled his Secretary Fauzi Bowo to answer. Hendarto was already in the late 40s while Fauzi Bowo was 36. Yet, he had become Hendarto’s aide-de-camp ever since appointed as District Secretary. Hendarto was the first city Secretary out of foreign descent. This had been the case as Singaporeans started flooding Jakarta as overpopulation plagued the island. Jakarta, roughly bigger in size, was still two million behind in population. Also, neighbour Kebayoran had extensively planned a compacted suburbian complex, usurping Jakartans to move there as they were colder and less potent in flood disasters.

“It’s been an hour Sir. Both sides have not agreed on a single thing regarding the corporate regulations,” Fauzi remarked.

Hendarto sighed, Mohamed Rahmat needed those labour supporters to continue the ruling State Republic of Nusantara. Workers thought they were underpaid, undervalued and undernourished. Moreover, farmers had been the worst in this scenario, losing everything towards companies that were industrious in general. The particular clause that troubled the federal government was Clause 57, where the regional government possesses the right to prosecute malicious corporations for exploitation of labour, land and skill. Minister Trihandoko disagreed with this clause, determining that this would jeopardize the state corporations too, granting the regional court too much power by defying the federal command.

This building Hendarto was his since appointment as District Secretary, yet he felt no power as both parties bickered on the negotiation.

“Mr Premier, the current situation of Nusantara was the farmers were lacking money and people to do anything. Food was thinning out, why entice the corporations for money just to root out the necessities of humanity gone?” Mohammed Rahmat sneered the Premier.

“Mr State President, I honour your concerns, but the truth that Indonesia had been steadily accumulating cash for the sake of growth. We have seen the livelihood becoming better. People were hap…”

“How out-of-touch you are Mr Premier; I have seen the farmers by myself. I can assure you, there’s no such thing as betterment.”

Hendarto whispered to Fauzi Bowo, “Since when they have been attacking insultingly?”

“About 10 minutes ago or so,” Fauzi Bowo replied to my ear.

“Gentlemen, I still ascertain that a compromise on this regulation can be determined where the federal government prosecute these corporations if said predicaments occur,” Muhammad Ibrahim Djoyoputro, the Law Minister, interjected the argument.

“No, Ibrahim. I have no faith in the federal government prosecuting them. Hell, even you never charged them on what happened in Riau and Jambi.” Mohammed Rahmat replied harshly.

The State President meant the growing incidents of forest fires occurring in the Eastern basin of Sumatra. It had been life-threatening when smoke filled the air. It had also been the reason for public dissatisfaction in Singapore and parts of Malaya. He had been a Malayan since birth, a common resentment against corporations purposefully burned forests for faster plantation growth always irritated him to the core.

“It was a healthy process, Mr State President. It was uncontrollable because of the weather,” this time the Ministry of Domestic Affairs commented.

“What you mean by healthy? Farmers had been contracting severe lung infection. Your administration clearly does not understand anything!” the State President bellowed in anger.

Frankly, Hendarto could not comprehend how thick the government had been for the past months. Maybe because of the Kismayo Crisis, more cabinet members thought any opposition solely meant for stealing power. The proceedings in the Parliament, much harsher than what’s happening now, may have hardened the cabinet members into cold, self-oriented thugs to idolize the current martyr LKY.

Hendarto understood this because his kampong, Pemangkat, had been a desolated place even with Sarawak being Indonesian. The Dayaks had been focused on their Sultanate wishing for monarch power in the state while Banjars only fight them purely for spite. The Chinese-Indonesians in Borneo were simply neglected with the ruckus of the regional government. LKY only administered the coastal crowded cities. Thus, Hendarto disliked the late Premier for only pursuing the support of two population groups; coastal metropolis and Madagascar. Everywhere in between either presented cheers for the economic growth or deep anger from the stagnating countryside. Economic growth cannot be eternal, while hatred could outlive the soul.

It had been the late premier's problem, the idea when one island country was saved by him can be implemented on an entire nation of thousand islands was wrong by default. Administering 2 million was simple, using the same policies on 176 million people was not possible. All he did was only increase the riches of coastal cities, all of the Federal Districts, later loathed by the same State Republic of Nusantara.

It was heaven-sent that LKY had not triggered another Banjar-Dayak conflict or any systemic racial violence occurring in Indonesia for much of his premiership. Only the fallout of his caused them to spring again like fountains. Musa Hitam, ironically Melayu like Native-Indonesians, received the brunt from LKY’s policy.

Alas, Hendarto can do little to diffuse. He was District Secretary after all. Any points against the federal government only input the idea of hypocrisy on everyone hearing his views. All he can do was wait, and maybe grab a snack to witness the mess of the year.

Frederick II of the HRE said:
I love this TL!

subbed.

Glad you enjoy it!

[1] Referred to Mo Udall and Stewart Udall
[2] IOTL an actor, currently a representative of New York
[3] Obviously, Clinton here aimed for a musician career instead of an OTL one.
[4] ATL character
[5] Not the Hendarto I've been hinting at for so long. This is Hendarto Sr.

Next up would discuss more on the Conservative party side, where we could dive in on the factions. Also, we would be covering the progress of the meeting.

SkylineDreamer · Jul 2, 2021

The Jakarta Conference Week

Premier Musa Hitam on Thursday, 18 December 1986

The Indonesian economy was almost ended abruptly, the protest had grown and the socio-cultural dynamics of the nation seemingly had turned for the worst. Manifest from the national perspective, Indonesia ought to reflect within and amend herself. The vertical relationship of bureaucracy had been destructed by the Nusantaran State Republic with the Federal Republic of Indonesia. Fortunately, both parties had decided on a negotiation. It took a week, nearing the end of the year holidays, but the government officials compromised on talking about this pressing issue.

The Jakarta Conference Week was, as stated, a week of talks by both conflicting sides regarding the Nusantara Republic’s Labour Law of 1986. The Labour Law had been extremely controversial, not only it took harsh measures on companies, it discouraged them from effectively working. However, it also encompassed the dire issues most craftsmen, labourers and farmers needed the most; insurance for their hard work. The idea of business relaxations against the protection of the proletariat had become the dividing opinion of the Republic, it would continue to do so for the upcoming decades. This conference, unfortunately, was the background of why it evolved into a nationally political declaration for parties to proclaim.

The location was selected from the proposal of then-District Secretary Sudomo Hendarto. The common perception of that time was Hendarto was supportive of the federal government. Yet, he had a cordial relationship with the State Deputy President Aang Kunaefi Kartawiria. Kartawiria was a local Bandung resident who was appointed as Mohamed Rahmat’s Deputy President. He was from the PRD, the militarist party who had been leaning towards the Melayu Bersatu Faction of the PPP. As for the perks of being a close companion, Hendarto had been defended by beret bodyguards. As a result, he was a proper mediator for this current predicament. His building was later chosen to be the place for the negotiation to be commenced.

State Deputy President Aang Kunaefi Kartawiria, 1986

The first day of the conference was opened with a slightly less heated debate about the corporate regulation regarding any of the workmen’s insurance. However, the negotiation was slightly unexpected as the debate had turned into undismayed slander from both parties that opposed each other. The federal government opposed the local jurisdiction to hold the power of indicting corporates and sentencing them. Meanwhile, the State Republic of Nusantara expressed insecurity which the worker’s protection would be simply just like in before, unmanageable and entirely on the hands of the corporate’s grace. The example of the growing forest fire, the Kampar Incident [1], burned almost 15 hectares of reserved forest illegally as incidental, or the Pawan River Conflict [2] that the corporate bulldoze native land for the forest they lived. At the end of the day, the negotiation fruited bitterness for both sides. They evaded reporters when exited the building, both sides neither gave comments nor body language for the conference.

In the night, the condition and this conference’s urgency worsened as the United States’ market value was hit by the ongoing national malaise. When the stocks were opened on the morning, the shares in Dow Jones immediately shrank by 15%. Public panic ensued and businesses declared an emergency. Meanwhile, due to the high printing rate, the dollar also lost value significantly, weakened by almost 10% of its initial value. As Indonesians slumbered on their beds, the Americans rushed for immediate solutions for this impending downturn.

This may seem sudden, but the crisis had been anticipated by many economists since the early 1980s. Under the Carter Presidency, public spending had been extremely high and offices were heavily controlled under numerous laws and rules, both at the state and federal levels. In addition to the pension benefits and unemployment grants, the government had been giving more money by printing more, thus gradually losing value in the currency. Also, business was discouraged and one by one they were closing. Small business, which was Carter’s main campaign target, was ironically damaged the most in this economic initiative. In 1981, a dollar devaluation had occurred to boost business as export would be better. Although inconsequential unlike 1973 that had damaged the economies of other countries, this devaluation was a warning sign to most scholars that the government will continuously do so.

A photo of poverty in California, dubbed to be one of the most 'liberal' regions after Reagan's gubernatorial career.

For months, the American economy had been reliant on exports to the outer nations. In reality, the situation domestically was terrible that unemployment slowly rose. In addition to it, the unemployment grants were entitled to have better long-term credits than usual occupation does, the poor then deliberately exited work to have those grants. Glenn’s pensions started in 1985 had been the final strain of the American economy. Since then, America had weakened significantly with the Presidency announcing a second devaluation in the 80s.

The special fuse that began the cycle of downturn occurred with Indonesia taking a drastic hit from defaulting companies. While American imports were halted from lack of corporate demands, American exports slightly struggled. Quotas, which shrank a mere 4% of normal circumstances, was enough to propel the snowball of economic downturn.

At this turn of events, the federal government, who had panicked, dreaded with no hopes of resurrecting the growth. Still, the regional government also suffered as less capital meant any subsidies, insurance, or supplementary cost by the implementation of the 1986 Labour Law will definitely ruin the locals. They progressed slowly on Tuesday, opening a friendly relay between each other. As Wednesday confirmed the American malaise, the urgent necessity of communication was apparent.

Ir. Soesmono Martosiswojo, the state treasurer of Nusantara, drafted an outline of proposals for the first compromise between the federal government and Nusantara. Initially, Soesmono wrote a memorandum for the previous discussion regarding the state of law for corporate mismanagements. In his memorandum, the federal government shall hold the power to held charged business but the local jurisdiction, the related region where transgression was committed, shall oversight and consult with the federal court regarding how to proceed. Soesmono constructed this appease on Tuesday morning, and both Mohamed Rahmat and Musa Hitam declared agreement on this understanding.

State Treasurer of the State Republic of Nusantara Ir. Soesmono Martosiswojo, 1987

Truthfully, the regional government were also losing supporters as the economy drastically worsened. In fact, while the DPR Building had been filled with protestors (PPNU, SOBSI and FPI) arrived, more protestors had arrived in the Nusantara government complex in Surabaya. As they testified in national news, they assumed both local and federal government had wasted too much time on this issue and they demanded rapid change for the better. Eventually, Nusantara’s official cabinet announced that it would relent other points of negotiation to the federal government, declaring farmer’s livelihood to be their priority. This would hurt popularity in craftsmen, labourers and other industrial-focused works, but the farmer’s adversity was what Mohamed Rahmat prioritized after.

On Monday next week, the memorandum of Soesmono had evolved into a Soesmono proposal, a myriad of trade-offs between the federal government and local government to solve the pressing issue. The Soesmono proposal was interim, it would resolve several issues while a committee shall be established for revision of the 1986 Labour Law.

The Soesmono proposal encompassed fifteen main points. These points were then ratified as Government Regulation in Lieu of Law [3] of 1986. These fifteen points are as follow:

In matters of companies conducting deals with the Federal Republic of Indonesia but conducted degrees of charges under the jurisdiction of the State Republic of Nusantara, the federal court shall conduct legal proceedings with oversight of the local jurisdiction.

In matters of companies conducting deals with the State Republic of Nusantara and alleged charges under the jurisdiction of the State Republic of Nusantara, The regional court shall possess full power to conduct legal proceedings with federal acknowledgement at the end of trials.

For cases that occurred in point 1, the local court may attribute additional sentences (fine or prison time) on damages too severe for the local population.

The Federal Republic of Indonesia shall establish Bank Tani, a specialized monetary organization specifically for farmers all across Indonesia. Although this is not exclusively for the State Republic of Indonesia, Bank Tani will open officially first at Indramayu Village, Pasundan State.

The Federal Republic of Indonesia shall allocate a total of 150 million for helping the State Republic of Nusantara on building better infrastructure in remote villages, improving connectivity, trade and reliance.

A farmer pension program shall be established to guarantee the livelihood of the elderly after contributing massive efforts to crop production.

For owners who produced these nine basic products, a strategic federal food price shall be determined by next year to protect farmers from free-market abusers. The nine basic productions are rice, sugar, cooking oil, butter, meat (chicken and beef), egg, milk, garlic and kitchen salt.

All villages with agricultural focus will be prioritized for funding granted both by the Federal Republic of Indonesia for 30% and the State Republic of Nusantara for 70%. Funding could be determined by the local chiefs, regents and governors via budget allocation.

A target quote shall be determined by the State Republic of Nusantara regarding raw material production. If an individual surpasses this target, the State Republic of Nusantara is mandated to grant that particular individual a certain bonus for his achievements.

Unions of this occupation (farmers, ranchers and planters) shall be established locally in communes as a voice to accelerate vertical conversations between different levels of government. On this matter, the State Republic of Indonesia shall present these unions to the Federal Republic of Indonesia for ratification.

To counter net-loss migration, Federal Districts associate with a symbiotic mechanism with the State Republic of Indonesia shall divert 15% of funds to the State Republic of Nusantara to improve local monetary strength necessary for the previous points to be practices securely.

The minimum wage of the Federal Republic of Indonesia is still Rp3.500 monthly. But the State Republic of Nusantara will have a minimum wage of Rp 4.120 monthly.

The State Republic of Nusantara is permitted to implement basic protection programs (insurance, union regulations, termination compensation law, welfare benefits) under the constraint that it should not contradict the Federal Law.

Until March next year, the Federal Republic of Indonesia will urge companies to rehire their former employees at the expense of the federal government paying them until the companies can continue under a stable, appropriate Labour Law.

Both parties will break for the holiday by Tuesday, December 23, 1986, and shall continue for an official resolution for the drafting of a revised 1986 Labour Law, whose deadline shall be determined at the next conference.

The first three points solved the judiciary issue of any misdemeanours. Capital exploitation, unfair inside the corporates would be treated as lawfully as possible. The next seven points, contributed to the ailing farmers who had been suffering from a lack of manpower and money to sustain production. The State Republic were also worried that they lose population towards Federal Districts, therefore losing power gradually. An additional statement was given to balance the State Republic’s needs.

Mohamed Rahmat reluctantly agreed on 4 points to momentarily stop this freeze in the economy for the workers in the factories. From slightly increasing the minimum wage for the regional state (as opposed to no raising by the Premier), supplement several protections for the labours, a balancing proposal to soothe the business and further guidelines for future changes.

Musa Hitam and his family celebrated the Jakarta Conference Week as a success

28 December 1986
Myrtle Beach, South Carolina, USA

Deputy Ambassador Ganjar Kartasaswita has just returned his American home in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina. Ganjar, a distant noble of Surakarta descent, was able to find an affordable house near the coast of South Carolina. Mr Ali Alatas, his superior, decided to stay at the embassy as many should do, but Ganjar was determined to at least experience what an American dream feels like.

South Carolina, as far as Ganjar remembers, was a deeply conservative state with extremely relaxing economic laws. That has caused many benefits, one of them being outstandingly low house prices. Strangely, the economic prospect of this state contributed a lot to the rising immigrants and migrants. This movement is obvious in the many Southern States, even newly admitted Caribbean States, as the land value was still low. Ganjar noticed, by the early 2000s, there would be a massive power transition from the northern states to southern states. If the Democrats continued to control the predictable political path, they would waste the Southern States new population growth that the Conservatives will benefit from.

Public approval for John Glenn plummeted as the Christmas Panic [4] of 1986, as they called it, destructed many of the economic strength of the States. Their national currency was also weakened more, despite already being lower in value than the Deutsche Mark. Unemployment rose to 10%, the highest since the Great Depression, caused the administration to lose public confidence.

The Conservative Party, as one opposition could be, has started to prepare for the ascension. As a newly made party based on conservative principles of its founders, the party revolved mainly around the personification of Nixon-Reagan staunch extreme American patriotism. The high demand for conservative morality and family views. The idea of rollback policy of Communism, instead of containment. Deregulation and strong law and order. However, the Conservative Party, as it has become the substitute for the GOP, would grow too big to unify as one faction. In response, three new factions emerged from the party.

The Conservative Party logo symbolized a rhino, 'fierce and brave like a Conservative'.

The Old Guard was the first and currently the largest faction in the Conservative Party. As named, the Old Guard basically originated and was the forefathers of the party. From Senator Barry Goldwater, Governor Richard Nixon and Governor Ronald Reagan [5] to Senator Nicholas F. Brady, Economist Donald Regan and Diplomat George P. Shultz. The Old Guards were criticisms of the liberal Shafer's Republican Party which was deemed ‘divisible’ for the party that later collapsed within. The Old Guard are extremely interventionist, staunch law and order with a slightly nationalistic tendency. However, the idea of the Old Guard being too radical was why they kept losing in 1972, 1976, 1980 and 1984.

The Young Reformers was the aftermath of the Old Guard’s failures despite establishing a new federal party. The Young Fours as their main star, the Reformers stressed one specific issue; the economic struggle of exaggerated government interventionism. With Carter basically regulated policies everywhere, the Young Reformers accused that the economic downturn was caused by too much regulation. However, the Young Fours were quite disunited anywhere else. For example, Congressman Dick Cheney was unopposed to the sexual revolution of the Americans while Congressman Dick Gephardt was extremely conservative on marriage and sexual life. Joe Biden urged the conservatives to push harder against the Soviet Union while Dan Quayle remained strict following Democrat’s containment measure. In essence, the Young Reformers were a broad coalition of young Conservatives who merely rejected economic intervention and regulation.

Lastly, we have the Northern Conservatives. The Northern Conservatives are a satirical response to President Jimmy Carter’s success in Southern conservative states. These politicians determine while Carter’s socialist policies were widely accepted in most Southern States, for what reason can’t the conservatives won in the North. Moreover, these politicians are mostly former Republicans that felt the Democratic Party was not suitable for his political views, especially after the sudden shift to socialized programs at the start of Carter’s 2nd term. Former Michigan Governor George Romney became the creator of the faction. Currently, their faction icon has been Jack Kemp, a New Jersey Representative. The Northern Conservative seemed similar to Young Reformists, but the Northern Conservatives had a more liberal economic and social spending attitude.

Some of this particular type of politicians, notably New Hampshire governor John H. Sununu, adopted an FDR approach in economical spending, yet remained opposed to Carter’s view on government spending. Unlike both Old Guards and Young Reformers who rejected any forms of regulation, Northern Conservatives agreed on little regulation for reducing inequality. All that is, Northern Conservatives had been vague on multiple issues, but mostly they tend for populist characteristics. These typical candidates, notable Real Estate billionaire Donald Trump, thrives under a notion that the Americans are losing to Japan in terms of progress. Julie Belaga, governor of Connecticut, was famous for protecting the coastline and college reform, the latter being one of the Democrat’s main agendas.

Ambassador Ali Alatas, who comprehended enough of American politics, showed optimism for the rise of the Conservative Party. Deputy Ganjar, meanwhile, presented cynicism to the party. For him, the party has three flawed factions, one being too rigid and radical, one being too implausible to unite, and the last being too sporadic to function.

Deputy Ganjar slouched on his newly bought chair. If he wanted to enjoy this Christmas break, he should at best refrain from thinking anything political. Especially to him, he should not think about Indonesian political events, which remained chaotic for this time of being.

[1] and [2] will be discussed somewhere in the future regarding Indonesia's environmental issues, but mostly it derives from capitalism.
[3] In Indonesia, we would call it Perpu. In this context, this was implemented as an addition to the Federal Law and a constituted law in the State Republic of Nusantara
[4] Unlike most panics [mostly on share prices], the Christmas Panic of 1986 was indicated first with a fall of demand in Christmas spending. Certainly, December spending should be high for a majority-Christian denominator of the US, yet high unemployment, less capital gain and weakening currency strength discouraged people to buy things. Then, it caused a fall in stock prices, thus solidifying the fall of the US economy.
[5] ITTL, Richard Nixon became Governor of California after the 1962 gubernatorial elections, reelected in 1966 and resigned in 1968 where he was elected President. His appointee and Lieutenant Governor had been Ronald Reagan (since 1966), who was reelected in 1970 and 1974 but lost [extremely slim margin] in the 1978 gubernatorial election to Jerry Brown.

The next chapter would discuss the situations outside Indonesia, mainly this map that I have not discussed.

SkylineDreamer · Jul 10, 2021

The Great Counter-Offensive and The Crumbling State of Myanmar

In the 60s, the military junta of Thailand and Myanmar successfully turned their monarchist nation into a pro-militaristic regime that endorsed a Third-Superpower trend which the French Republic had decided to do that decade. In the 70s, both Thailand and Myanmar was trying to strengthen this third faction against both the rising US and USSR sphere, only to ruin French’s current president Mitterrand determined to release tension towards the West. This 80s decade, at least the latter end of the decade was marked by both sides of the superpower section willing to divide these two nations mercilessly.

Starting in 1984, the junta government in both states were conclusive on their choices and agree on one simple principle: if they prefer to survive this ordeal, they should eventually side with the new superpowers that abandon the French. The death of the Kra Canal plan only emboldened the idea which France will not protect nor aid these nations furthermore. Firstly, both nations depicted their fate as inevitably crushed by either power. However, looking at the current circumstances, Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn decided to appease the least enemy; the United States.

At first, the junta government opposed any moves to befriend the United States and its allies as one of them, Indonesia, had her president condemned the militaristic nation on the international stage. Let alone Indonesia’s apparent vision as the dominant power in South East Asia, Thailand was the state’s great menace. However, the Thai situation was in dire straits. Even though the United States has committed to a democratic government of Cambodia, Thailand can compromise on another, maintaining the monarchial system Laos had crippled.

The situation of the Fourth Indochinese War, despite the American military positivism, had turned upside down upon arriving in November. As the season changed from wet to dry, the Americans had thought that the rest of the advances is imminent. The Cambodian capital had been liberated and soon the country. The muddy and difficult jungle terrain would soon regain soil strength and composure by the time dry season arrived, thus motorized vehicles would be easier to plough the jungle. However, it also meant Vietnamese tunnels to be more sturdy and less inundated. Consequentially, Pol Pot and his communist militia had acted swiftly, finding the wedge between the moment of the dry season arriving and American motorized cars entering the jungle. By 15 November 1986, they had pushed the first counter-attack.

Phnom Penh after the counter-attack, 1986

The Mekong Counter-Offensive was a series of sabotages, infiltration and guerilla tactics completed majorly by the Khmer Rouge. Although the Americans had established sustainable bases with adequate tactics, the indecisive measure made by central planning, later blamed on the presidential cabinet, had caused harmful damage to the American presence. It had inflicted so much that, unfortunately, the United States must withdraw from Phnom Penh to regroup.

The Pol Pot regime was ecstatic with its militia advances, it also improved the morale of the communist insurgency in Laos that North Vietnam and China had aided. His western flank was managed with Thailand stretched thinly in Laos, his eastern flank finally securing gains. To add insult to injury, Pol Pot launched another tunnel attack on Saigon in early December, prompting another infuriation from President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu to pass a national decree of state emergency, mobilizing South Vietnams farmers, craftsmen, artisans, even a few clergies, to war.

Prum Neakarech, mere months of leading an unstable nation, must move himself to Saigon so the democratic government will continue safely without the threat of communist encirclement. With South Vietnam now clinging to an ally that currently losing support for helping them, the Khmer Rouge, and ultimately, Indochina, could be witnessing another red tide. If not quenched, that wave of communist government will arrive in Bangkok, losing the monarch and the military control there.

Myanmar Army ready for military patrol, 1983

In Myanmar, the crisis had turned drastically harsh when the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma received the brunt of an action it did decades prior. In the early days of the dictatorship, General Ne Win with his subordinates removed few minorities of the citizenship appeal, two of them being the Shan and Rohingya tribes. Shan and Rohingyas were suppressed under the military junta, especially the Rohingya which was a different religious community towards the majorly Buddhist society. This religious hatred could be rooted in pre-colonial times when the Mughal Empire was known for persecuting Buddhist followers in India. With Burmese Islams widely called ‘Indian Muslims’, they soon felt threatened and an upsurge in anti-Indian sentiments soared in the 20th century.

Howbeit, the Shan State was ethnically close to Tai people, predominant dwell in the Chao Praya basin. But, the location was strategically important to the biggest neighbour of Myanmar, China. In the 1950s, the Shan State was invaded by KMT soldiers until Myanmar successfully negotiated an autonomous status with Prime Minister U Nu. Their right to secede still exist, however, which caused the junta government to attempt revising the agreement. In the 1960s, the Shan State appealed to the stronger China, but then Mao refuses as he intended to solve domestic issues rather than focusing abroad. These plead continued repeatedly throughout the 1970s and 1980s. In the meantime, the Shan State covertly plan a perfect secessionist front against the junta government.

By September 1986, the Shan State had given the opportunity when Premier Jiang Qing passed a green light on full aid for Shan State in return for a pro-Chinese communist government. The Chinese trend was infringing on the Indochinese minds, as both fronts in Laos and Cambodia were winning. Khun Sa from the Shan State Army, despite trained by the KMT in the 50s, officially announced the secession of the Shan State with the backing of the People’s Republic of China. Around the same time, the Rakhine State of Rohingya rebelled after decades of discrimination and neglect, which sources of their military activities were yet to comprehend.

For nearly twenty years, the Indochinese Axis had attempted to constitute a separate alliance of power in South East Asia, formerly thought that with France’s willingness, it would have stood a chance albeit how minuscule. However, the French’s government had opted to return West. The Axis were gradually squeezed between two giant powers.

President Ne Win and Prime Minister Thanom held a secret meeting in Chiang Mai. It was an undisclosed location that decided the fate of the two military dictatorships. They opened for a diplomatic agreement, and their first action was decided when they meet the particular person, a Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Indonesia.

21 December 1986
Singapore, the Federal Republic of Indonesia

Singapore's Parliament House, in 1986 the Singapore's Federal District Administrative Building

Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim was the state’s youngest yet wisest man in a diplomatic career, especially under international relations. He, albeit external pressure from all sides, had calmed down one at a time of formerly Indonesian menaces. Australia, in particular, successfully opened relations that ended the hostility and resentment from the Aggression. Currently, the Australians agreed on relenting claims in Christmas Island and few others. Still, the national media was not interested in positive achievements, they were interested in the still tense predicament in Jakarta.

Anwar Ibrahim was appointed by President Subandrio in 1985, 38 years of life, as the probably youngest minister in the rough Indonesian era. Firstly, President Subandrio wanted a young, inexperienced minister that would follow his words bit by bit without severe opposition, but Anwar was not as gullible as stated. His youth career helped Indonesia’s annexation of Malaysia without angering the United Nations too much. In 1966, he was involved with a group of young activists to incorporate Malayans into Indonesian dominance, even urged people to speak Indonesian but maintain their old Melayu use. However, President Subandrio is correct with another premonition. Foreign Minister Anwar had been so preoccupied with domestic political affairs that foreign relations had become less focused for him. That, as a result, rest the foreign policymakers solely on the hands of Subandrio with Anwar acted as the executor.

This was since Anwar had other motives and ambitions. His supporters, Islamic-liberal youths from Malaya, did not like both Musa Hitam’s lenience to the Singaporean clique or Mahathir’s conservative opposition ready to overthrew remnants of LKY’s leadership. Surprisingly, Anwar Ibrahim had been contacting the Javanese Islamic bloc, the Muhammadiyah and NU, should they opted for a unified pact. Still, NU traced steps carefully and watching the situation unveils while the Muhammadiyah focused on the technological advances the republic had been receiving.

The Conference in Jakarta was beneficial to Anwar in that it had ended sooner and better than expected. Due to external events, he added to himself, which purely luck and grace by the higher being. He can easily look at foreign issues now, and he is contacted for a delegation meeting in Singapore.

Days before, the Foreign Ministry was briefed that a possible talk will occur with both Burmese and Thai officials. They promised their release of control in Cambodia, but the democratic system should maintain the traditional monarchy it has had, therefore retaining few powers of pro-Thailand officials in the newly proposed state. Laos, they determined, should be entirely on their military sphere. The return of this, as Anwar somewhat delighted, was military assistance and joined forces to fight against the Laotians and Cambodian communes. Anwar Ibrahim later comprehended that this message was relayed to the Americans too, Vice McNamara stated an agreement, not sure if that’s President Glenn’s opinion or not.

Nevertheless, a tricky ordeal occurred when Myanmar was in question. Myanmar wished for military assistance on squashing the insurgency, both Shan and Rakhine. Indonesians would be enraged if they help Myanmar killing off Islamic tribes, more so in the benefits of a dictatorial regime that hated Indonesia prior. The escalation of the Shan conflict would immediately interest China to make the entire Indochinese region one big conflict of struggle instead of small isolated ones. That would have made an unprecedented effect of spiralling, a short straw which is the third world war.

The Indochinese Axis knew that these matters needed thorough negotiation, which was why Anwar Ibrahim is in Singapore. If today’s event goes smoothly, he will schedule a formal talk in late January. For him, this was a nice offer that South Vietnam could benefit from; two military allies and a greater winning chance of this war. This could be an alternative to the US’ bleak interventionist future, where young Democrat activists openly opposed the president on this war.

Sorry for the one day out of schedule. I just had a busy yesterday.
This will be an opening for a mix between Indonesia's neighbour situations while discussing domestic affairs. Soon, the chapter would finally come for the elephant in the room, the 1988 Election campaign.
If you like to comment on this thread in Indonesian, I would gladly respond bilingually.

SkylineDreamer · Jul 16, 2021

A New Approach

2:00 PM, January 10, 1987
Parliament Building, Senayan, Jakarta

Premier Musa Hitam conveyed the multiple events that were occurring last year, gathered them up to find congenial solutions without exerting too much government power on the people. The last thing the government would do is telling the angry proletariat orders, it only results in riots and demonstrations. The pressing issues, like the feud with the State Republic of Nusantara, was taken care of by him and his cabinet members for a week by now. The opening Parliament Session bear optimistic views because of the American trouble. Ironic, the Premier thought, only perilous situations successfully united Indonesia. The war with the United Kingdom unilaterally conveyed a united banner to fight and win. This time, the economic recession by the US impacted dearly, especially European countries.

For some time, the European Alliance was an old empire dreaming of its former self. The German Electorship had decided to appeal modernization with the tradition remained intact. The Holy Roman Empire system of Germany gave a sense of Western democracy with slight European characteristics. Although anti-monarchist sentiment still lingered from racist remarks of several royal houses to some ethnic minorities, these rulers wished deeply to reform Europe without losing its identity. [1]

However, the World Wars ruined the continent so greatly that the United States must conduct massive infrastructure reconstruction, the Marshall Plan, to revive the economy back in place. In particular, Germany and the European Economic Commerce traded significantly with the United States, thus the latter had a great influence on the European markets. This caused the European slowdown in economics, and the cease of investments pouring into Indonesia.

The Western economy, or the nations which upheld interest to side with the United States, was deeply affected by the downfall of the US economy. The few regions relatively affected little by the Christmas Panic of 1987, is the Asian countries like Iran and Japan. The good news for Indonesia, the EAC helped mitigate the crisis it would occur in Indonesia. The bad news for Indonesia, the United States was still Indonesia’s largest trading partner. The deepest hit of all was the industrial sector.

Since last week, high-end electronic appliances has skyrocketed in value, some reached quintuple of values comparing last year’s average price. For regular appliances like refrigerators, TV and radios, the Japanese seller controlled the swollen value to two times of former values, decent comparing to the ballooned American products. It impacted heavy industries the most as many electrical and mechanical machinery originated and bought from the United States. Chemical and electrical industries were hit profoundly while textile industries innovatively changed to basic simpler tools.

For Premier Musa Hitam, this change of system would impact the damaged industrial tycoons. They have been financially worsened by the labour sentiment, the economic slowdown would resume and prolong the economic woes Indonesia has been going through lately. Consequentially, it would return to the same sorry state Musa Hitam feared for, the end of economic growth under his leadership. Personally, he loathed the idea for Indonesia to remember him as the man that Indonesia’s economic growth ended. He needed alternatives to combat the depressing events.

“Mr Premier, the nationwide landscape of Indonesia has changed. The economic miracle from increasing industry and workforce was LKY’s era. I believe we should focus on another aspect,” told Elias Jan Bonai.

Elias Jan Bonai, 1965

Elias Jan Bonai was former Deputy State President of Papua. Since the enlargement of Papua, Papuan politicians have cheered on reuniting after decades of separation by colonialism. As a member of Papua State Republic under the Indonesian Administration, Elias Jan Bonai [2] with Frans Kaisepo had transformed Papua into a modern, pro-Western society with extreme advancements. Still, some traditionalists opposed the advancements and formed the Freedom of Papua Movement. Yet, much to the ease of the Papuan government, decades of growth and assimilation has halted the separatist movement.

Elias Jan Bonai was the government’s senior advisor in politics, whom Musa Hitam bestowed, for different opinions regarding the multiple predicaments occurring in Indonesia. He, despite being a PNI-R politician, remained friendly to other parties, like the ruling government coalition. Elias currently is under Habibie’s faction, embracing modernity and rapid change for outpacing the world in technology.

“Indonesians had a successful Chinese Premier because of the economic miracle LKY had brought for almost a decade. I still believe an economic miracle was our best path to continue advancing Indonesia, as well as securing votes for further elections.” Musa Hitam defended.

“Yet, Mr Premier, the tides had changed that economic miracle would never be being achieved without a pyrrhic price. We have growing protests against companies and industries, demanding higher wages and better insurance. We also witness growing forest fires by enterprise’s haste measures to quickly transform forests to plantations, that angered a lot of residents as well as college naturalists,” Elias replied.

Indeed, Premier responded with the heart. The air pollution in Sumatra had increased after the companies reviewed forest fires to be the most effective option to gain profit rapidly. There has been a number of them, particularly on the Eastern side of the island, that eventually smoked Malaya and Singapore. Not to mention that police forces have founded opium plantations in Aceh. For now, the Premier had no idea how to respond.

“Mr Premier, as both parties would suggest, I think you should propose a different approach that people can support. No more than an economic promise, find something elsewhere that you can be remembered.”

This time, Premier could only sit in silence. He was LKY’s political machine for the parliament, not the people. Musa Hitam was the LBJ of LKY, rather than being the man that talks those proposals to the people. His charisma definitely outmatched LKY’s vitality and rigour. However, people considered the new premier as politic and composed in contrast to LKY’s confrontational and direct attitude.

Musa’s Strategy: Ending Dual Citizenship Ban

The start of January marked clearing clouds from the unnecessary dispute which is the 1986 Labour Law dilemma. The State Republic of Nusantara had been advocating the Labour Law into effect, proved to be extremely excessive and reduced investors’ confidence towards the Indonesian economy. The new year also marked the rippling effects of both America’s troubles and Indonesia’s slowed-down gears. The Philippines contracted economic growth. Also, the President announced a restriction of foreign influence in many energy-rich companies, like gold, iron, lead, etc, and nationalized some of it that somewhat angered the United States too. In South Vietnam, rice exports to Indonesia shrank slightly. Still, South Vietnam suffered a massive blow on the Indochinese Struggle, especially when the Glenn Administration showed inconsistency on sending troops as negotiated.

Premier Musa Hitam’s this year directive was to increase the innovativeness of the Indonesian society to compete with international platforms in terms of nationwide sectors. Currently fifth in population rank, Indonesia has vast amounts of manpower. Yet, despite the large population, Indonesia strangely struggled on finding agrarian workers, as most of the workforce had gone to industrial factories.

His main concerns partially contributed that the industrial labours have been swooned by PPP Mahathir’s faction since 1985 or the rising Kismayo Crisis. The current Musa’s PPP bloc is situated in Federal Districts, contributing large swaths of the population in small areas of land, gaining the term ‘elite cities’ by countryside dwellers. However, Musa Hitam had noticed the diminishment of attacks from other parties, especially after the Labour Law was revised.

On 15 January 1986, the state government of Nusantara began establishing the 1986 Labour Law Revision Committee consist of 20 representatives from the state republic and 15 representatives from the federal state. Another 5 representatives were accumulated from other state republics that will oversee the general direction and writings of the later 1987 Revised Labour Law. Urgent issues, such as the low prosperity of farmers have been taken care of, and the PPI platform has softened its opposition for some time. The Malayan farmers, a population group for PPP based Melayu Bersatu Faction, still expressed intention to switch Musa Hitam. They used everything negative they could to propel the opposition, one example like the rise of air pollution levels from smoke. Fortunately, farmers in Java did not share similar buttress which later sparked a divide between Malayan and Javanese groups.

Looking at other state republics, the Madagascar State Republic has shown massive boosts made by the state government’s little regulation in factories. Francisque Tsiatosika Ravony, the governor [3] of Madagascar, joked about the Labour Crisis actually boosted investors to establish myriad complexes of factories here just to avoid the minimum wage issue. However, one Madagascar’s concern was lacking in terms of population, as factories, services and places could not reach their full potential solely because job applicants had been scarce. Still, after Madagascar’s incorporation into the PPP’s LKY coalition, the supports have reached an all-time high, climaxing at 75% of voters showed positive stances towards Musa Hitam. Their major concern, in contrast to Nusantara, was the rise in the minimum wage, which was unnecessary in the Madagascar realm. Malagasy people at that time were still satisfied with the federal minimum before the change.

The Papua State Republic, similarly, showed massive support towards the government as they too endure great societal advancements both the natives and coming immigrants. Except, they had no problem with job vacancies because immigrants from all across Indonesia, in addition to few others across the Pacific, has flocked to the island for life. In short, Papua has become California’s Indonesia. Despite the scare of natives been deported out of their homes, Papuan immigrants have fortunately respected few of those native lands, searching for friendlier tribes that wished for modernization from tribal systems.

The Melanesian State Republic was a different case from Papua and Madagascar. They had the industrial appeasement likewise two previous states, yet they lacked the space to do so. Being the smallest of state republics, Melanesia suffered from strategic places assured investors wished their assets to sit on. Accordingly, the Melanesian State Republic relied on the maritime potential, wishing to compete with fishermen from other states. Therefore, success stories seldom originated from this place. Especially after the Tragedy of Poroporo, public confidence in the federal state has been shrinking.

The premier acknowledged that different state republics need different necessities. However, the lack of population has been one great factor circling across much of the nation. The national population growth, wobbling at 2.9% [4]. Others argued public confidence should be prioritized first, Musa Hitam acted the otherwise.

On the 20th of January, Musa Hitam proposed a change in citizenship status. Previously, dual citizenship has been a total ban in Indonesia, thus Dutch and Chinese descendants were forces to relieve their nation’s passports to stay in Indonesia. However, looking at the current migrating forces in Papua and Madagascar, both state republics suffered great lengths on routinely checking their residency status on a period of time (6 months) that had needlessly web federal bureaucracy. Therefore, Premier Musa Hitam urged to withdraw the ban on dual citizenship, encouraging more settlers.

Dual citizenship, surprisingly, was accepted by other parties like PUI and PRD. They expressed no concerns about changing the rule, but they understand many benefits when the rule was implemented. The entire PPP also supported the idea, as the party’s old Malayan’s history had no harsh reinforcement comparing what Sukarno did to Indonesia-proper in the early independence era. The nationalist rhetoric did not engulf the politicians too deeply, hence they agreed wholeheartedly.

Of course, the opposition to the proposal was Sukarno-clique PPI. Guntur has become the de-facto party leader of the communist coalition and he maintained his father’s attitude towards nationalism in Indonesia. He considered the proposal as preposterous and would only increase Indonesian nationality that couldn’t speak Indonesian. He also added that dual citizenship increases the potential of ‘backdoor dealing’ that involved foreign powers by his second nationality. Although judged to be absurd in metropolitan people, the hinterland believed in that offer. Commonly, the farmer has been ‘prejudiced’ as the lowest of the class. Thus, farmers inserted that dual citizenship would only decrease the people’s love for the country, thus dishonour all sectors of society in the nation.

Abstain voters, or parties that had not shown sides was the PNI-R, ironically. Despite the platform being nationalistic, PNI-R has not shown anti-dual citizenship resonance that spread to the populace. Instead, the PNI-R was shown with a new chairman. 1987 marked a new chapter for the PNI-R. Ali Sadikin finally restructured the party after years of internal turmoil, mess and changes within the party. Unlike Nasution’s traditional look of the nation’s Westernization, Ali Sadikin has been quite liberal to the extent. During an election campaign for gubernatorial elections in Jakarta, he retorted that Indonesia’s gambling elites have fled to Macau, later Hong Kong, for gambling. He, when appointed as Governor of Jakarta in the Nasution Era, opted for gambling to be legal in the federal district. He credited Singapore to have ease regulation on this controversial matter, the city had improved rapidly since. As State-Governor, he modernized the State Republic, improving the highway connections and roads, but got criticised with racial violence across Kalimantan. He was also got condemned with Java-centric attitudes, as he focused more on Javanese infrastructures. He steps down to Mohammed Rahmat, a PPP politician who later caused a ruckus to the government, unlike him who was quite friendly.

This one gambling example has been a reason why Ali opted no say in the dual citizenship proposal. He noticed that dual citizenship too could improve national capital, making the nation richer. Just like gambling, this controversial yet intriguing proposal might be a decent sacrifice in rewards for making Indonesia a better, healthier place. Upon the final voting, he finally urged his party to vote yes, leaving the Parliament a substantial margin to revise the dual citizenship law.

The dual citizenship law was first Musa Hitam’s strategy on ‘making his own image’. This was his first personal initiative proven to be successful for decades. Yet, his troubles are not finished when he wanted to pass another plan. He intends to push for intervention with South Vietnam.

Edit:
Known characters, or at least mentioned multiple times from the past five chapters, will no longer be hyperlinked. New characters, as ruled by myself, can be directed to a Wikipedia page, or an Indonesian article regarding the man.

[1] Germany was like the young nation that wanted the old values. It was because that the new ones had ruined the identity of Germany, but not trying to remind dark past Germany has. This made Germany into some sort of UK-esque parliamentary system but the election fun shifted to both the crown and the chancellor. Britain actually supported Germany to embrace constitutional monarchy, but not liking the pro-immigrant attitude Britain is leaving.
[2] Elias Jan Bonai was an OPM supporter that angered after the untimely step down of Frans Kaisepo. This had been OTL Suharto's New Order that shifted most governors into appointed military subordinates. ITTL, Frans Kaisepo has all the freedom and the OPM has no big credibility like OTL.
[3] State President/State Governor is the name used for the leader of the State Republic of Nusantara. That is because they are subdivided into provinces, which use Governors as their leader's status. In Madagascar, Papua and Melanesia, they currently subdivide themselves into districts, naming their leader as District Secretary, this contributes no confusion to the term 'Governor' as the leader of the State Republics, thus name stayed.
[4] Directly copied from the website, OTL was heavily influenced by Suharto's Planned Parenthood. ITTL was mainly from an already high population (200 million-ish in 1987), higher prosperity. However, immigration and high birth rates increased the ITTL percentage by 0.9 more than OTL.

PNI-R is trying to resurrect itself, Musa Hitam is capturing the gist of the premiership, and few problems abroad. The next chapter would be Musa Hitam's second initiative, you'll see what.

SkylineDreamer · Jul 25, 2021

The Confrontation

11.00 AM, 19 January 1987
Presidential Palace, Jakarta

Prime Minister James (Jim) Michael Leathes Prior, commonly recognized as Jim Prior, has announced his timed retirement from Parliament by Labour Day. Nearly 13 years of ruling the United Kingdom, fifth-longest by tenure, Jim Prior has transformed Great Britain into an indisputably different nation. The nation has moulded into a hybrid system with socialist characteristics. Uniquely for the Premier, Jim Prior wasn’t nationalist like his party principles. He was ardently conservative with pro-labour economic policy. However, the main reason why has ruled for so long was his enthusiastic imperialist attitudes and brilliant domestic achievements.

For Premier Musa Hitam and his political experts, Jim Prior has mixed plans that captivated what Indonesians thought as two opposite groups of population; the aristocrats and low class. In Britain, low-class craftsmen, labour and farming worker has been benefited by Prior’s planned economy, welfare system, and affordable tax rates that the proletariat disburse. For the aristocrats, the government’s neglect and ‘hands-off’ method were enjoyed. With also relatively low tax rates and little regulation in Britain’s overseas territories, the nobility can savour the previous system in Hong Kong or Malta while having the same welfare benefits from the Unionist system in the Mainland.

Unfortunately, the system Jim Prior has crafted left the middle class the worst. The bourgeoisie was omitted with higher taxes comparing to the lower class with lesser benefits, but also cannot afford to go overseas territories to relish the freedom they once had. This led the remaining 30% of the population to join the Liberal Party, the new opposition for the Unionists.

Premier Musa Hitam had the story heard this morning just before coming to the Presidential Palace. Unrelated to Jim Prior, Premier Musa Hitam had a terrifying ordeal to endure, one which appeasing the President about the one thing he publicly opposed.

“Premier Musa. I have told you that involving in the Vietnam War would only cost us human lives and money. We have no interest over there, much to our promise of neutrality,” the President repeated with slight irritation on his voice.

Premier Musa Hitam sighed on the seat in front of the Presidential desk. This was the first day he wanted the President to discuss the matter, yet he was adamant, quite stubborn in his opinion, about the Vietnamese War that was brewing. Indeed, two unbearable interventions had resisted Subandrio from conducting a third one, the interventions in Africa only made a bad image of Indonesia to those countries. Personally, Premier Musa Hitam couldn’t understand why Indonesia is hated in Africa. We liberated them from Portugal. Despite them later divulge into a civil war, that was not Indonesia’s matter as our main aspiration was to force Portugal to leave its overseas colonies. Yet, both in Africa and Indonesia’s media sources, they depicted the Kopassus and Marinir as warmongering brutes.

“Mr President, South Vietnam is our closest ally, being both in the Spratly League, SEATO and EAC. We are losing the Philippines as we speak, and now South Vietnam could be lost by the Cambodians. Look, Mr President. I understand your ardent intentions of neutrality, but the common prediction is we will lose our precious investments, years of growth and even years of diplomatic relations if South Vietnam should be abandon for the sake of your principles,” Musa lengthy response stunned the President briefly.

“My principles? This is Pancasila, Indonesia’s core principles. You certainly have lost my reliance to assume that it was personally my bizarre liking for neutrality,” the President continued with a deep tone.

This has been the second hour of discussion, neither party compromise. For Musa’s defence, the intervention in Vietnam was the solid choice for securing our partnership that can be beneficial in the long run. Indonesia has been losing allies by the cause of neutrality. It was so naïve for the Premier to make Indonesia the most cordial nation on the planet. Imagine that to be tips of friendship on school for young scholars. No allegiance on any side, just picks the middle ground. Not only you failed to have friends, you will be hated by everyone.

Our industrial strength was sturdy enough that we could expand our national industries to invest there. From noodle to textile manufactures, we have few pioneering industries in South Vietnam that could accumulate large wealth to Indonesia. Not to mention South Vietnam’s high population, thus high consumption especially on food products. National entrepreneurs in the early 1980s have begun entering South Vietnamese markets. Yet, the Indochinese War and subsequent Red scare had forced Indonesian entrepreneurs back to Indonesia. Investment and time spent are futile.

Furthermore, Musa Hitam criticized Pancasila deeply on the principles’ incessant use on Indonesia’s day-to-day basis. Although visionary for our independent struggle, Pancasila has become mere … well, visions. Practically, Pancasila’s five principles would coincide with each other in battle under the political spectrum. Every time the President demanded the government to fulfil those five principles. In another view, Pancasila could improve Indonesia’s political background from radicalism, but It still failed. We still have PPI’s pro-communist, FPI’s rather Islamists and Barisan Pemuda’s rather neo-liberal for Pancasila to allow. [1]

The Premier returned to his office by lunch, determined to find another initiative he could pass without excessive bickering with the President. However, he knew that this battle has not been won, and he would draw an ultimatum for the President should he be too close-minded on the wide perspective.

Musa’s Second Initiative

Musa Hitam in the Indonesian Great Urban Conference, 1987

On Musa’s January and February activities, the public noticed the Premier’s withdrawal from foreign politics. Public speculation concluded that Musa has been confronting the President about South Vietnam’s series of defeats after Cambodia’s counter-offensive. The media inculpated the Premier as ‘silent opposition to the President’s fallout in foreign policy, but some argued the Premier to conduct the job as it is; domestic affairs only with foreign affairs under the president. This would give the 1973 Constitution another heated debate, whether the ambiguity of the clause with no clear analogous to other nation’s system meant Indonesia’s unique identity in the world or just another faulty that the government need revision.

His second initiative derived from the Federal District’s problem coming into the growth of their territories, unplanned housing. The population in dense urban centres was rising beyond the capacity of the government’s plan which eventually paved uncontrolled land usage contractors bought for housing needs. It has not kicked fully yet to witness the mess of zoning, but Musa Hitam understood the critical necessities of urban planning in cities that would expand exponentially for decades ahead. For that reason, he invited a plethora of architects, engineers and city planners to arrive in Indonesia.

The Indonesian Great Urban Conference was held in the old main terminal of Kemayoran Airport, Jakarta. Began on 26 January 1987, the event consisted of daily meetings held by Federal District officials, Federal Governorates and invited foreign specialists on the top floor and public fair on the bottom floor. Indonesian Institute of Architects, led by Achmad Noe’man, host the conference with federal approval. Publicly, the conference was a publicity stunt from invited architects to present their models for public view. It introduced old designs, such as the modernism structure Nasution Era had patronized with grand projects all across Indonesia.

78 Shenton, Singapore. One of the buildings whose blueprints and 3D model was presented at the conference

The 1980s and 1990s 'Jengki' style [from term Yankee], a strange architectural design dated from the 60s, was revived from the conference

For the government, the conference was mainly to outline proper instructions of metropolitan zonings, including zoning laws, mass transit proposals, and state-owned recreational construction programs, in Indonesia. Most cabinet members who excelled in economics agreed that single-use zoning in every municipal was one big reason for heavy traffic in streets. It also reduced growth evenly on cities, forming a tiered city that needed a high capacity of connections. In a mountainous region like Padang, the TSIP program was costly on building large pillars of highway roads that LKY ever debated on the return when briefed with the Ministry of Transportation.

Also, in the early 1980s, a growing thirst for identity emerged from many rural arrivers as they endured the cultural shock in most of the Federal District’s open cities. The idea which Indonesian metropolis has been idolizing Western norms was revolting to most traditionalist newcomers. Western buildings, western culture and western traditions crashed into their usual traditional customs with slight Islamic characteristics. By combating this issue, this disillusioned population would wither away, signify with radical youth groups decreasing in multiple demonstrations appeals to the federal parliament.

Another concern was the damage high flux of motorized vehicles in the city. Jakarta has increased car usage by twice in 5 years and quintuple in 7 years, brutal congestions has started to form in inner cities. Also, many of Jakarta and Singapore’s central residential have been extremely annoyed with moped sounds. The number of mopeds inevitably increase as the low-income class on suburbia homes bought themselves mopeds to transport them to inner cities. The federal government worried about private developers that keep adopting pure American-style car neighbourhoods in Indonesia. Unlike the United States, Indonesia lacked the space for sustaining fully motorized connections. For the State Republic of Papua, their low population has eased the government from any fears. But, in Java island, this neighbourhood could bulldoze strategic agrarian lands, reducing our strained food production even lower. For economic reasons, Indonesia has not owned any automotive industry, all of the cars were imported. If car-induced suburbia kept expanding, Indonesia would have to increase imports to Japan. It will reduce foreign exchange, and therefore the state’s strength.

Traffic in Tomang, Jakarta. Traffic is another reason for Musa's concern

Musa Hitam’s concerns, truthfully, was when he saw the growing slums of undeserved housing near Jakarta. Cramped, unhygienic and impoverished, this trend of poor housing has sporadically emerged with growing numbers of urbanization. In addition to Indonesia’s growing face on the international stage, the Premier wished to review these piling problems by striking it when it has not yet been massive enough. He feared when dealt with later, the slum problems would be too expensive for any alternatives.

At the conference, ministerial bureaucrat J.B. Sumarlin [2] arrived at the venue. He, with Ginandjar Kartasasmita [3], Y.B. Mangunwijaya, and Adhi Moersid, conversed regarding a few and many of these issues. Intriguingly, they encountered a small group of Californian architects, Larry Beasley and Peter Calthorpe, who envisioned an old yet revolutionary idea that could change how Indonesian cities work. They tried in the United States, a small experiment to create small walkable centres filled with various public transit options. However, J.B. Sumarlin later dumped the proposal as too sociological. Indonesia needed economic efficiency on town planning, this fresh concept was still new. Also, the planning still developed a unitary centre in one town, it will not solve the problem of car crowding in rush hours.

In the fullness of the conference, Sumarlin and Ginandjar finally formed a consensual regulation. It eventually becomes the Sumarlin Regulation, later ratified as the Zoning Law of 1987 by Congress. In the bill, Sumarlin stressed urban planning should involve secondary economic centres of a city to alleviate the burden for the main district. This secondary centre will possess all public transports, from small transit like a city bus, trams or walkable pathways to large transit like the railway, monorail and intercity busses. From this, economic equity shall be distributed evenly on cities, rather than concentrated on one CBD. Between these secondary districts should form a ring connection around the main district. This conveniently put Jakarta’s Ring Road perfectly followed the bill’s regulation, as the destined central business district selected by Sudomo Hendarto would be Grogol, Cawang, Pulogadung and Tanjung Priok, all near the toll roads. [4]

Mangsang Transport Hub [Bus terminal with MRT], Batam

Orchard Road, Singapore

Suburbia in Biak

The zoning law also prohibits old-town architecture to bulldoze carelessly for modernism and instead promote them as tourism spots. This was carried from Ginandjar that determined ‘old-time could possess great attraction on tourism, thus diversifying income to alleviate the percentage of nation’s wealth from industry. For example, in Jakarta, the Kota district’s Dutch architectural landscape was maintained by Jakarta’s federal regent. In Malacca City, efforts of rebuilding Malacca’s trading port as it was in the 17th century was conducted by city officials. Nevertheless, the return of these pre-colonial designs in contrast did not anger the populace, it actually reinforces Indonesia’s affirm stance as the world’s trading hub. [5]

Kota Tua, Jakarta

Media coverage reported all aspects of the zoning law because the public has eyed them quite specifically. However, Musa Hitam’s great comeback was his constant approach to landscaping urban sprawls with green parks and natural spaces. This caused wide recognition especially from city folks as they criticized the city’s lack of recreation and refreshment with the extremely dense housing construction. Even the poor, which has illegally constructed slums in many parts of the metropolis, agreed also on this matter. They later agreed wholeheartedly after Musa Hitam promised subsidized government housing for the poor slums of federal districts. Despite not carried weight to appease rural dwellers, a small optimism was shown in many urban and suburban citizens, consequentially increase Musa’s popularity.

The conference ended on February 20, 1987, and both politicians and the public approved the results of the event. Musa Hitam’s popularity recovered with media coverage appraised this conference. This would affect Federal District’s the most, as they were Musa Hitam’s only experimental places he can implement the new zoning law. By May 1987, the execution of the zoning law begun taking place, massive infrastructure buildup with many designated structures erected. With the successors of Indonesia’s federal government majorly heavily supportive of this law, the legacy it upholds can be drawn for decades to come.

[1] This is personally can be how a foreigner (at least non-native Indonesian) think about Pancasila. Based on my own experience, I've encountered few foreigners who commented on this topic.
[2] ITTL J.B. Sumarlin is the head of Bappenas (Badan Perencaan Pembangunan Nasional) which surprisingly isn't on Subandrio's ministerial cabinet position, but mere federal organization.
[3] ITTL Ginandjar is a ministerial position without a portfolio, barely appointed last year before LKY's assassination.
[4]This affected firstly on Federal District since they're fully federal control. For State Republics, they prolonged this effort but later agree to the zoning's appropriation. Furthermore, this would increase the state's own cities competition against federal ones.
EDIT:
[5]This could be said as "old town policy" in Federal Districts. They later became car-free zones with good tram connections.

Overall, the zoning discouraged one CBD in a city, then diversifying multiple districts. It also put public transit as priority number one, as opposed to early car-centric constructions. This would eventually spark the new movement of pedestrian-friendly and bike-friendly districts, and safely we can say Indonesia is Asia's pioneer. This gives an ironic sense that Indonesia is following Netherland's OTL 1980 approach, this is not a coincidence as I will address this in later posts. Quite an environmental chapter, not what I expected last week. The next chapter should focus on another Musa Hitam's policy, this time connecting with Subandrio's earlier reforms. The upcoming post should also open a new problem in Indochina.

SkylineDreamer · Jul 31, 2021

Saturday, 31st January 1987
Menteng, Jakarta

Chairman of Jakarta Regional Party of Partai Pekerja Indonesia, Guntur Sukarnoputra, turned off the television after hours of watching. The news channel has presented few entertaining sessions for the children, but he preferred the earthly news broadcast. TVNI Evening News has displayed a report about the North's devastating blow to the South’s effort in Vietnam. It is said, this noon, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam has crossed the demilitarization zone, effectively igniting the Vietnamese Civil War. From then on, it seemed Subandrio’s government remained steadfast in neutrality while the cabinet members became restless on the growing circumstance. The military has repetitively demanded intervention in the Southern republic, as it seemed the tides could be changed for the worse.

Njono Prawiro, the Chairman of the PPI, had not given any expression towards the media, but inside our party, he has already shown bright outlines everywhere he goes. As the hardliner of the communist movement, Njono Prawiro was the bulk of communism in Indonesia, especially in the 60s. However, the eternal struggle between him and Late-Suharto compelled Njono to wait furthermore. This current cabinet, Subandrio’s Presidency and Musa’s Premiership, Njono Prawiro reluctantly has to continue cooperating with the government. Yet, that never discontinued Njono’s efforts to retake what was his: his long waited revolution.

PPI’s restless radicals had been stirred with the pro-business government of LKY and Musa Hitam. As a result, in 1982 the PPI had begun to attack the Prosperity Coalition to bolster their swelling opposition to the government. The split by General Untung and pro-Suharto fellows had disabled the PKI into all but name, later the PPI continued as the PKI’s ideological successor. However, PPI’s young politicians soon disputed with the older generation about how communism should operate in the nation, primarily on whether Indonesia’s stance should betray the United States to join with the Comintern, or just found their own future like what President Sukarno initially believed.

The latter had been Guntur, Sukarno’s son, political strife. LKY’s economic miracle has bolstered Indonesia’s confidence internationally. Naturally a trading hub, Indonesia should have maximized its strategic importance, and ironically LKY has utilized that potential. The Federal Districts were Nasution’s brilliant invention and LKY’s great implementation in Guntur’s point-of-view. Due to that, he expressed his own idea, Nusantara Communism [1], to his own party.

“Tok,” a familiar voice has called him, “your political manifesto is eerily similar to Nasution back in the 60s.”

Guntur acknowledged his nickname and longed for that calling. His father has called him ‘tok' every time. Now, as Mega spoke that name, it was as if his father had returned.

“Mega,” Guntur answered, “PPI should not linger on sticking with China or the Soviets or any communist ideologue for us to copy. We are our own nation, nearly surpassing America in population, just passing India in GDP (PPP). Also, our scientific achievements have surpassed China, the largest in Asia. We should certainly be capable of finding our own communism, not from copying other nation’s struggle.”

In Guntur’s book, Api Indonesia, Guntur acclaimed Indonesia to be sufficiently aware of her future, thus need not rely on adopting any foreign ideologies totally without improvement. He stated that Nusantara Communism was the contemporary form of Marhaenism, an old PNI ideology which his father had introduced. However, instead of rejecting capitalism outright, his book suggested using a ‘controlled’ zone of capitalism as a compromise between Eastern and Western outlooks. He criticized the government’s strong liberalism and individualism efforts that has infiltrated seasonal urban workers in Federal Districts. In the meantime, he remembered to appraise LKY and Musa Hitam for their unrelenting efforts of modernizing Indonesia. His book balanced the communist roots of his party with some democratic ideas of his own, noting them as ‘rapid means of self-sufficiency’. However, his book gained much resentment, shockingly, from the party’s higher-ups, condemning them as unaligned to the party’s ideals.

Published last November, the public in both ideological spectrums gave good reception to his writings. However, some scholars have mentioned that Guntur’s paradigms suited well with Nasution’s practice during his reign. Except for the grave importance of the defence department, Guntur’s policies went hand-in-hand with Nasution’s socio-economic conditions. That, unfortunately, had gained distrust to his own party leaders, stating that maybe his sister was more suitable to the party’s radical platform rather than him. While the party fancied a strong centralistic government with the PPI as their head, Guntur’s book wrote the decentralized autonomy system as a better form of governance as they preserved the locality and traditional identities of Nusantara.

This process of a tug-of-war between Guntur’s view and the party’s officials had begun a few months after his entrance to the party. In between political speeches and campaign endorsements, Guntur would sway the public with his inherited charisma. But, unlike his father, Guntur never preferred the communist wing so much. He chose PPI solely for the party’s proximity to his views, yet that didn’t mean that his views should be the same as the party’s.

“Still,” Mega replied, “our farmers have stagnated through the years. Look at this year’s harvest. It is estimated to drop below sufficient levels. If we continue this kind of system, we will lose our farming capabilities. Indonesia needed an overhaul, and the PPI can give the revolution needed to reform the nation.”

Indeed, Guntur noticed that this year’s crops will shrink by the lack of workers in the farmlands. The industrial was great for modernization but was too quick as it shifted the rural balance in Indonesia. However, this problem wasn’t Indonesia’s systemic issue, this is merely an administrative hiccup. With great balance and determination from every sector, Indonesia can sustain better in 1973 Constitution standards.

“Yes, Mega.” Guntur affirmed the Chairman Party of Central Java, “I am aware of that as well. But that can easily change with a different man in charge. We don’t have to blame the system. LKY was merely too hurried on his plans. Nevertheless, I agree with the late-Premier.”

It seemed that statement caught Megawati Sukarnoputri off guard. For some time, Mega had noticed Guntur be more staunch and passionate about his own views. Inside her deepest of hearts, she cheered for his brother to have such a strong view. But, in her defence, the PPI leaders were also passionate. Frankly, they were stubborn as well. However, as long as the PPI had no other resorts, the Sukarno clan would still dictate the party’s success in the next elections.

As Mega ended the conversation abruptly, Guntur was about to say another thing the party’s objected for. In his book, he also stressed Indonesia’s true calling as Asia’s regional power. Only smaller than China and India, Indonesia could become Asia’s third alternative. Or, as the Americans loved the term, the ‘maritime power of Asia’. From Indonesia’s great Muslim population, he also agreed on the nation becoming a tolerant beacon of Islamic values. For all of that to happen, Indonesia should act on this brewing crisis North of the nation. He had wrapped his mind, that the best outcome of Indonesia’s future was to intervene in the Indochina War, on South Vietnam’s side.

The Reform of 1987: Musa Education Brilliance

As Indonesia Great Urban Conference was held in Kemayoran, the Premier’s activities did not stop there. He contacted Minister of Education Daoed Joesoef, to his Premier Office on 9th February. On Musa’s nearly 10-hour discussion in the room, Daoed also invited a random selection of education scholars, teachers and institutional staff to meet Musa Hitam. The media only comprehended what had actually happened when the gentlemen finally left Musa’s office.

Economic Minister Daoed Joesoef

Indonesia’s prior education system has always started in January, following the norm first day of school in most Southern Hemisphere nations. However, January had been too close to December, which the government closed their accounting books for budget purposes. The Education Minister was observant of this petite issue that could potentially bring problems if any impending education reform must be made. In addition, the lack of standards from Subandrio’s guidelines only made some schools highly ineffective. For example, Papua schools adopted a replica of American schools while Aceh adopted almost an Islamic one. The guiding unity of the curriculum in these two places was the students studied for 9-years.

In 1981, Subandrio ever attempted a national curriculum on which the State Republics should compel to adopt a universal federal system to the students. Yet, in efforts on quenching down local separatism from Nasution’s leftovers, Subandrio relented that policy, stated that as long as the locals were delighted with the system, they would not have demanded separation. The Premier, meanwhile, had suspected the local teachings to adapt secessionist materials, much of which to indoctrinate kids of anti-federal unity. It has happened, unsurprisingly, in Aceh, where the local teens were agitated on their Islamic identity. These prunes had become the FPI stronghold, much to Musa’s disappointment. [2]

In addition to it, there has been a governmental effort to reorganize the education institute all across Indonesia. For starters, the federal government had allowed sporadic school developments in many places, much of which has developed into an entangled bureaucratic fiasco for the federal government to maintain. In some Americanized schools in the State Republic of Papua, schools may actually start in September, as opposed to Java’s January as the school’s first month. This is also aggravated with Jewish schools in Madagascar, many of whom adopted the old Jewish curriculum from their erased state.

Subandrio, strangely, had expressed no concerns of this despite previously being so heartfelt on educational reform. One political analyst suggested that he intentionally did so to maintain the delicate stability of the Federal Republic. It was proven to be right as from years ahead, many disreputable regional organizations fell threatened by this educational reform.

Three days after the end of the Urban Conference, Musa Hitam introduced the massive 1987 Education Reform to the MPR. Consisted of almost 900 pages, the bill described the massive curriculum change which was implemented next year. Moreover, it also wrote the basic foundation for the modern curriculum of Indonesia in the early 21st century. In the introduction, the bill expressed the value of educational virtue so every Indonesian received notable wisdom, knowledge and information to adapt to the ever-changing world. However, the opening also noted human’s recreational nature, stating that all students can study hard and play hard, and both can be done without reducing the other. After that, the bill opened with a national plan which all Indonesian schools should have a homogenous school calendar.

The school would start in July and ended in June, yet this remained flexible as Eid al-Fitr will change the school calendar every year. Nevertheless, Daoed Joesoef had prepared for such a scenario, which he explained school holidays in advance, giving few basic regulations which schools should follow. Firstly, Eid al-Fitr will have a one-month holiday break, starting from 2.5-weeks before Eid al-Fitr to 1.5-weeks after [3]. This will increase recreational activities a child has and combat the increasing influx of homecoming populace during the Ramadan season. Other series of holiday streaks, like the Easter break [4], Christmas-New Year break [5], and even the Lunar New Year [6] break that the Singaporeans have proposed. Holiday breaks should be given to on every Sunday, while Friday would be a half-day school for many schools. Some other days, like Eid al-Adha, Islamic New Year, Nyepi and Waisak, are commemorated as federal holidays. Independence Day, 17th of August, was commemorated with a school ceremony in the morning. [7]

Disregard all the holiday breaks, the school must at least have a minimum school day of 200 days every year. If the school has satisfied the requirements, they can allocate the remaining days into school extra-curricular activities, midterm breaks, or end term holidays. How the school manage it, was no Musa’s concern as the federation grant full autonomy to schools.

In response to the classification of child education, Indonesia will divide the school into four: kindergarten, elementary, middle and high school. Each school has a range of ages, separate school hours, and a designated curriculum for children to learn. For high school, the government established a distinguished class to divide science, social studies and language enthusiasts. This will represent the child’s specialization of an expertize which could use to work. [8]

18 State High School in Bandung, Pasundan State, 1988

There was also a standardized number of lessons and studies for the school to follow in the bill. Each study had a minimum hour to be taught to the students. In particular, the Federal Civics Lesson was introduced so to increase federal unity on school teachings, and English was reinforced as a compulsory language along with Bahasa Indonesia. The State Republics, as compensation, was given a designated hour slot of local studies. In this case, Aceh was allowed on their Arab Language as long as English was still taught.

High school students posing on a blackboard with economic studies, 1988

Then, with many federal guidelines spoken, the bill settled with an autonomous right to every State Republic for their own state holiday and customized curriculum. However, it should guarantee the federal standards, such as the spoken federal holiday rules, minimum school days and the classification of education. For example, the Madagascar State Republic has publicized a state Hanukah holiday to appease Jews, so did the Papua State Republic has publicized Apollo Launch Day as a state holiday. This had not gained too much problem, as many schools in Nusantara and Papua had easily adapted with high support, along with decent nods from Madagascar and Melanesia.

Apollo Remembrance Day, celebrating Apollo Launch on March 26, 1971

From an economic perspective, the government regulated that a minimum of 10% of state and federal budget be allocated for education and legalized learning centres. Prior, the federal budget has been quite diverted for repaying loans. Yet, Musa remained optimistic as this is a long term investment for Indonesia.

The MPR was stunned by Musa’s great reform of the educational sector. All factions of the PPP endorsed this bill, the Melayus appraised him to leave the old economic focus of the Malacca Faction, while the Malacca Faction approved the dire need for a new system. The PNI-R heavily supported the bill as a systemic curriculum could increase national unity. The PPP also supported the bill. The NU and Muhammadiyah of the PUI also supported the deal as they too endorsed education as of the utmost importance. Only a few parliament members, most of them hard-core of their own beliefs, denied this bill for the government’s compulsory civics lesson which was deemed ‘brainwash’.

The President, meanwhile, showed a slight sneer to Premier Musa. For most observers agree, this education had always been the President’s sole good factor, it seemed now Musa has taken his good legacy for the Premier’s benefit. Rather than ratified the bill on hopeful sight, he even vetoed the bill for a while, tainting the bill to be tyrannical for minorities. That was not the case as Singaporeans retorted the president’s remarks. In the end, the bill was eventually passed but the President seemed unhappy.

March progressed with great colours for Premier Musa. This would be the highest point of his career, returning popularity to nearly 60% from statewide television polls. However, that would turn a different tone as the President passed his own initiative.

[1] Nusantara Communism, or NusCom for short, is an offshoot to the Thorezian model of communism, but with Western Democracy characteristics. For his confidence, the PPI should be insanely popular by default [from his communist ideas] that they don't have to regulate a one-party state to secure PPI's dominance.
[2] This only applied to troubling states that really hated Federal Indonesia, notable mentions like Aceh. More regions will pop up.
[3] E.g. suppose this year Eid al-Fitr on May 2 and May 3 [Monday and Tuesday]. That means the break starts on 14 April [Wednesday] and ends on 13 May [Thursday]
[4] ITTL, the Easter starts on Wednesday [this year is March 31] before Maundy Thursday and returned to school on Tuesday after Easter [this year is April 19]
[5] The Christmas-New Year break usually coincided with mid-term breaks [between Semester 1 to 2] and starts on 14 December to 4 January, if 4 January is Friday, Saturday or Sunday, moved to the nearest Monday.
[6] Lunar New Year break ITTL starts from D-1 of the first Lunar Day [e.g February 11, 2021] until the 15th day of the Lunar New Year [e.g February 26, 2021]
[7] As Singaporeans are now Indonesian, it is safe to say that their pressure would make Lunar New Year a public holiday, as opposed to OTL being official in GusDur Era.
[8] The high school remained unfree to most scholars, the government only subsidized 9-year. College is still unregulated but most universities adopted American-style studies in this era.

Massive education reform from Musa. The next chapter should be Subandrio's initiative, then slowly progressed for building the 1988 Election.

SkylineDreamer · Aug 7, 2021

23rd February 1987
Potsdam City Palace, Germany

Retired Air Marshall Ashadi Tjahjadi is the current Ambassador to Germany since 1982. Frankly, he was planned to be relieved this year, but the President’s agreement with the PRD compelled him to stay for another year. He is not sorrowful, as he was intrigued with Germany and the culture, he merely misses his wife and daughters. Luckily, he was never bored nor burdened, as on many occasions he would be invited for a guest appearance in the Hohenzollerns.

In 1984, the German Electors voted for Charles VIII from Wurttemberg as the new German monarch. He was to replace the Hapsburgs and maintain the rotation of kingdoms selected as Germany’s head of state. The Parliament suggested this to increase democratic values to every German citizen, and increase the federation’s legitimacy as a liberal, Western state. Still, when there’s an election, parties or factions should evolve, Germany was no exception.

The Hohenzollerns supported conservative norms and wished for greater authority on the monarchy. That meant the royal electors granted immunity to certain issues. One of which, was Helmut Schmidt’s Right to Audit Law which permits government officials to monitor and examine families’ financial records including assets. Moreover, the Right to Audit Law also allowed a questionable influx of money to be asked in a parliamentary session. The Hohenzollerns, as well as the Hapsburgs, felt unorthodox of royal families to congregate on a legislative body. Personally, Ashadi thought the royal families were just inept to change.

However, despite many issues the royal families opposed or support each other, they had created blocs according to their religious preference. Likewise, to any nation, many divide themselves into religious sects, but Germany was entangled with pockets of Lutheran, Catholics and Other Christians since the Reformation began. The Prussian Bloc, allying with Hannover, are the North companions that are partly more conservative, Protestant and authoritarian from their origins. The Austrian Bloc, the Hapsburgs with Wurttemberg, are South kingdoms that tended to Catholic, liberal values and more democratic forms. The kingdoms usually debated on the Parliament, picking sides likewise a football match especially during election season. The Wittelsbach House retained neutrality on the bloc thus remained less observant on political identities.

However, despite the house as the current elected monarch or not, any Elector has full autonomy over any actions especially outside the realm of crown responsibility. The House of Hohenzollern, rested without a crown for decades, had resorted to other types of activities, many of which involved investments and potential profits. Although the Hapsburgs and the Hannover were undertaking similar measures, Indonesia had close ties specifically to these royals.

The PRD party, especially the Golkar Faction, has opened military ties to the kingdom for being noble investors for Indonesia’s Arms Industry. PT Pindad’s small arms manufacturing has constantly been funded by the German government, along with excess capital from Germany’s surviving junkers. The Hohenzollerns, currently, is Indonesia’s main communicator and investor. In another perspective, President Subandrio has been inching for the service of the remaining established Kingdoms and Sultanates in Indonesia. These, as he declared, would even out relation towards equivalent monarchies in the Middle East and Europe, to increase relations with those necessarily.

The Ambassador, for the record, was not in the PRD party, he was aligned to Nasution’s PNI-R platform under the new Nusantara Faction. He was accompanied by the Head of Nurtanio Habibie with also the current Chief of Staff of the Air Force Oetomo in this royal palace. Ashadi's presence is merely symbolic, an ambassador to chaperone these gentlemen with his experienced German language. Understandably, Habibie was fluent in the language too as he studied in Aachen. Still, any minister must abide by the diplomatic rules of Indonesia, an ambassador must specifically attend to important matters of the state between two officials, especially this event since it was not one, but many.

Firstly, Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm (MBB) is an aerospace company from Germany famous for helicopters and airline components and infamous for those WWII jets Nazi Germany launched during their struggle. Indonesia needed substantial helicopters for short-term travels and rapid on-site exploration. As Premier Musa Hitam ordered Blok Cepu as an exploitable oil region in East Java, they needed a few of MBB’s helicopters as they are the most efficient of all designs. Secondly, Habibie is here to appease the regents to increase investments in Nurtanio. It was a high fantasy for a ten-years younger Habibie should a prototype of jet planes be created in his company. But, with help from refuging Israeli engineers along with help from American scholars, the Nurtanio was planning on its first jet plane. To succeed, Habibie demanded more funding as suggested by the Premier himself, the President has no permission to divert the budget to the company.

Second, MBB also conducted business with the military, unsurprising to anyone. As part of Try's initiative, all four branches of the military is out of date. In efforts to revitalizing several of the equipment, The Defense Minister plead with Subandrio for another modernizing effort of the Armed Forces. No surprise to anyone, the plea was responded with long, delayed and reluctant answers from the President, which finally gave minute sums exclusively for certain appliances. The Air Force, in this case, needed helicopters and few machines from the MBB.

“The MBB representatives will be here, Sir,” Oetomo sensed Habibie's fidget on the chair beside him.

Air Marshall Oetomo

“My worries are not that, Air Marshall. I felt quite concerning with these discreet schemes we have been doing on his backs,” Habibie replied.

Everyone understood the engineer’s term of ‘he’ in the statement. In fact, these gentlemen arrived here more than the President’s instructions. Ambassador Ashadi Tjahjadi had discovered Habibie had been using the government’s money for buying license production of AGMs, a big no-no for the President. These AGMs was required by the Navy for their efforts on increasing naval supremacy on Indonesian waters. Habibie's company, although common belief of the company unrelated to naval equipment, is also responsible for any flying objects, missiles being one of them. If possible, he could buy the license in an effort on creating a custom Indonesian missile invention, also prohibited by the President. Even this initiative, or any conversation of it, was prohibited by Subandrio after his peace speech, so Habibie established secretive deals with the German monarchy. As a result, the money given to Habibie can be used for other stuff, most of them adhering to any of the President's wishes. Should the ambassador be surprised with unexpected guests from MTU or Dornier, he would anticipate well. This is the third occasion he with Habibie in Germany, the previous two entered many backroom deals the ambassador fully acknowledge. Sometimes, it has become a norm for some national enterprises to have disclosed deals, the President is simply too emotional for any of them.

A similar case also came to Air Marshall Oetomo, only worse catastrophe occur should this will get exposed. The PRD Party has extensive money from Cendana’s great business empire. After the Premier’s demise, his children alleviate themselves into cunning businesspeople, his daughter Mbak Tutut in particular, has bought Astra Indonesia, the main dealer and third-party seller of Honda and Toyota. The Armed Forces Holding Cooperative[1] was Suharto’s creation of enterprise specifically to fund extra money for the soldiers. PT Pindad is partly military-owned and the LKY Premiership has allowed them to use their portion of the money as the army pleased. However, to increase the army’s significance and power, these companies should own the incentives to produce more guns. Especially with Musa Hitam had a different reason yet support South Vietnam, the PRD Golkar Faction had grown strongly enthusiastic about military intervention.

To reduce the military’s strong will of aiding South Vietnam, Subandrio possessed a trick of his own. He had been infiltrating the military to root out pro-war personals. It has been his campaign as South Vietnam’s condition had worsened. As Try Sutrisno tread between his own agenda and the president’s, the dread rumour which Subandrio would ‘reshuffle’ the military is increasing day by day. To do his scheme, he needed eyes inside the military. General Susilo Sudarman, the Secretary-General of Defense, was one notable recent aide to the President. The Defense Minister had no idea how endangered he was. For the PRD party, that meant extremely discreet communication amongst aligned followers, therefore suspicion between military personnel has risen substantially. The military in Nusantara Faction, one aligned with the Ambassador and the engineer, also expressed similar opposition towards Subandrio and this new ‘military faction’, neither of them are jovial on that matter. So, because of a single individual, the old PNI-R military seemed to ‘unify’ itself against a common enemy.

“Mr Habibie, the concerns of you is the concerns of all of us present. We are all culprits of a crime committed against our President. Yet, as sinful as one might have seen, our grounds of this conspiracy is not entirely avarice nor federal domination. We are genetically merchants, after all, the history and culture ingrained in our blood that purely ideological struggle our President is trying to instil won’t work to most of us,” the ambassador copied his words from a previous encounter with a Polynesian professor. He, as far he remembered, was an American Samoan, he studied Austronesian history. The professor lectured Ashadi Tjahjadi that Indonesian are never culturally fervent, disciplinary nor detailed. We, the Indonesians, as he said, are resilient and resourceful, yet also pragmatic and poise, ironic since the latter two traits are derived from the Dutch personality.

The tense conversation between the three parties ended when the royal assistant ushered the gentlemen to the regent’s room. In that place, they witnessed a great conference of gentlemen with some familiarly significant faces. For Ambassador Ashadi, this surprised him on not who are those people, but how many of them.

The Correct Step? Or Grotesque Insult?

Upon ending the second month of the year, the Premier must be both stunned and amazed at how the President should be the antipode. Not only he has criticized Musa’s educational improvement on his previous policy, he backtracked several of his own ideas just to appease the other side of Musa’s spectrum. Indeed, Aceh and Minang have expressed small rebellions after English has been widely reinforced to their provincial populace, but Mohammad Rahmet agrees on imposing strict education measures. Surely, the Premier has slowly thought the President is opposing him just because.

The President announced an entirely new foreign policy to add insult to injury, radically different to what he and Late-Premier had agreed upon. On the 25th of February, 1987, he announced his national speech, akin to his neutrality speech nearly a year before, to the televised nation.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim

My brothers and sister who currently attend this press conference, and to all of the people who watch this broadcast.

Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh

Today, I have a slight tendency of heart, to confess with the entire nation of Indonesia, about our direction in foreign relations. In these minutes, I intend to express many of my thoughts, wishes, and the path to which I think is the most correct to Indonesia.

Barely twenty years ago, the people had rallied on a war against annihilation, to which President Sukarno ardently persuade the people not all hope has been lost and the people’s nation shall endure. We do endure, graciously and proudly, a victory so great that the idea of Western nations interfering on our matters are minimal, all matters has given completely to our hands and ours only. We were proud, patriotic and successful Indonesians, strongly stated to everyone that a third nation can still achieve victory. Even now, I can sense that our people has this heart of passion, the idea of which imperialism is inherently evil and the people deserve their own voice on their own region. For that record, I believe that we have successfully prove and persuade the world into that direction.

Still, as we have seen in the recent time, our sovereignty has been tarnished with another form of unquestionable oppression. This newly shaped threat has been looming closely on our doorstep, the small hiccup on 1986 was one of them. We, my dear Indonesians, have found a new form of imperialism, a neo-imperialism, on basis not by bayonets, cannons and power, but by money, business and economic growth.

Indeed, the economic recession in the United States has suffered our nation costly for economic growth. It has truly concerned me to the upmost degree. Not only the economic system of the establishment proved to be slight faulty, fate has presented us exactly what the fault could entail. I want to say to the Indonesian people, that our entire economy could shut down by the basic interests of other, and by default it is damaging for us and dependent. This should be contradictory to our initial values, independence and maturity.

These principles aforementioned, denotes why I have invested a portion of my months into silence. Indeed, I oppose all wars, and the condition of South Vietnam will not change. Notwithstanding, I believe that our current dynamic has not on our benefit.

As a result, I wish to register my new better direction in foreign policy. I have recently been in touch with an Arabian and Yugoslavian representative, the two distinctively unique nations whom our first President has great interest on. We have conjured an agreement that the world is currently turning for a serious aggression and there should be a counter to how we can control world peace. Indonesia has been a neutrality nation and we should maintain that positive trait on all cause.

That’s why, I intend to revive the Non Aligned Movement, invented by Sukarno back in the 50s, to be reestablished once more for our struggle for neutrality. I am certain that our past mistakes with African nations has kept a bit of grudge, thus we should befriend them rather than insult their lack of understanding to our current situation.

Therefore, the Presidency shall open of a second meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement in Bandung for reestablishing the Asia-Africa Conference into full swing. We are a third world nation and naturally should we become their leader on neutrality and not siding with other powers.

I thank the people of Indonesia to stay by me until the end of this speech. We will give more information after the foreign ministry restructured their syllabus. Thank you for your attention, and we will see you soon.

Live and yet Live, Indonesia!
Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh

Instantly after the public announcement, the Premier and the entire cabinet all expressed mixed attitudes towards the President, most of them being entirely unsettled by the current administration. Not long after, the foreign ministry receives calls of condemnation especially from the United States’ representative, claiming that Indonesia had been very ungrateful to all of the subsidies the nation had given. Trihandoko and his entire BUMN Ministry all shown frustration and disbelief, as the President’s announcement has halted all future investments from foreign nations solely from his decision.

For the people, the Federal Districts had turned their backs towards the President and veraciously condemn him for undermining every legacy the previous establishment had brought for the prosperity of the people. Cries of resignation and public humiliation have been aimed at the President, many of them viciously spat on any presidential photo the mass could find. Consequentially, the Federal District would be impacted greatly as these areas are most vulnerable under a deficit in investment growth.

Understandably, rural voters had no opposition to the President but appraised him for becoming the ‘strongman’. The voter blocs of mostly PPI and PRD has increased exponentially, especially with the nationalist rhetoric the nation has endured for decades. The media has noticed the President’s change of behaviour on his transition of beliefs. Formerly a pro-LKY supporter, he had turned for the countryside and national farmers, possible siding with the similar opinion of the Melayu Bersatu Faction led by Mahathir Mohamad. The Premier, increasingly infuriated by the president’s action, wished to meet the President officially on the Palace.

By the kind creators from @Rfl23 and @Marc Pasquin, I presented the updated flags of the Federal Kingdoms of Germany. I thank these members who had their time to invent these wonderful designs and not just these. There are a few I hide for future posts.

[1] This Cooperative is real and established under OTL Suharto's New Order. However, I've cited the real version of just the Army while ITTL this is for the entire Armed Forces, meaning Navy, Air Force and Coast Guard included too.

Quite a late chapter, I've been lagging on some other issues. Nonetheless, the next post will cover what is inside Subandrio's mind, and what will the implication be especially on the US and Japan. Also, it should cover whether this NAM revival idea is great for the States, or just another failure.

SkylineDreamer · Aug 14, 2021

4th March 1987
Pangeran Diponegoro Street No.60, Jakarta

Usep Ranawidjaja [1] read the morning tribune once more, stuttered from its contents. The presidency has turned up a notch especially with the growing rift between the Cabinet and the President. Even worse, Try Sutrisno and the PRD Golkar Faction seem to endorse the Malacca Faction despite had threatened an impeachment a year before. However, out of Subandrio’s growing intention to push for his policies, the implementations of those are radical and quite authoritarian. Nevertheless, this law expert, a defect PNI to PPP, had observed less ‘gore’ politics than he should.

Yesterday evening, around 10 pm to be exact, the President announced a cabinet reshuffle without any agreement with the Premier. The reshuffle plan would wait for the Premier’s consent for a month, at least the written constitution had stated, but if the Premier decided to reject the motion, the President can ask the Parliament for a vote about the reshuffle. During the time difference, the reshuffle motion would be considered by everyone (party officials, politicians, analysts, even the media) on which path the President wish to move forward. From Usep’s perspective, this is blatantly a rough attempt to kick Musa’s influence out from the cabinet.

Firstly, Finance Minister Radius Prawiro was transferred to the economy minister, ousting the incumbent Emil Salim in the process. Emil Salim, politically, was the aide of LKY during his tenure as Premier, contributing many to the economic growth of the 80s. The new Finance Minister would be Daim Zainuddin, a Kedah politician and businessman. This, obviously, will intrigue the growing Melayu Bersatu Faction, so that the leader Mahathir Mohammad became a political ally of Subandrio.

Secondly, BUMN Minister Frederik Trihandoko would be discharged. This was controversial as this definitely attacked the heart of the Triumvirate LKY had established before his death. Susilo Frederick Trihandoko would be replaced with Sabam Sirait, one of the President’s close allies. Trihandoko’s decline is solely from the blame of the forest fires as those companies indirectly funded or operated by one of Trihandoko’s swelling number of state enterprises. Although Trihandoko has strongly denied any involvement of the environmental damages, many of the government newfound records suggested otherwise, and the public in affected areas soon gave scrutiny to the minister. Usep, still sharp as usual, acknowledged the case as the otherwise. As head of the PNI-R’s central committee, he knew that many, if not entirely, of the enterprises involved in burning the growing air pollution, are companies owned by Malaya’s conglomerates. Those conglomerates, eventually, had a connection to Mahathir Mohammad. Still, that would not match the narrative of the contemporary politics Indonesia had evolved. To continue to vilify the Malacca Faction, Subandrio needed all the others to grow in popularity.

Fire in South Sumatra, 1986. Trihandoko was to blame from multiple media.

The media, however, had blamed many of the environmental attacks on Trihandoko, simplify the President’s attempts to undermine their dominance in the cabinet. Although forest fires had occurred months before the newspaper, the reshuffle notion resurfaced the perusal of intrigued bodies of a humanitarian organization. Indeed, even Greenpeace, a tiny environmental body far in Europe, had campaigned against the growing fires in Indonesia.

Thirdly, with the heaviest impact of them all, Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim was to be ousted for General Soesilo Soedarman [2]. This surprised Usep as the new appointed has military ties yet understood the reason for the foreign ministry’s change. The new minister would be another clear attempt by the President to diffuse opposition made by his NAM program. Anwar Ibrahim had been agitated with the nation’s sudden change of affiliation, he intended to protest to the president. General Soesilo had also been highly staunch in the pro-neutrality doctrine proposed initially by President Sukarno. He expressed Indonesia’s restless army to keep sending special forces to places with our own defence weak. Condemning the interventionist followers as ‘hypocrites’, he pursued that Indonesia should maintain neutrality at all costs.

Coincidentally, Usep’s television announced the same concerns he has been reflecting for the last hour. The young reporter stood there in front of the Parliament Building. Her eyes look ahead to the camera with background sounds from the arriving politicians.

…Yes, Putri. I am here in the Parliament Building with Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the Johor Representative. Excuse me, Sir. About the evening news about the reshuffle and all the people in it. What are your thoughts?

Abdullah Badawi, with his usual formal attire, arrived with a few of his politician friends. Beside him, Mahathir himself could be seen standing near the politician. Badawi is a Johor politician but closely associated with Mahathir’s faction and his friends. He was supportive of the PNI-R, the party which incorporated Johor as a unique government status under Indonesia, but later join Mahathir as the new PNI-R leadership has turned against monarchism on the levels of the federal government. The talk of monarchism has become a growing issue in the national populace. Some folks determined that Indonesia should adopt a thorough democratically constituted state, thus no form of undemocratic government like hereditary successors should exist. It has gained in young, educated voters, all of whom had judged the monarchy as an outdated form of government. As a result, many of the pro-kingdom populace flocked to the other spectrum of the PPP, increasing the chasm between Melayu Bersatu’s conservative coalition and Malacca’s liberal faction.

Badawi, 1987

I think the President is returning to Indonesia’s former cause of neutrality. Frankly, we were never here at the time Sukarno pushed for the Bandung Conference, but he truly inspired many third nation countries to stand against the dividing world. Now, after decades of the Tripartite Cold War, it has returned to a bipolar world and the President is wise to start withdrawing on supporting any faction as the tension has been growing since.

Usep agreed with Badawi. The New Secretary of the Soviet Union had revoked the détente stance of Andropov and his peaceful attitude to the confrontationist platform like Khrushchev and Molotov before. This, ultimately, pushed the United States government for a stronger stance to fight the impending Soviet Aggression. Ironically, as the Conservative South had lost the momentum to win the Cultural War, much of the anti-communist stance had died down. It could be the Americans are softening, losing bit by bit from the Soviets. But 1988 may be a game-changing election in America, returning the tension to 1960 levels. [3]

Usep did not listen to the television again as his Deputy has called him downstairs. He said that a few Papuan activists have arrived at the Headquarters of PNI-R’s Board of Federal Committee. He reminded that Papua’s political landscape had downright transformed, the natives are slowly become the minority of their native island and even being divided between the assimilationist faction and the separatist OPM faction. These activists are surely the assimilationist ones, but they insisted on retaining their Christian beliefs. Usep, as a PNI-R high figure, was told to endorse their cause and keep campaigning PNI-R’s multiculturalism on that matter. He hoped today’s events would be okay.

Musa’s Ultimatum

Immediately after the day, Subandrio announced a few of the cabinet members to be reshuffled, Premier Musa Hitam outright reject that offer and dared the President to ask the Parliament. In response to the President’s actions, he condemned the President as abusive on authority and did not consult him in advance when a reshuffle is being made. This surely attracted news coverage, especially the ratings they received after the dispute between the two highest powers of the federal republic. Another three million people, just from a turn of a single month, was added as daily viewers from the nation’s growing political crisis.

After a period of time when Musa Hitam decided to distance himself from the President after lengthy quarrels, Musa Hitam entered the Presidential Palace on the 5th of February, immediately after he toured urban design in Japan, to confront the President face-to-face. Although many concurred with the media to overly exaggerated events to contribute to higher ratings, the Premier surely was outraged by the President.

Under the secret files that were disclosed in 2027, the talks between the two gentlemen opened with greetings and simple formalities of cordial conversation. They talked about the domestic affairs around the country, many of whom had admittedly declined in growth from the laws passed and initiatives spent. Yet, as the Premier talked about the economy, the President slightly joked the Premier of ‘imitating the dead Premier’. From the records, it seemed that that paraphrase has truly offended the Premier who in turn completely roasted the President on the careless foreign policy. The 4-hour conversation ended with Musa Hitam exited the Presidential Palace in slight exasperation. [4]

The President, after the ordeal, had no comment and rapidly progressed on his own initiative. He flew to UASR and met President Nasser. They discussed the old non-align movement initiative proposed by Sukarno, which failed as Egypt and Indonesia back then endured life-changing events. Now, with the conditions on both countries had stabilized, they formulated an agreement to hold another Asia-Africa Conference momentarily. In his stops, he also invited Yugoslavia, Ghana and other African nations to join the conference. He promised that the third world power will return, and the bipolar world should acknowledge our presence as not pawns for superiority but friends of world cooperation. The media asked whether Indonesia’s new foreign policy had more purposes than decrease the world tension and promoting the third world underbelly, the President only shrugged ‘What else to say? That’s all there is.'

Although the President had expressed fewer intriguing aspects to appease the populace of his new strategy, many of the politicians in Parliament had endorsed it. Firstly, the PPI’s entire group has supported the President’s proposal, stating that Indonesia had returned to its initial course. The Melayu Faction of the PPP had also supported the President, added that the Third World Nations is not necessarily in Asia or Africa, but South America should be included. The PUI had said no comment on the matter, but many of the activists had sympathized with the consensus and wished the President to include the Islamic nations as well. Untung’s dying faction in the PRD party also conceded with the President and urge the entire nation to do similarly.

The opposition of the foreign policy is the PNI-R, the Malacca Faction of the PPP, and the Golkar Faction of the PRD. These factions did not oppose Indonesia’s return to the neutrality cause, but rather our nation’s entanglement with America’s unending donation throughout the years. These so-called ‘moral’ legislators agreed that the sudden turn of neutrality would be seen as a depreciation of America itself. Many of America’s successes such as the Moon Landing, had been analogous to Indonesia itself. As people with morality, surely Indonesia should maintain the current pro-American cause and move towards that path.

Nevertheless, the President had pushed for his own foreign policy, with a conference starting on April 18, 1987, exactly 32 years after the previous conference, and it will be located in Bandung too. This was hope to be a historic event, returning to the era of third world resurgence. The purpose had differed from the previous one, the current Non-Aligned Movement will be invented to reinforce world peace in the times of an increasingly polarized world. Furthermore, the NAM will try to stop all ongoing wars of nations under hot war by ideological issues. The last line had given the hope for the end of the Indochinese Wars and other sporadic crises in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Colombia, and many more.

Then, came the Premier. The Premier announced himself that the President had withdrawn all efforts of compromise and wished to fulfil his agenda rather than the common goal of the cabinet. By 15th March 1987, he announced the ultimatum with his Malacca Faction to President Subandrio. It became the Sunday Ultimatum, a significant event that changed Indonesia’s history.

Good Evening, Citizens of Indonesia. I hope you have a good day.

It has been a few months of exchange of ideas and direction for all of us. Here today, we have been introduced to new foreign direction, one which will change the course of our relationship with many foreign countries. Although it has been a revival of the old, we can all agree that the common goal is to position ourselves as a good nation in the international media.

What has been particularly interesting in my behalf is the fact that we had shifted to a new foreign direction for decades that some might considered wrong. The engaging of Indonesian people on one side of this global’s hegemon. As was mentioned by the honorable president for a few months. That is, the attitude we have been adopting for decades has slanted quite greatly on the previous goal that Indonesia had planned. To be frank, neither of the Malayan, Eastern Papuan nor Madagascar people formerly united on that common consensus back in the 40s but our nation has united far greater to adopt a united goal despite our differences.

Yet, personally, I need to disclose my concerns, particularly on the matter which we attempted to change course. Of course, the President’s goal has been noble, but that disregard on how the opposite party think. As fellow Indonesian, we have been thought moral virtue and custom, many of which agree that should one had aided so much we ought to repay as such. The problem is we should have repaid the United States so much for her protection and security. I believed that as we go towards a new direction, we have destroyed our relations with the old ones.

It seemed that despite my concerns to be true, endearing and certainly significant that many of my cabinet members agree, the President himself strive on his own beliefs. Indeed, Indonesia is passionate and resilient. These traits had carried them to become the greatest nation in maritime Asia. Yet, it is time to observe our surroundings. Should we remain resilient and frankly stubborn, the obstacles and dangers ahead would maybe be unnecessary.

Although we, as citizens of Indonesia, must solve a compromise rather than confrontation, three months before had not been the case in Indonesia’s politics. Furthermore, the dispute had been so severe that media attention is inevitable. Nevertheless, the government shall be transparent on this matter, and as the Premier of Indonesia, I will speak as such.

Starting today, I will give the President 30-days to resolve his own determination about his unwillingness to cooperate. The cabinet members which had signed on this paper had expressed their similar opinion. Those who signed, the Premier of Federal Republic of Indonesia Musa Hitam, Vice Premier of Indonesia Rudini, Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim, Defense Minister Try Sutrisno, Minister of Domestic Affairs Soepardjo Rustan, Minister of BUMN Frederik Trihandoko Beyond that deadline, the President should search for another cabinet member to replace us as we will resign from our posts.

I apologize to the entire nation that we have reached beyond reconciliation. We will expect to oppose the presidency by the next PPP Great Congress, I hope that our entire faction could understand our reasons.

Thank you, and good evening.

Immediately after the Premier’s completion speech, the news broadcast aired every debate they could regarding this matter. The night after became a bloodbath of politics, experts debating on how the country will proceed. By Monday, the President has not decided to do anything, it seemed he would wait for that deadline, searching for another government to be formed for him, he just knew which ones he would appoint.

[1] He was formerly the head of DPP PDI in 1976 from this file. I have a little reference on this guy but he also wrote some books about law. I hope I have cited this right because the same name with different spelling can be different people (e.g Soerjadi and Suryadi).
[2] I have opened a post about him here.
[3] This came from Carter's landslide in the 80s with great backlash from Shafer's hardcore liberal motives. They later move towards non-left liberal or conservatism. But the conservatism lost plainly from the Conservative Party losing much of the election since 1972.
[4] In 1987 ITTL, this coverage is not publicised. This is an excerpt on a future date on what happened in 1987, similarly to secret presidential phone calls like Kennedy, etc.

I have been busy, again, now with college assignments.

Musa Hitam is challenging the presidency by simply threatening a resignation. Not a great move considering that what's Subandrio wanted but who knows what's ahead. Next should definitely be the NAM and do Musa officially resign or not.

SkylineDreamer · Aug 24, 2021

The Second Bandung Conference and the Non-Aligned Endeavor

War in Afghanistan since 1980, became the great example of proxy wars that Third World Nations despise

The status of Indonesia, under a common perspective, never positioned itself clearly on one international domain. Although firstly championed for a new, non-aligned view against what was the brewing Cold War, it eventually succumbed to a bizarrely unique bond with the United States of America. As the 70s and early 80s progressed, Indonesia had inched for a proper American alliance. In particular, the Roaring 80s, viewed by Indonesians had solidified an inflating number of supporters towards American idealism, including Western culture and social progressivism.

Yet not all opposition faltered and whimpered to the so-called ‘Westernization’. There are still few groups that withdrew the common trend and wished for a resurgence of the old. As Pancasila slowly descended into a mere symbol said by many oppositions, they eventually devised plans of retaliation. They finally drafted a unified approach, a foreign approach, that Indonesia should return on its neutrality doctrine. This opposition, emerging since 1987, was enticed quickly by President Subandrio and instantly adopted as his new approach coming to the LKY’s end.

I believe the new approach of our nation comes not from far beyond the lands of the Americas, but from the old doctrine which we tossed earlier for the sake of growth and change. As I perfect a quote from Adam Malik, we should ‘row between the corals’ (mendayung diantara karang-karang). We shall treat all nations equally friendly, and none should gaze at us as evil, outlandish, and immoral.

Subandrio, 1st April 1987

The people of Indonesia, during that era, crossed paths on the country’s most divisive matter in contemporary time. To those who agree, this neutrality effort would ultimately serve Pancasila the justice it deserves after the absence of so long. It would correct Indonesia’s path rightfully to the fundamental philosophy of Pancasila, honouring the culture of Indonesia and the heroes’ struggles. Also, the failed campaigns in Africa had been heavily scorned as a ‘humiliation’. Common discussions, lectures and religious preaches demanded the necessity to villainize the 80s ‘new face’ of Indonesia’s foreign policy.

On the other hand, those who argued otherwise contemplated solely on another aspect of Indonesia’s norm. The neutrality approach alienated the United States, one nation that had given us extreme measures of assistance, guidance and protection towards Indonesia’s growth and struggle. For starters, the Australian Aggression was won by their aid. The credit for reconstruction, fair bargain and well-off trade also stressed whom the neutrality faction completely ignored. While the agree argued the ideological issue of neutrality, the oppose debated the morality of gratitude. As both sides had shown compelling evidence of persuasion, this became the decade’s divisive issue, even prolonged to the next millennium.

Nevertheless, as the President showed scepticism, or mere hostility, towards Musa Hitam and his cabinet, he individually pursued the revival of the Asia-Africa Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement. His actioned gained warm approval towards anywhere but major cities. Some rural dwellers might call the President ‘enlightened’ and ‘improved’ after few years of urban enfranchisement. Obviously, urban settlers commented on the abhorrence of ‘opportunists’, reverting the insult whom the farmers used for the same urban settler.

The Second Asia-Africa Conference was held based on the Non-Aligned Movement and the return of third-world strength as no puppets of the Soviet Union or the United States. As the Cold War returned to the old playbook, certainly people began showing concern on nuclear war. Ironically, the emergence of France as the Third Superpower halted tension for a while as three had proven to be too convoluted to progress into higher levels of nuclear tension. As a result, the era with France had soothed many of the people minds. President Mitterrand broke the normal circumstances, return to the bipolar competition once again.

Three actors, not counting Subandrio, came to play at this NAM conference. President of the United Arab Socialist Republic, Gamal Abdul Nasser, was one reluctant man when Indonesia announced the return of friendship, showing distrust to Indonesia’s new approach. But, after meeting with Subandrio at late-March, he immediately altered his opinions, expressing hopeful remarks on the Second Asia-Africa Conference. Indeed, he was excited that he personally will persuade native African nations to come and participate, despite the prejudice on Indonesia.

The second was Raif Dizdarević, the President of Yugoslavia. As the quintessential predecessor was a great leader in the country, Raif was under strain to continue the legacy and put the bar remain high. As a result, Tito’s failed plan of the NAM was highly sought after as it would cement Raif’s byproduct during his presidency. Also, his country was slowly encroached on the Soviet Union, inching closer in aggression and Balkan total dominance. Yugoslavia, unwilling to join Comecon since its birth, is still determined to remain distant to Soviet affairs that could signify Yugoslavia’s tilt to the superpower.

The third, President of Ghana Ghana Frederick William "Fred" Kwasi Akuffo was determined to be the new power in independent West Africa. The NAM would provide the opportunity for status and attract nearby neighbours to think of Ghana’s significant presence on the Asia-Africa and NAM initiatives represented Africa’s entrance to the world stage.

Ghana and the UASR both exerted great efforts on appealing to the African and Middle East neighbours to join the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung respectively. Yet, as many had correlated the meeting with efforts of a third-world revival, some simply rejected by the premises of threat and influence by superpowers. For example, Turkey rejected joining as they preferred the Comecon. Iran firstly agreed, only to then withdrew as the United States had exclaimed their opposition towards that action. Many of the Gulf States pointed to the NAM project as anti-monarchists, although the core reason was the fear of the United States. In Africa, many nations surprisingly join such as Sudan, the Three Congos [1], Tanzania, and some West African States. Those who were rejected were Ethiopia and Eritrea, both felt that Indonesia used this conference as a ‘tool’ to join the American effort, showing distrust of the Indonesian government. What was completely unexpected on anyone was the Philippines government decided to join the NAM, despite withdrawing from the SEATO and Spratly League.

The second Bandung Conference was held from 18-24 April 1987. Those members who joined were Indonesia, the Philippines, Oman, Yemen, the UASR, Sudan, Libya, Chad, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra-Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Cameroon, Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Katanga, Kivu, Burundi, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, and Djibouti. The conference held would determine the Asia-Africa relations as well as the future of Third-World Nations.

Merdeka Building inside, place where the First and Second Bandung Conference was held

The Second Bandung Conference firstly discussed the United States’ involvement in multiple wars around the world. Starting with Indonesia and Vietnam at first, and continue with various places in Africa, Asia and South America. Some members carried out the United States’ collusion in many South American countries simply to repel them from a communist system. The chamber soon filled with chants of anti-imperialism as each member spoke against the Western imperialism methods that had continued well under the United States.

The next topic involved the Soviet Union’s attempts on infiltrating the Muslim world from Turkey as the new model of communism by Islamic characteristics. At the first Bandung Conference, a memo ‘The Moslem Nations under Soviet Imperialism’ was never debated. This time, few dared to speak about this topic. The UASR opened this topic by stating it had harnessed unrest by radicalization on both fronts (orthodox-Islam by Saudi Arabia and hybrid-Islam [2] by Turkey). UASR’s foreign minister Sufi Abu Taleb stated that experimental relations conducted by the Soviet Union and the advocates had a high tendency for ethnic nationalism and die-hard purists. This statement disturbed few members that later ruined the ambience of the meeting.

On the last day, President Subandrio voluntarily allowed himself to hold a speech regarding Third World nations and each common struggle. He expressed Indonesia’s struggle from 1945 who fought against imperialism, and other nations had too had their fights. However, his speech soon was criticized by an ambassador at the end of the first session. He talked to the press and became a trivial discussion on Indonesian media.

I particularly despised how he [the President of Indonesia] all campaigned for anti-imperialism and Third-World Solidarity. His nation had bargained with France for an imperialist program, and the victories in the 70s were gifted with more imperialist ambitions. This should also be noted by the people themselves. The first President [Soekarno] generalized the concept of Greater Indonesia which was none other than imperialism by ethnicity. The second President [Nasution] broadened the perspective by adding Madagascar too. He [President Subandrio] was never perfectly suited as president in this country. What I saw was a brazen politician on his misguided ambition.

This ambassador, whose name has never been disclosed, quickly gathered mobs to discuss his opinion. The Musa mobs instantly underpin the comment as everything that was wrong with the President. They criticized the character as purely ambitious and envious that the Premier had done better than him. Under this commotion, people then began to explore ideas to somehow curb the opposition. One PNI-R politician called Alex Noerdin, even distributed pamphlets on a parliamentary republic system.

Nevertheless, the president responded quickly to that criticism. He stressed that Indonesia had more similarities than differences to a Third World nation, so it is obvious to have a sense of familiarity with each of our struggles. But then continued his reply with criticism of the predecessors, especially his immediate one who had ‘corrupted’ Indonesia with a false sense of nationalism. In a slightly condescending way, he even mentioned an idea of a ‘referendum of independence’ to Madagascar and Papua.

Regardless of the Second Bandung Conference, the entire nation no longer cared about the outcome of the NAM. Instead, everyone discussed the president’s response. Especially for the PNI-R, the old party voiced the harshest slander to the President for proposing such measures.

25th April 1987
Schaumberg, Illinois

“Mr Robinson, may I ask again what the name of the company is?”

“Walini, Sir. Walini Electronics,” the middle-aged Caucasian man answered.

“Hmm,” one replied, “Isn’t Walini a tea enterprise?”

“No, Sir. Walini is a tea brand, the company name is PT Perkebunan Nusantara VIII.’

Janssens Robinson was on the brink of exhaustion from recent jetlag, but he persisted in a meeting with Motorola. He was the shadow director of the company, as well as the son of the CEO. Walini Electronics, not to be confused with Walini Tea, offers electrical appliances as well as telecommunication devices for Java and other places. It was established in 1955 during wartime. Janssens' father was an electrical engineer and contributed to fixing electrical appliances in Bandung during the Australian Aggression. Despite his pale face, the native folks adored his work and dedication to fix common appliances of that time such as radio, transistor, and other basic tools. On the reconstruction program by Nasution, television had been incentivized greatly, and he later opened a Walini Electronics as a service shop on Bandung. In 1967, he explored industrial production and opened a prime factory on Walini. By the late 1970s, there was a boom in vinyl players and tape recorders as music flooded Indonesian culture, Walini, fortunately, grasped the potential to become a big formidable corporate by 1980.

Walini opened its shares in 1982, immediately after opening its first building in Jakarta. The demanded Walini Electronics rose significantly as cities adopted Western technologies. By early 1986, the service shop had evolved into a telecommunication and electronics production company in Indonesia. Historic and meteoric, the rise of the enterprise gained public attention as one of Indonesia’s economic successes, as well as the growing disparity and inequality by political opposition. Anyway, his father’s expansion program involved a partnership with Motorola for advancement in the telecommunications industry.

Walini HQ in Jakarta, formerly shared by multiple companies, by early 2000s wholly-owned

Earlier on the day, he had met with Motorola officials about the possible partnership. It had gone extremely well, the company aspired great hopes on Walini Electronics. The problem of this journey, however, involved the State Republic’s changing demeanour on companies. Motorola digressed the lack of socio-economic stability in Indonesia, he proved that while Motorola could arrive on a bad time during the nation’s growing consent on outlandish anti-business policy, at least electronics will still be anyone's steady prospect.

Robinson who tried to persuade Motorola to another conclusion, couldn’t help but agree on the same premises. Especially after his father moved the headquarters to Jakarta because the company can have extremely different regulations by changing address. If he continued to stay in Bandung, the State Republic of Nusantara’s Labour Law would affect any entrepreneur’s path. In Section 4 Clause 13, it was stated that all employees from a company reserved the same rights as factory labour does and can conduct similar actions any hard labour do. In another clause, Section 7 Clause 31, any suspension or dismissal of an employee can be investigated and trialled. This simple sentence arbitrarily changed the course of medium business, any discharge would cost them an extensive trial, possibly the company’s image thus felt too risky to merely run a business.

Ironically, Janssens Robinson saw big corporations survive this Labour Law and adapt efficiently. Although they had less revenue, they eventually secured a new equilibrium and change the corporate system. They started adopting part-time vacancies, establishing a form of ‘unofficial’ worker that detour around the law. Outsourcing began in factories, allowing companies less worker that was protected in their rights. It has started in Bimoli, the cooking oil company in Indonesia, they deliberately invited workers outside Nusantara jurisdictions to apply there. As Section 2 Clause 3 stated, the State Republic of Nusantara citizens has every right on the Labour Law, not other republics.

Moreover, his company and many other bigger ones could do the simplest thing; move their factories to other State Republics. Indofood kickstarted the industrial migration to Madagascar, which began recently in 1986. Walini Electronics had created one near Ambilobe, the heartland of arrivals of Jew refugees. Papua had been an interesting spot of massive growth, the Labour Law increased that growth even further. The Labour Law do aid lower-class commoners for protection of abuse and simple livelihood, but it inadvertently killed any chance for those same commoners to rise above their previous status. No stimulus for brilliant thinkers to establish startups nor room for creativity, just pure old ‘inside the comfort zone’ misguidance. Simply put, the government had stressed fondly on labour protection that they ruin enterprises. In the end, the State Government attracted people to live there in the hopes of high wages, only to realized that people have fewer job vacancies.

Premier Musa Hitam had seen this effect that he tried to negotiate with the State Republic about the matter. Yet, the State Republic was enthusiastic about their programs they never heard Musa’s plea. Musa was later compromised by the Labour Law to revise, but the dye is cast for many firms. He really hoped that the Premier would do something about it, Robinson felt pity for the state government giving false pleasure to the people.

Just as he said that he immediately noticed Premier Musa Hitam on the television. He stood in front of the Parliament Chamber along with more than five hundred representatives of DPR. He tried to brief about the President’s thickness on foreign policy when one PPP representative shouted on the back row.

Step Down! Resign, Premier! The PPP does not want you any more of your liberal tendencies. This nation was never liberal, is, and never would be. End this madness of siding with the US, we and the PPP party had enough of LKY, you and your cabinet. Just wait until the PPP Great Congress happen.

The deliverance was given by Ahmad Bashah, a Kedah politician closely side with Mahathir Mohammad. At first, Musa Hitam shrugged the comment with a gentle counterargument. But, as supporters of Badshah started shouting ‘Step Down!’ to the Premier, the PPP had begun infighting among themselves as Malacca Faction quarrelled against the Melayu Faction. The quarrel ended up with a physical brawl, as the Parliament’s cameras were span to see the PPP bloc of the chamber threw nameplates and chairs on each other.

A similar reenactment of the situation in the Parliament, 1987

It shocked Robinson to the core that politicians in Jakarta could end up like children in kindergarten. Musa Hitam could be seen nearly burst in anger, only later to relieve himself away from the Parliament. Janssens Robinson, whose father allied with PPP Malacca Faction, knew that PPP Great Congress would begin on May 3, 1987. At least, he saw that Indonesian politics had a curse on incumbent parties, they eventually dissolved themselves by an internal dispute.

[1] Three Congos as in the states succeeding the old DR Congo, that is DR Congo, Katanga and [Greater] Kivu. I haven't made the newly updated map but more or less the situation is similar to this.
[2] Islamo-communism as explained here.

I have officially begun studying higher stage of education and last week was orientation week. I finally have the time now to publish this. To compensate for my delay, I write a longer post than usual.

I sometimes get perplexed about my accidental patterns in writing a TL. The incumbent party who later had disputes internally [PKI, PNI-R, now PPP], was one obvious example. I'm not determining an ill-fated predicament on PPP too, but at least these patterns can be a superstition topic that ITTL Indonesians can involve themselves, of course as conspiracy theories.

Next up should be the PPP Great Congress.

Edit: My mouse has been acting weirdly since three weeks ago. It can strangely click on things where it shouldn't, like the 'post reply bottom' on unfinished edits.

SkylineDreamer · Sep 2, 2021

30th April 1987
Jakarta, Indonesia

Dedi Hariman Kusumaningrat, presently the head of Human Resources in Yogyakarta’s PNI-R base, was watching the book analysis from the television. He looked at the technology before him, there stood the old Fajar Lubis on a studio’s sofa, reviewing his book to the presenter. He was frail and old, yet he showed extensive understanding and wisdom from his age.

“I believe that since the emergence of independence, the discussion on federalism or centralism had begun long already and contributed to the most noteworthy aspect of Indonesia’s future. Both opinions supported their own proposition about their strengths and presented other their weaknesses. In my judgement, despite federation is to be believed in ‘Western origination’ and proved to be the Dutch’s armament to divide us, I personally think our geography compels us on a federation of equals rather than a strong central government. Our nation consists of thousands of islands, let alone some distanced-on thousands of miles. Central authority would be severely ineffective on local issues. Also, a friend of mine conjured a study and received a shocking conclusion that should Indonesia adopt the true federalism that Western nations adopted, our economic disparity between regions can be easily lowered,”

Fajar Lubis [1], once the great figure in PNI-R (then PNI), retired during his quarrel with Nasution and the régime. It was not a bitter feud, but Fajar Lubis understood the grave quandary should he persist. Since the 70s, his faction which advocated less lenience towards the United States slowly dissolved with time, rendering them insignificant as LKY’s premiership began. His retirement from PNI-R triggered a change from Adam Malik to moderately support American standards while retaining the importance of neutrality in Indonesia. However, his faction was ultimately shaded with the larger PPP Faction, especially Subandrio’s inner cult that had been experimenting with his values to their benefit. Especially since Subandrio had received the popular opinion on the matter, the president had indirectly stolen Fajar’s creation. Fajar gained in literature, finishing up to 5 books regarding national politics, all Dedi had read. His books were subtle criticism of the PPP government, mostly fixated to the current President.

Dedi ever discoursed with Fajar, Dedi was in his early internship programs. He tried to ask about Nusantara’s deliberate shift towards anti-business and anti-urbanism. Fajar simply replied that the decline of agriculture and the slow pace of mechanization had been farmer’s hatred towards the previous premier. But Fajar told him that whatever dissent Nusantarans would perform, it eventually cost them growth in favour of the other State Republics. This was true, Madagascar was alleviated from poverty while Papua received perpetual development by immigration. Furthermore, factories had gradually moved towards less regulated Papua and Madagascar, increasing their capital and proportion in the Indonesian economy. Within twenty years, Papua advancement can be competed with Java’s condition of infrastructure, while their electronic availability equalled major Indonesian cities.

After his retirement, Fajar posted a personal book about his experiences in the early eras of Indonesian independence. In the book ‘The Hidden Conflict: Federalist vs Centralists’, he described the rough dispute about Indonesia’s system of government. In the early 1950s, a vote proved the Indonesians prefer federalism which made Sukarno and fellow centralists shocked. Soon, accusations of Dutch meddling, black campaign, or unfair advantage to federalists that changed the ‘supposition’ of the vote sprouted among pro-unitary politicians. But Sukarno, the presumptive leader for unitary advocates, had no strength to appeal the motion because the authority was rested on Wilopo, the PNI Politician who was angered by Sukarno’s communist sympathy. The other opposition of federalism, the Islamic community, could not harness a strong resistance because of their self-destruct in the 50s, giving the power to ‘Rocket Party’ Parindra, the core builders of modern PNI-R. Parindra was pro-federalist and pro-American, even so, that some suggested the CIA had an involvement behind the party. Nevertheless, the 60s paved the clear highway for federalism.

“I see. Mr Fajar. Your book suggests that there have been more benefits of the federative system in Indonesia rather than the unitary system. Indeed, we have changed the constitution to adopt a federation to our nation. Yet, many still felt that our head of governments has discounted the basis of the federative works and instead establishing a pseudo-unitary system. Why do you think this happen?”

“Frankly, I see that these presidents did not know federal systems as most of these representations came from Western nations. So far, our Asian neighbours had been mostly feudal countries which ended up as authoritarian state. Japan as an exception, still greeted Indonesia with unfathomable hierarchy in the military, honoured power greatly. We have been introduced not federal systems that we can feel familiar with. Australia, our nearest example, was completely shunned obviously by our past belligerence. As a result, I see the presidents attempt to introduce ‘federal authority’ by their own perspective.”

“So, you think that they were actually trying to govern as a federation?”

“Yes, exactly. Nasution’s disregard of Malaya during the early reconstruction effort was basically delegating freedom to Malaya that nearly resembled federalism. LKY rule in determining the economic regulation, social norm and other reforms was made arbitrarily, but then was an era where LKY’s ideas were considered revolutionary and auspicious. Unless Subandrio followed Rahmat’s words on Labour Law to be implemented universally, I still cannot discover any truly centralised attempts from the federal government.”

“Okay. Mr Fajar, as a closing statement. What would you say to the people about how this future of Indonesia would be? Will the government find ways to persuade Indonesia back to its unitary proposal or it will maintain it as federal for the time being?”

“I believe that the tides have slowly changed. The central government grasps of the federative system limited their power in many aspects, one of which was the Labour Law that is currently applied merely in the Nusantara State Republic. We all know from President Subandrio that he adored the Labour Law to be implemented nationwide but suffered great opposition from Musa Hitam and his cabinet, let alone other State Republics. Speaking of that, I also think that elite politicians can slowly think of reinstating the presidential system. Nevertheless, all future aspects that I have said had no good implications on the people. Seniority will come to replace merit, and LKY’s modern structure was slowly replaced with feudal connotations.”

PPP Great Congress 1987

Immediately after the NAM event in Bandung, public opinion flooded on the President’s comment. Public discord happened to erupt as multiple litterateurs, experts, intellectuals, and elders began conversing about the President’s one remark on possible of independence. His comment sparked resentment universally, both opposing and favouring the man. The situation had been so severe to the President’s image that he needed to clarify his speech the next week.

My faulty remarks a few days ago had been conflicting to many people. I apologized for that matter, and I express my sincere emotion of guilt to the people of Indonesia. Hitherto, I still maintain my composure that our view, our perception of nationalism never truly meant expanding and glorify ethnic pan-Austronesian ambition. Indonesia symbolized the ancient idea of co-operation, not conquer, to which the idea possesses Indonesia’s fundamental characteristics. The United States of America, frankly, had expanded its influence in our assistance, and we can surely agree this was not what our forefathers had hoped for.

Please, people of Indonesia. We should awaken ourselves of our slumber. This concept of liberalism isn’t meant simply by freedom of speech, freedom of religion and freedom of well-being, the liberalism idea had transformed to a regression of tradition, regression of normality and regression of national unity. End your simple plea that the presidency is turning in the wrong direction. Indonesia is valuable for me, for you and all of us. Neutrality is the best possible approach Indonesia can use.

Subandrio

The President’s comment successfully eased the angry mob gradually. Many elder people propagated this comment as showing the president’s first gaffes that should not be exaggerated as a national crisis. They reinforced the president’s argument of neutrality, confronting that the dependence of the United States in terms of economy, trade and social status had been too high to be sustainable, establishing the discreet relation as a puppet state of the United States. [2]

On the other hand, those who opposed the President argued that the President’s remarks had been simply to ease the populace after suggestions of separation. Both Nasution and Sukarno never spoke that term, or any reference of it, during their entire career as referendums meant the weakness and incompetence of the government. As a head of state, maturity should be established and maintain, one of which should be to pay attention well to the words he speaks.

This debate had been one of the backgrounds for the coming topics for the PPP Great Congress of 1987. Two days after Mayday, the Great Congress of 1987 was destined to aim for pro-worker sympathy and hoped for appealing the labour workforce. As the current head of government, the PPP Great Congress also carried foreign issues around Southeast Asia, notably Indochina.

For starters, PPP’s first discussion among the party was what direction should the party take regarding foreign policy. It was because, in the United States, the Glenn Presidency has announced the withdrawal of troops from Vietnam as late as 10th August 1987. It was a momentous ordeal to everyone; the President of South Vietnam was depressed on the sudden declaration. Because of that, it was determined that the North Vietnamese will boost their aggression on the attack, hopeful of the imminent victory they possess.

Only few government officials comprehended how the Americans functioned in terms of politics. As Glenn’s influence and popularity weakened in both the United States and the Democratic Party as a whole. The Progressive Wing, the Carterian Democrats, solidified themselves as the future of the Democratic Party, South yet progressive in terms of economic issues. The Glenn Liberals, the New Deal ones, slowly eroded as the Glenn Presidency suffered. The progressive wing was the true reason of the US withdrawal from Vietnam. So, like Indonesia, their foreign policy is influenced by the incumbent party’s shift in opinion.

Second, the congress should discuss PPP’s great direction on national policy, such as national defence, economy, social welfare, culture, education, and other issues. The leaders of the PPP, Musa Hitam and Mahathir Mohammad as the two biggest figures, was expected to consolidate and unite under one banner, especially after the recent dispute between two powers. As they realized disunity may cost them the 1988 election, moderate party officials decided to use this congress as an attempt of harmony.

On 3rd May, the Congress opened with a thousand members attended in the main hall on the party headquarters. The President did not attend the congress, but both prominent members of the Malacca and Melayu Faction attended as speakers. Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Representative Mahathir Mohammad arrived at the event, eyes glimpsed despise each other, but arrive for the sake of party unity. The tension from the fight in the Parliament was distinct from how they seated, how they glanced and how the silence filled the voice of fights.

The Congress opened with Premier Musa Hitam as the first speaker on the podium. As the head of government, the congress committee agreed to grant him the first. He exclaimed that party unity had been crippled with extreme division, especially on foreign policy and the current domestic law. He still expressed his own opinion regarding his persistence on maintaining the establishment. Received a poor reception especially from the Melayu Faction, Musa Hitam eventually ended his speech early.

After Musa, there were series of speakers who spoke clearly on their independent thoughts on how the PPP and the nation should proceed. As one might confirm, the PPP was deeply divided into two spectrums, each distanced themselves in beliefs and ideas as the moderate lost traction. As both factions contributed the most passionate, robust, and unwavering construct, the PPP party was cracked deep into the premises of the growing chasm.

The PPP Great Congress, or officially the 1987 PPP Extraordinary Congress was held for three days. The first day, as before mentioned, was opened by Musa Hitam to persuade his own ideas. The Malacca Faction then continued to push for the end of the NAM, improving our damaged relation to the United States. In domestic policy, the Malacca Faction endorsed the State Republic’s rights on not enacting the Labour Law, stating that ‘what happens in Nusantara stay in Nusantara’. For another record, many Malacca members acknowledged the fires in Indonesian forests but remarked them as Nusantara’s negligence on their own territory. That made some Nusantaran officials furious, they retaliated on the second day to respond to Malacca’s accusations. [3]

The other aspect of the PPP, which Indonesians might not consider before, was the exclusivity of PPP’s faction names being in the Malayan Peninsula. Initially, those names had been nicknames of distinction but emerged as official names of the designated faction. The largest faction, the Malacca Faction, was pro-American and pro-Western at heart, they pursued the best in meritocracy, while accused of eroding the common culture of the archipelago. Obviously, they were considered as the liberal wing of the party, destined for relaxed regulation, free trade, and unrestricted progression.

The second-largest faction, the Melayu Bersatu Faction, was the embodiment of the current Subandrio in terms of idea, vision and mission. As a huge role in the labour law, they were endorsed by farmers and workers, so most of the voters came from blue-collar jobs. A staunch advocate on wage raise, employment law and business regulation, they were the de-facto ‘socialists’ of the PPP clan, not to be confused with the third faction.

Lastly, the Hatta Faction or the Malik Faction was the old relic of the federalist yet neutral attitude on national policy. The moderate of the two, these eventually eroded with the other two as better impersonations, ridicule the moderation that Hatta had done in the 60s and early 70s.

Although changing a name seemed to be unnecessary in a logical mind, this proposal was the only proposal passed the congress with ease. Then, as the congress committee demanded it, it eventually became the only motion passed without the other revoking the natural agreement. The Melayu Bersatu Faction was redefined as the Kesejahteraan Rakyat Faction. The Malacca Faction was redefined to Barisan Progresif Faction. Both groups seemed to agree on the new name, and that passed withal so Hatta/Malik Faction as Reformasi Faction [4].

Other than this proposal, everything was met by deadlock from Musa or Mahathir’s faction. Neither of them, even in the slightest, contributed towards a compromise because of the previous fight in the Parliament. For example, the division in both foreign and domestic policy was so apparent that the party seemed to have two minds instead of one. Finally, rather than wasting another three days of bickering, the PPP national committee decided to form a consensus with the ‘Convention Speech’.

My dear brothers and sisters of the PPP. It seemed that our three-day congress has brought forth more confusion than it was for our party’s direction. During chaos between power struggle, faction struggle and everyone’s view in opposition to another, we cannot withstand to prolong nor repeat another Extraordinary Congress into waste. As a result, we invited all of you to structure a national convention of the PPP. That way, we can let the people decide which faction should the Indonesians prefer better. That way, we can continue with a united voice, towards a better Indonesia under the PPP.

Head of the Extraordinary Congress Committee Board, Armansyah Sastraraharja.

For Kesejahteraan Rakyat Faction, the convention was a great way to solidify their populist vote and use them for their benefit. As farmers and workers contributed to slightly more than half of Indonesia’s population, they felt optimistic about their future. For the Barisan Progresif, despite the chances to be quite slim, they hoped for the best as Musa’s policy remained fairly supported by the people, especially young groups. If Mahathir’s clan decided to screw more things as a crisis, even not as slightly damaging to the Labour Law, their arrogance would meet humiliation by chance. Unfortunately, there was no hope for the Reformasi Faction, as this small group of the PPP slowly realized that they had been merely a child in the grand game.

The book review above was inspired by Thomas Sowell's many, many invitations to describe his book and the contents as a whole. Although I have to inform you that I specifically did not support nor oppose Thomas Sowell's opinions, Fajar Lubis's ITTL interview is supposed to look like this.

Not to mention that I always post something that will be important, but not necessarily immediately. So, these characters will certainly show prominence much, much later.

[1] Fajar Lubis was one of the first characters introduced in my dead Election Game of this TL.
[2] An apology is somewhat acceptable and still decent in Indonesia. In a modern context, we can see the big advantages and disadvantages of it, but most people have pushed for apologist comments and later demanded apology just for the sake of 'viral'ness. A quick intermezzo of real-life events, I hope this ITTL version can find that flaw.
[3] Just a quick question to everyone. Why do you think despite the forest fires happening in the State Republic of Nusantara, those officials blame the federal government?
[4] A pathetic result of the congress, but hey. OTL Indonesia has seen worse wink nudge nudge.

I am still struggling with the college schedule, and next week I hopefully can post something. If not, definitely the week after.

SkylineDreamer · Sep 16, 2021

3rd May 1987
Singapura, Indonesia

Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim returned to Japan for annual cooperation of goodwill between the two nations. Encompassing the EAC’s future, a pan-Asian alliance and the First Island Defense Chain, the republic wished to improve relations with Japan, especially now, as one observes the circumstances, Indonesia and Japan are quite alike. The foreign minister, completely detached from President’s foreign policy, also can only resort to neutral pacts that both parties like, for example, this type of discussion.

The President wished the EAC to be Indonesia’s tool to resuscitate the economic downturn caused by the Labour Law. Although their intentions are entirely within domestic interests, they demanded Japan to improve Asia-Pacific commerce, continue boosting the old mechanism of trades, increasing Indonesia’s farmers and fishermen to reach various places. For example, native fishes in Indonesia were bought by Japanese restaurants, at least on that account, both sides of the government agree to push on.

The Foreign Minister, as ardently progressive on the Barisan Progressive, tried to court Japan simply by their closeness to the United States. After the Pacific War, Japan relations with the United States had been extremely amiable, some Presidents even endorsed Japan as an everlasting ally on the Asian frontier. Anwar thought by siding with Japan, at least Indonesia’s reputation as freebooters would not linger too much.

Emil Salim’s team of economists researched based on Rostow’s stages of growth showed Indonesia had just left the take-off stage after completing the preparation. In the agricultural stage, most believed Nasution’s high-debt-high-payoff had contributed to a rather stable cycle, despite the common populace considering food production as scarcely endangering, the national quota for one was still tolerable. Except for the densely populated urban centres, most import quotas were sent to the outskirts of Indonesia, Papua alike, as those nations had a high influx of foreign arrivals that brought their foreign staff to Indonesia. This, although gradually shifted the power struggle to the hands of geek technologists, intellectuals and pro-Americans as sighted from a ‘low’ point of view, was never a horrible implementation. Instead, this Indonesia, a third world nation with many profoundly scarred colonization stages, emerged as a just transformed country with a rational, logical, and advancing nation.

Japan, as part of this dynamic, can be represented as Indonesia’s ‘teacher’ on experience and maturity. Since the early 80s, Japan has officially emerged as Asia’s first advanced nation. Fortunately, Premier LKY had understood this and pushed for a better relationship with Japan by the EAC and other bilateral agreements. The new system, where the President tried taking over, was not entirely sunshine. Also, Japan’s archipelago resembled similarly to Indonesia, its maritime significance to one’s country is significant and both nations can understand that.

Anwar Ibrahim received a note from the foreign ministry office back in Jakarta, stating that Indonesia wished for a better trade term with Japan. It involved lowering tariffs on electronic goods. Indonesia tried to introduce mechanical electronics into everyday human basis, Subandrio’s solution was to ask for lower tariffs from Japan. Others, like prominent figure Ginandjar, expressed that Subandrio was merely extorting Japan. Ginandjar stated that Japan soon demands something in return, as sure Anwar Ibrahim knew.

As part of lowering tariffs on electronic goods, Japan bargained for lowering the prices of Indonesia’s raw resources, notably coal, fish, and nickel. Subandrio was completely against this, argued Japan to be imperialistic in nature and intent to destroy Indonesia’s raw resources. Anwar Ibrahim, however, had transcended on this simple mindset, declaring this was nothing unnatural to bargain. The President, still insistent, demanded Japan to find another alternative.

“Foreign Minister, EAC indeed has lowered trade tariffs for members at almost 20% against normal price. The bilateral agreements had added another 30% specifically for Indonesia’s great prospect. Many of Japan’s corporates had great hopes for Indonesia as a great market. But your President had increased prices on raw minerals, strip some Japanese companies on mining holding and somewhat eradicate Japanese privileges stated in our old bargain. Japan has held the bargain, Foreign Minister. Indonesia does not.”

Prime Minister Masajūrō Shiokawa [1]

It was excruciating for Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim to receive that reply from the Prime Minister of Japan Masajūrō Shiokawa. Barely last year, Indonesia’s relations with Japan had been well and dandy. Now, with the President offering his own hands, everything seemed to run out of order. Anwar had benefited from great relations and good diplomacy under his great ministry. Nevertheless, as he was jeopardized and barred by the President himself, he wondered the time he remained until either he resigned by frustration, or the president replaced him.

“Prime Minister, I understand your concern towards our nation. We have received a popular antipathy towards many things, one of them particularly related to foreign nations. The President acknowledged these pleas and wished for a better domestic policy.”

“Should one tried for a better inner self, one should maintain how he relates on foreign nations,” Prime Minister answered. It became a humiliation for Anwar to receive such a slight insult towards Indonesia, but he had nothing to refute it.

It had been an hour after the ordeal with the Prime Minister. The President had been bold enough to not congratulate Japanese officials in Singapore because of ‘domestic’ issues in Cilacap, Banyumas State. As nearing the end of his second term, he was completely dancing around a populist attitude, finding the people demands and demands only, not noticing how badly Indonesia would be presented on the international stage.

“Foreign Minister, I just received the news that Da Nang Air Base was captured by the red militias. North Vietnam has steamrolled discouraged South Vietnam, completely obliterating Saigon and advancing to Cambodia, Laos and now arriving at proper South Vietnam.”

Anwar sighed in national disbelief; the Vietnamese would be going bonkers as we wouldn’t help them. The SEATO was effectively defunct. If Saigon falls, Indonesia will lose an ally forever. Yet, it would not seal the fact that Saigon would like us after negligence on our behalf.

“How about the Americans?” Anwar questioned his secretary.

“The Americans remained on the defensive, partly processing the withdrawal motive after Glenn-McNamara’s strength ended.”

After the Challenger Explosion, the space race and Glenn’s presidency ended with a relatively low percentage. He, already understand the doom, tried to reverse his misery by simply adopting the new notion of the party’s allegiance. Although he really hated to leave Saigon, he was forced to, the Congress would impeach anything beyond withdrawing troops.

“Well, at least immigration to Papua remained.” Anwar chuckled on his own statement to briefly humour himself. As he was wedged between a divided party and a stubborn president, he had done hard to persuade the people. He wished to fulfil his own plans, but that would divide the party even further, possible harnessing a national crisis under that banner. The President also can use populist rhetoric to bully his way inside the cabinet. A reshuffle is imminent if the PPP Convention resulted in Mahathir’s victory, but a riot is possible if Musa remained on top. It was between a rock and a hard place, Anwar thanked Musa that he was spared for this excruciatingly impossible option.

“Well, Foreign Minister. There has been a small stir in the Middle East, Sir.” Anwar’s Secretary replied.

“Raja, the Middle East is always on fire, what possibly different they have there?" the foreign minister asked his secretary. According to his perspective, the Middle East should have at least one major conflict ongoing. Like the Israel-Palestine Wars, the UASR Expansion or the Turkish Revolution. The Iranians, meanwhile, was also suffering from low popularity, the former Shah had been overshadowed by charismatic Shia preachers, luckily the religious sentiment loved the young Shah after the old’s death.

“No, Sir. Saudi Arabia and the Soviet Union had been trying to form some sort of agreement. They tried formulating one where communism and Islamism, fundamentally opposite ideologies, coexist and fight against Western values. So far, General Secretary Vitaly hated this proposal, but many Soviet scholars agree as this would boost the communist struggle into an anti-Western one, the latter brought many supports from third world countries.”

Anwar nodded. The Soviet Union was revitalizing itself after the Andropov Stagnation in foreign policy. Yet, one might congratulate the late secretary's great domestic relation with Warsaw Pact members, even boosting their economy albeit maintain socialism. The new Secretary demanded a change with the Soviet’s sphere of influence, wishing for an expansion especially on the Middle East and Asian nations.

In Indonesia, communist sympathizers were poignantly suppressed by their own charismatic leader, Guntur Sukarnoputra. His childhood was presented with many American values, as Sukarno before heavily loved Kennedy and his country before the entire communist fiasco happened. Even as an adult, Guntur remained nonchalant on anti-Western values, even citing some as a necessary evil to boost Indonesia as a regional power. The PPI, as a result, softened itself on campaign promises gradually, despite Njono’s extreme opposition to revolutionize the nation.

Communism slowly becomes a weak force in Indonesia, but Islamism was returning its power on the national status. Even after decades of humiliation by the Rocket Party, PUI was returned to power by few charismatic leaders of the prominent preachers. In the PPP itself, Islamism had slowly encroached on Mahathir on his conservative, pro-people view. In Indonesian politics, you will have something as weird as a nativist politician insulting a minority because of their elite status, despite both members derived from the same PPP party. This was why Trihandoko and many others believed the PPP was unreasonable, we need to establish a new party, going full front with the LKY values that were great.

South America: Communist Sympathizers?

FARC, a pro-Sandinista force in Colombia

As early as Monroe Doctrine, South America had become America’s most stable sphere of influence for nearly two centuries, and the Monroe Doctrine adopted a harsh stance that the United States should become the leader of the New World. One might assume that has been entirely egoistic on the American people, but the term had been commonly recognized throughout the world, even to those deemed as the ‘sphere’ of it. However, arriving at the latter half of the 19th century, things had revolved deviated from the common trajectory.

After Carter Doctrine revoked the Monroe Doctrine as to ancient and irrelated to the United States as the world's superpower. The United States continued to dive under a series of isolationist policies that, from the early Glenn Presidency, was infected with young liberals who derived from the anti-war generation of the Nicaraguan War issue. The Carter evades this crisis by simply withdrawing on one Nicaraguan War while using few enlisted American troops to use as intervention measures abroad. But that changed as Carterism lost power in the Democratic Party.

The New Deal Coalition was slowly eroded with the Carter new faction, which in turn transformed as an arbitrarily strange coalition of isolationists. For starters, the Blue Dogs, the former segregationist people that moved to the Conservative Party, had somehow regained confidence to return to the Democrats. On the other hand, the progressive free-sex movement had filled many young Democrats as the new Progressive of the Carter Era. Although these factions had nothing in common, they wished for one thing, a better social welfare program and an end to the intervention measure of the United States.

That effectively put President Glenn, the Democratic nominated candidate of 1984, in a precariously awkward position, as the President had endorsed partly interventionism and mostly science, both issues somewhat opposed by the factions on the rise, as his campaign wishes. After the midterm of 1986, resulted in a slim Democratic majority, the Glenn Presidency seemed to change midcourse to adopt the new Democratic policy, all about refurbishing the domestic image and livelihood of the people. Thus, it would transform the future of ongoing American intervention, in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Pakistan. As these three nations were partly American interests, these later became the three failures of American interventions not because they failed to win, but they failed to fight.

Glenn, 1987

As effective as 1988, President Glenn reluctantly announced the end of Saigon assistance militarily. This also included many efforts in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and other nations, not to mention various CIA operatives that were carried out to tackle communist support in various places. In Pakistan, they had turned for more reliable partners, strangely Saudi Arabia extended their hands on this. Including Afghanistan, they understood the change of tides from the American society, oblivious of their struggle of anti-communist efforts, and eventually resorted to other models to embolden their struggle. Islamism of Saudi Arabia, ironically as Saudi Arabia was a rather close associate with the Soviet Union, became their reliable partner to combat communism.

This measure of withdrawn interventionism backfired, hit the United States close to home. As early as 1980, left-wing paramilitaries had sprouted in the junta governments across South America. However, Chile, Argentina and Brazil had solid junta governments on a moderately supportive people. In Venezuela and Colombia, however, was not. Especially with Nicaragua left behind despite intense CIA observation, the David of the American Goliath never surrendered, they continue to fight against their domestic American-sympathizers and stabilized the nation slowly with passionate anti-American rhetoric. As the CIA Operation in the country backfired as spies were captured in 1986, Nicaragua slowly regained composure to be impervious to American woes. They formed their counterattack on other Latin Americans.

Belisario, the president of Colombia, was pushing towards a peace negotiation with paramilitary groups across Colombia when he was assassinated in 1987. Fernando Cepeda Ulloa, the interim president, failed to harness a sound peaceful negotiation, rather returned Colombia into a rump state. The communist sympathizers understood the current chance and pushed forward to fight for a socialist state in Columbia. The Communist Party of Colombia fought as the Bolivarian Revolution of the 20th Century. In Venezuela, a similar occurrence happened as the binarism and military junta continued to pass on, which left the people restless of no political representation. The current democratic government Luis Herrera Campins was dubbed to be too sympathetic to authoritarian rule, and the communist sympathizers established a nationwide insurgency.

The United States continued its presence but did not act as any provocative measures would be noticed by the people. Since the creation of the French Fifth Republic, many Americans had forgotten the nuclear fear of war against the Soviet Union, the Carterian welfare program only endorsed leftist ideology as beneficial to most society. Although Carter never specifically endorsed it, many of his policies reflected lefties. Then, as the Southern golden boy, he later became Southerner’s source of adulation, some even condemned the northerners as ‘scaring the reds unnecessarily’, some radicals even denouncing the Kennedys to ever be Democratic.

Nearing the end of the 80s, the American people now became dull and insusceptible to military adventurism, some questioned them to be costly and unruly. As the dynamics shifted in the new political spectrum, the MIC (Military Industrial Complex) feared by the Eisenhower Administration seemed to unravel themselves as they pushed too far in Saigon and Kabul. Yet, this time, the debate became tense as the topic mention was too close to home.

For many intellectuals and historians, the 1980s bear fruit of the 2000s and 2010s political struggle of the United States, albeit the great wealth, military power, and economy it possessed. For Indonesia, the 1980s and the 90s was their luckiest era of being insolently opportunist but somewhat isolationist. The geopolitical standpoint, after the Bolivarian Revolution, continued its legacy quite remarkably well, at least for the supporters.

[1] Details of his ministership here.
This will be the 'reopening' of my longest hiatus so far (nearly two weeks) this year. A small introduction on South America, the Latin world will pose a great significance to the 90s. Slight progress with Anwar and how they think so far.

I'm still not satisfied with a South American introduction, we will return with Nicaragua and their 'stones' against the American goliath. Meanwhile, the Convention will slowly rise in tension, as I'll try storytelling the minuscule people activities regarding the political drama.

SkylineDreamer · Sep 24, 2021

Beneath the United States

Sandinistas Revolution after their victory.

The United States endured a long and convoluted political shift that culminated in Shafer’s idealism. From then on, the Conservative portion of the party, the relic of the Republicans, lingered indignant towards Shafer’s foreign policy. It had destroyed many of the Conservative {or Republican} attempts to return power as Shafer, especially at home. As a result, the United States’ adult population, all that was mature witnessed the fabric of the American republic humiliated by such weird romanticism of a foreign policy, into tremendously revanchist and hawkish.

The Carter decade was shone with the President’s wholesomeness on energy conservation and struggle of livelihood improvement, but his foreign policy remained strong, sometimes considered to be faithfully interventionist, especially regarding South America. To appease the anti-war youths that shunned the Nicaraguan War, the President instigated a less revealing strategy. Instead of national drafts implemented for national television to gain coverage, Carter launched special operative task forces, albeit frequent, that received less publicity thus no further bitterness from the youths. However, to appease the older folks that Carter wanted, he proposed a ‘containment’ effort to communist sprawls around the world, Nicaragua as one. He provoked multiple CIA operatives, many of whom never exposed until decades to come, to infiltrate and reduce the communist’s fame in the country.

Operation Seal of the CIA attempted to boost Medellin Cartel's efforts in business. This in turn had aided the Contras, Sandinista's arch-nemesis. Pablo Escobar here speaking against communist ideals.

President Glenn, meanwhile, was bolder than Carter in terms of foreign policy. He still believed Kennedy and Nixon’s aggression, at least each accordingly different but similar objective that foreign policy against communism should not be received tenderly. However, this belief, in addition to his passion for the space race, had ruined his presidency because the Democratic party had reformed against it. Their new manifesto, gradually influenced by the anti-war, pro-environment, New South[1] politicians. These generations, young during Shafer’s presidency, had by accident joined the Democratic party from the backlash of the deceased Republicans. Reagan and Nixon attempted to appease the South by their law-and-order romanticism, but Carter’s Southern origins along with a pretty successful presidency killed the chances of that [2].

President Glenn with George HW Bush ended poorly for the President's approval among Democrat peers.

Latin America, in the interim, had become the debate of the Americans due to immediacy, tactical location, and geopolitical influence. For those who argued to improve America’s presence in Latin America, had expressed themselves the incorporation of Cuba, Puerto Rico and Panama as newly admitted states without further background checks had made America’s union stumbled on overextension, but they do support these places as new hotbeds of American presence to control the situation in Latin America. As a result, these places became respectable suitable locations for military institutions, providing the American military power to become the by-station of the US in America’s southern neighbours. The Cuban citizens, providentially, had deep wounds during Castro’s initial reign and had formed as a great anti-communist island without question. Panama and Puerto Rico, meanwhile, was still prone to pro-socialist sympathizers [3] and, sometimes, Raul Castro’s speeches against the American rule. For now, the Panamans still benefited as an ‘American’ from basic healthcare rights and various other profits. The Puerto Ricans consoled the Democratic Party as a strong Democratic presence in the outer islands.

These Democratic people that supported a strong military presence were President Glenn, Vice President McNamara, the remainder of the New Deal Coalition, and the entirety of the Conservative Party. The Democratic Party ironically became the anti-war, anti-interventionist party that wished their lives to leave at rest. This process of strange radical evolution, from the party of Wilson and FDR to the party of Bentsen, Stevenson, and Hunt, all of whom were radical domestic thinkers that put aside international problems away from the United States. These ‘fix home first, then abroad’, was a great motto for youngsters who saw the hypocrites of the American adults that pushed for democratic coups abroad while maintaining an unjust, corrupted system. [4]

Lloyd Bentsen, Texan Senator

The Democratic Party’s inconsistent measure on foreign policy was what had created Nicaragua to remain America’s closes enemy that they cannot eliminate. The Carter Administration had weakened the country’s unity but never destroyed them. The Glenn Administration, ridiculed by series of mismanagement, gaffes, misconducts, and scandals, provided a slight room to let them breathe and thrive, therefore restored the national stability of the communist regime immediately. Not long, the ‘Small American Enemy’, launched their first ideological counterattack, supported wholeheartedly by Soviet Union’s new Secretary, in America’s backyard.

The Latin nations had two relations with the United States. The ones that idolized the nation, continue to have citizens who endorsed the authoritarian, militaristic, junta or oligarchic government from the economic growth. These countries, like Argentina, Chile and partly Mexico, became third world nations that happily followed America’s virtues. On the other hand, the ones that had less friendly, even hateful relations towards the gringos were left with either remained in global isolation for the time being or go against the US by siding with communist militias. The revolutions in Colombia, Venezuela, and later by the start of the 90s, literally most Latin America, was that result.

Unfortunately for the United States, the junta governments in South America had lost their populist support, and the annexation of Panama and Cuba terrorized the locals that American intervention is imminent. Despite many campaigns, even from natives, the State of Panama failed to persuade the Latin Americans, more so accused these people as ‘brainwashed’ and ‘traitorous’ to the capitalist American beliefs. As we might have guessed, the 80s and the 90s were great for Nicaragua’s relation towards the surrounding people.

The Pope in 1987, preaching about Catholicism and how they conflicted with communism. Abused by military juntas to terrorize the communists that they will be condemned to hell.

Nicaragua’s little ambition started as means to survive in the United States. In time, as they stabilized themselves domestically, they turned for a broader ambition, to export communist idealisms all across Latin America. Yet, challenges in Latin America were the high religious rates in the region. The Papacy has stated communism as one evil to Catholicism, that statement has brought many obstacles in Latin America to uphold a true communist uprising. Furthermore, the military juntas had successfully broadcasted the Papacy’s words to every single nationality each on their nation, indoctrinate them by the basis that by being communist, you betray God.

Their first attempt, truthfully, was to reform the Central American Republic [5] that broke in the 19th century. The Nicaraguans wished for unification with El Salvador, Guatemala and Costa Rica to reclaim the territorial extent. However, Guatemala was still under the same leadership under the protection of the United States, any attempts for such reunification lingered as challenges of the future. Consequently, Nicaragua gazed southwards.

Costa Rica, since 1948, has been the most stable nation in Latin America. A nation without coups, separatism and militias had been established for this dangerous geopolitical reason because of a few factors. One, their military became non-existent and used the money for welfare and health programs. Two, social unity is better than most regions that regionalist tendencies on exclusivism never took place. Lastly, their unattractiveness on raw resources and location relative to Panama and Nicaragua made them less viewed by contesting superpowers. Nicaragua, currently, was trying to change that. [6]

These small steps of Nicaragua made them the small nation that projected as the hidden regional power of the Latin nation. From being battered by the Americans, they evolved as resilient, restless, and passionate about their communist beliefs to be shared all across Latin America. Pitifully for the Americans, Nicaraguans had become the rolling snowball.

4th May 1987
Pangkal Pinang, State Republic of Indonesia

Lawyer Raymond Hutahuruk, a professional from a renowned legal firm in Jakarta, has landed at Bangka Island three weeks ago. Sabuk Biru Project [7] was continued by Musa Hitam and researchers have found massive deposits of Thorium minerals there. Thorium minerals, acknowledged by nuclear physicist Bakrie, was important for a new generation of nuclear power plants. The thorium deposits can be used for a new batch of a different reactor, MSR as Bakrie stated. Indonesia, upon this discovery, can independently invent as its first achievement on nuclear efforts, at least in Asia according to him. There were other areas reported to have rich uranium resources, the Western parts of Kalimantan and Sulawesi, large swaths of Papua. Many of these regions were untapped radioactive resources for Indonesia. The United States had noticed that and tried offering bilateral consortiums on peaceful nuclear development. Raymond Hutahuruk was astonished by Bakrie’s devotion to nuclear research in Indonesia. Despite being underfunded and understaffed, Bakrie has confronted those obstacles and created many of Indonesia’s notable nuclear achievements.

Raymond Hutahuruk, 1987

Lawyer Raymond arrived here to be the project lawyer of the Bangka-Belitung Nuclear Research Project. He has expertise in planning and environment, building and construction, resumption law, property and strata law, and dispute resolution. His initial assumption was the Premier intended to open a new research centre here to expand the old one that was erected during Nasution’s late presidency. But now things had changed, newer technologies had become feasible that a Thorium-reactor can be opened in this island to power the entire Sumatra Island without concerning the cost of cables. This, including Revolusi Biru’s projects that remained under the radar to most people, had become great Bakrie’s research field to explore nuclear physics without interfering by petty media, debates, nor politics. However, Bakrie was unsure that he will be immune to the last one.

As the Labour Law increased the political participation of labour and workers to fight and voted dearly towards the Kesejahteraan Rakyat faction, a small problem occurred regarding nuclear power. For farmers, nuclear power was outlandish, lavish, and extravagant, not necessarily important to their common desires of better food and livestock production. Despite adhering to the One Island One Plant by President Subandrio, Kalijati citizens, mostly farmers and industrial workers, felt threatened by the existence of a nuclear reaction there. In response, the President’s attitude towards nuclear energy slowly became redundant and less interested.

Meanwhile, Musa’s cabinet has expressed decent interest in nuclear power, as it would boost Indonesia’s national power as a great technological nation. Not only would nuclear power solve the waste of mineral resources by less inefficient methods such as coal power plants, but it is also proven to have minimal pollution.

Nevertheless, Raymond Hutahuruk is here to meet upset landowners that thought the negotiation of land transfer was unfair. He has prepared his thesis for these landowners, persuading on behalf of the government. He was a well-known lawyer for the government, persuading people with his persuasive skills. On one occasion, Guntur Sukarnoputra invited him to join the party because of how great his oration he was in Semarang when a strike happened.

“Coffee, Sir?” a middle-aged woman offered Raymond. Raymond reminded his presence in this small warung, the proximity of this place towards his workshop, and a delicious bowl of noodles put him in a routine state of coming here every week. The bliss of food put him to rest, admiring the life he is in instead of becoming stressed.

“Yes, Bu. Two please. I’ll have a friend.” Raymond answered.

Just as he told the woman, his friend arrived at the warung. The woman gazed at the man, totally understand who the figure was. Ginandjar Kartasasmita arrived at the table while the woman prepared the mugs.

“Raymond! Nice to see you.”

“I’m pleased too, Sir.”

Ginandjar Kartasasmita, despite holding no ministerial positions, is a military officer with magnificent influence especially on the energy and economic sector. Currently, he is positioned as a government bureaucrat that will conduct oversight on the Bangka construction.

“Have you spoken to the people here?” Ginandjar asked Raymond about the people’s plea here. They have been quite anxious about the government’s formal negotiation on land transfer. Some have argued that these are ancestral lands that wished not for sale, and many of whom demanded excessively high amounts of money to the government. The government, as pragmatic as LKY had used to, had adopted a standardized purchase per square mile that Musa adopted here. For the government and Raymond, himself, the standardized regulation regarding the purchase help to localize the issue. Consequently, he found out that these locals were just opportunistic, and the government deal was as generous as they could.

The issue afterwards was the people would comment this on national media about ‘government oppression and ‘liberal economy’. This tactic had been used by Mahathir’s bloc and has increased in power ever since the death of LKY. Raymond personally argued Musa to have a weak attitude towards people’s bad perspectives about him. Especially comparing to Premier Lee who once destroyed a man in debate with extreme truths. From another perspective, Raymond thought this is the reason why Lee had died in the first place.

“Yes. So far, I have reduced tension on the town folks. I mentioned that nuclear power’s benefits on electricity would certainly end these region’s constant blackouts and isolation in electricity. Furthermore, you and I both know the area being built is safe on international standards.”

“Still, we lived in Indonesia. Many of whom never fully fathomed international standards, let alone care about them,” Ginandjar slight criticism was acknowledged by Raymond. He was a lawyer, his job constituted to talk to people about stuff that either they don’t know or don’t care. Still, he was interested in national politics, and being a lawyer had certainly given him a good connection.

“Sorry to interrupt, gentlemen. But the TV has a piece of interesting news to offer,” the same woman offered. On the news, there was an interesting group of gentlemen with white robes. They announced on the television proudly and vigorously.

From now on. The true Islam adherent will know that both NU and Muhammadiyah are traitors of the religion. They welcome the Jews into Madagaskar and established communities. The Islamism spectrum in the Indonesian parliament has been rigged by these people. We, dear people, had established Partai Amanah Bangsa to become the voice of true Islam. Down with the NU! Down with Muhammadiyah! Rise the People of Islam! Allahu Akbar!

Raymond saw the man in the middle as a local preacher in Depok. He never knew the man’s name, but his demeanour certainly reminded him of a person he couldn’t remember currently. Meanwhile, both the warung owner and Raymond looked confusingly at Ginandjar who laughs hysterically at the broadcast.

“I enjoy their passion. But both NU and Muhammadiyah would surely undermine them the best they can.” Ginandjar told that both NU and Muhammadiyah were different Islam organizations that encompass Indonesia’s Islamic population. Despite NU having a pluralist attitude by the arrival of Gus Dur, Majapahit State, one of the largest provinces in Nusantara, were heavily loyal to NU. These were traditional folks, sometimes rural areas, that endorsed local tradition more than the desire for Islam fundamentalism. They thought the ‘mimickers’, city or suburban people that were too obsessive on Arabian culture, are irrational and brainwashed to cleans Indonesia’s core tradition. For Raymond, he truly understood Ginandjar’s words. When he arrived in Madiun, these people, as opposed to voting PNI-R, PPI, or PRD to the urban legend, has been returning to the old NU base. This, in turn, will foreshadow a possible resurgence of PUI in the next election. Especially with the PUI solidify themselves after the split from PNI-R in 1973, they now had a coherent voice of embracing Islam as a major factor of the political system, but not the regulation of the system itself.

The Muhammadiyah, meanwhile, accommodated urban Muslims that had experienced Western education and teachings. These people, in essence, still endorsed pluralism like the NU, but their main difference lies in societal values. For a Muhammadiyah, they were progressive in science and technology, unlike NU whose people were naturally satisfied with the status quo. This, in addition to tolerant Jewish migrants that became primary scholars for Islamic teaching, adopted a synthetic thought that one can respect other religions while converting people to pure Islam. For some, this might be assumed as more radical Islamist than the NU. However, since the last decade, the Muhammadiyah has invited more non-Islamic intellectuals into their domain, much so to teach Muhammadiyah intellectuals about the advanced world they can achieve.

These two big simplifications of politics, Raymond had summarized, comprised the society that demand Islam to have a greater presence on the government. Jakarta, Bandung, and Padang scholars had campaigned for Muhammadiyah doctrines. However, Raymond worried that NU might be too ‘Jombang-centric’ [8] for the liking, which instead make Pasundan State a bizarre exclusion. The high rural population and Islamic fans would make them easy bred for the new party base, totally threatening the balance of Nusantara’s Islam.

Raymond remained silent on Ginandjar’s answer and listened to the woman on her political beliefs. In Bangka, they were evenly divided on PRD or PNI-R’s politics. Yet, as PRD slowly edged themselves on the controversial President, many Bangka people switched to the PPI. The PNI-R percentage stagnated and gradually weakens, while PRD’s base has plummeted for the PPI.

To be frank, I'm still having some difficulties with Islam in Indonesia that seemed paradoxical on the world perspective, {in OTL, you have the traditionalists NU that is somewhat more pluralist than the modern Muhammadiyah, as opposed to modern thinking}. But, as an Indonesian, I tell you this is naturally common in political identity in Indonesia IOTL as ITTL, many were too vague to draw a line. Nevertheless, the main point of the writing is now both NU and Muhammadiyah has embraced pluralism ITTL that the fundamentalists 'have lost a political platform'.

The arrival of Jews as refugees {not victors}, on their struggle in the Middle East, along with various atrocities that mostly the UASR folks did for revenge, had changed the hearts of many Islamic preachers upon hearing their stories. NU {with Gus Dur even has not hated Jews enough IOTL [see here]} and Muhammadiyah later soften up on the usual simple narrative and thus pushing for more pluralism than before.

[1] New South doesn't mean the term here. It is similarly defined but the New South term ITTL meant new Southern politicians that starting to adopt big government as a good cause. As opposed to OTL where the South had been advocating small government.
[2] No 'Reagan Coalition' and no Conservative Revival as IOTL. Carter did not become the 'paradox' president as IOTL.
[3] These left-leaning sympathizers would in turn shape the politics on the islands, you'll find more of it by the 2000s.
[4] This, although surely sound like a modern progressive narrative, can still be relatable on an 80s ITTL America looking at the circumstances.
[5] The communists wanted more like a Soviet Union system, rather than the federalist system at the link shown.
[6] Such a shame that Costa Rica, the most stable nation in Latin America, will not be so stable anymore.
[7] Sabuk Biru is mentioned here.
[8] Can be said as exclusively regional, as NU voter based were always high on their headquarters in Jombang. they have a loyal base in Majapahit State {IOTL Eastern Java}.

I have promised micro-interactions between people which I failed today. I do wholeheartedly promise the next chapter would be one.

SkylineDreamer · Sep 30, 2021

Traumas of the Past, Desires of the Future

Friday, 4th May 1973
17.00, before Maghrib Prayer

Location illustration, 1987

The one-way street of Gajah Mada [1] was lit with cafes and noodle bars. Possibly the most unique road in Jakarta, Gajah Mada Stroad entails a two-lane street with an extra lane for parallel parking. At first, the street was an integrated large road, but after years of public planning on the Federal District’s Authority, they eventually move the road to Hayam Wuruk. The road functions as an arterial between Kota Tua and Harmoni {later continues to the Presidential Palace and Jakarta’s office districts} [2]. The street accommodates travellers in the growing food industry there.

Muhammad Abbas Maulana was a native of Jakarta. He knew this neighbourhood since childhood. Abbas afterwards gazed on the other side of the canal, formerly Hayam Wuruk Street now became a road devoid of commercial activity. In 1958, the Australian and British bombings, along with flying pamphlets of surrender occurred daily on the streets of Jakarta. On one sorrowful night, his house along with his entire neighbourhood was carpeted with British bombs unalarmed by the government. He stayed at his friend’s house, approximately five blocks away, on that night, completely oblivious until he returned home only to see piles of dirt and a destroyed district.

An orphan, Abbas must return to his extended family back in Indramayu to be taken care of. As he reached adulthood, he realized he was still unaccustomed to rural conditions and later left for the city he had left. Since the 1970s, he had tried searching for a home in Jakarta. Since the city was still devastated by the bombings, he settled at Bekasi for a brief time. He remained his wish to find a house near the city centre. Fortunately, in 1977 he found a house in a government terrace complex in Krukut [3]. The complex was erected in 1975, a part of Nasution’s reconstruction program. Despite owning a house at a high price, Abbas remained committed to buying what he called ‘home’. Now, more than ten years of living and a family of four, Abbas surely lived quite happily with the life he had made.

Not the same as this, but it got the inspiration.

He found a decent profession as a textile artisan near a tailor shop in Harmoni. He worked and trained arduously on tailoring that he eventually formed a distinctive bravura. Later, in 1984 he opened his tailor shop for the middle-aged white-collar population, moderately successful as by three years, he owned a sustainable income to afford two televisions and a car. Nevertheless, his neighbourhood also grew in income alongside him. Tempo magazine once reported his neighbourhood as the ‘fastest-growing place in Jakarta. Jumping from a poor purlieu in the 70s to a middle-income neighbourhood currently.

The streets of Gajah Mada, inevitably, became the commercial strip for these house owners to enjoy a Friday evening. Not only did the place become entertainment spots, but they developed gather point of communities, multiple RTs and RWs [4] held their annual events here. Soon, Gajah Mada's attraction to people outside of the neighbourhood, giving a great place to have fun. For a few years living at Krukut, he saw the change on where he left the place in childhood, totally in ruins, until a bustling spot now.

He now looked across the canal, his neighbourhood was now transformed huge city garden called 58 Memorial Park [5]. This Park was reported by the government as half the size of Central Park, NY, where Abbas has never visited. However, he did agree that the park was humongous should the government intended to say from the comparison to New York Central Park. His face lightened as he saw the captivating scenery of the park. Although he personally wanted a more urban park, a natural break from the urban life seemed to take approval by most of the citizens here.

The restaurant where Abbas ate.

“Thank you for eating in Bakmi GM!” [6] shouted the cashier clerk when she saw Abbas leaving the restaurant. Frankly, he enjoyed a daily bowl of noodles and cap-cay here. He was fascinated with Chinese cuisine, sometimes can get too obsessed unduly. But his mind had wandered elsewhere: the park on the other side of the canal. Pacing a few coffee shops, he arrived at the pedestrian crossing. The sense of relaxation and terror mixed his senses during his walk. Terror jolted because of how vivid his childhood was that the bridge he walked was destroyed multiple times during the war. The relaxation kicked in because of how the government attempted furiously to face-lift this place. The bridge, notwithstanding the unattractive empty canal, still possessed unique features that one can admire. If only the bridge was a little wider, the place would be perfect for photographers.

Parts of the city park, 1987.

He arrived on the outskirts of the park. Green in trees although some spots of ruined debris still existed in few areas. Right around the pedestrian crossing, the government created a statue of Pak Tiung [7], a remembrance of the dark past he had lived. Pak Tiung was a Chinese-Indonesia merchant living as his past’s neighbourhood chief. Pak Tiung rescued uncountable numbers of people during the daytime. He was always the first to spot enemy aircraft whenever the sky was clear enough. Moreover, he donated most of his money to those families whose one member had died because of the bombings. Sometimes, he also helped the locals by alerting them if government officials had arrived to distribute information or other goods. Sadly, he was killed by the same deadly bombing that killed Abbas’ family. In remembrance of the man, President Nasution erected the state, reminded everyone regardless of skin colour, race or ethnicity, we can still share kindness and give help to others without return.

Pak Tiung was only one of the thousands of non-native Indonesians that contributed great merits to Indonesia. The Australian Aggression did bring the true sensitivity of the people into helping each other surviving against the British menace. Dutch Indonesians who lived here also shared a great service towards the common people. People outside Jakarta considered these acts of heroism as too anomalous to be true, thus accusing city dwellers to fabricate stories. However, these events do occur, and Abbas was one of the many living witnesses.

Abbas arrived at the square located not far from the statue. There stood an activist voicing towards several people. After the opening of this public space during the late-Nasution presidency, it was allowed to publicly campaign here or form some sort of movement. However, newer developments on Subandrio changed this permission, especially activists by city-dwellers considered too liberal for the liking. Nonetheless, his eye fixated on the activist voicing. The activists returned look; a familiar welcome followed.

“Abbas! How are you!” Devon Ezekiel Siahaan exclaimed in glee. They ignored the people that were looking at them, they hugged anyways.

“I’m good. You?” Abbas exchanged with a delighted expression.

“Fine,” Devon answered. “Hang on a second. Fadillah, can you replace me for the time being?” Devon asked his colleague, apparently one of the audiences, to replace him as the activist. Devon then ushered Abbas quite far from the crowd, allowing them to continue their conversation.

“How long it’s been? Two/three months? How is your daughter?” Devon asked.

“Very well. My daughter had just been admitted to physics studies.” Abbas mentioned his daughter’s high school studies. The high school education was very selective on the process. In their classification between physics, biology and social science, physics was the most prestigious and challenging one. Mere 25% can be admitted to study there. [8]

“That’s wonderful,” Devon exclaimed, “Congratulations on your daughter!”

“Thanks. By the way, how’s your campaign going?”

“Quite a stir to the newcomers, but the campaign proceeds quite well.” Devon’s campaign involved new political thinking caused by the bombings in Java. Most dwellers there had a changing course of life, which in turn became very distasteful in the United Kingdom. However, as the United States showed and help Indonesia, the city dweller does seem confused when they see two similarly cultured Western nations fight each other. Ultimately, they discover the key difference was the United States endorsed democracy; the United Kingdom upholds monarchy.

This simplistic mindset eventually spread towards all citizens that witnessed the bombings with their own eyes. The notion that old establishment, kingdoms, and autocrats alike, was abhorrently evil and should be abolished. The democracy of the United States was the ultimate good and saviour that we should adhere to. This added to the fact where the United States continued their help with a reconstruction grant to President Nasution, which completely glued the traumatic society to fully embraced American liberalism as the Messiah.

Gradually, this mindset attacked the existence of local Sultanates in Indonesia. These kingdoms, never bombed once during the entire war, was dubbed to have secret collusions with the British government. The rift cracked wider as migrants from these places invaded the city and blatantly threw accusations that the city is foreign-friendly and less ‘nationalistic’. Devon was one that took the insult deeply.

Devon was a history teacher. He understood Indonesian and the world’s history. During his research, he realized that feudalism evolved to monarchism and autocratic governments. Another discovery enlightened Devon that the source of Indonesia’s corruption also originated from the deep feudalism characteristics Indonesia have adopted since the Majapahit Era. Therefore, he campaigned that the practice of feudalism is stopped. The entire population of Indonesian should be taught forward-thinking or simply American values.

“I heard that your petition had 50000 signatures already. That’s quite an achievement.” Abbas mentioned Devon’s petition on something Abbas did not know further. All he knew was Abbas’ neighbour mentioned Devon when he passionately asked people to sign the petition.

“Oh, you mean the city car? Yes, it did pass 50000. I wished to go further, maybe got into national television or something.” Devon replied with a slight pause in the beginning.

Jakarta's trams. They eventually added fans in the 1970s

Upon the realization that the petition he talked about was not related to the campaign, Abbas remembered the public commotion that public trams had extremely ugly stacks of electric posts hanging on Kota Tua, the city’s most historic places. He wished the trams to be deleted entirely, giving place for a cleaner street. However, Jakarta’s Secretary Hendarto argued otherwise, and newly pushed for a revitalization of artistic European architecture. It gained criticism from the people on why the trams need to be salvaged so deeply. However, many people had shown less opposition as Sudomo Hendarto did contribute a lot to the city.

Firstly, he was the one who transformed ‘debris square’, places of debris from the ruins of the war, into a naturally beautiful city park. He established around 13 across Jakarta [9], 5 of them were huge like 58 Memorial Park. He also reshaped the city roads more beautifully, adding green spaces and trees for pedestrian shades. In essence, he made Jakarta stunning and artistic.

City newcomers, or commuter migrants, would occasionally criticize the man for simply taking care of unnecessary things rather than important policies, like public taxes, and government welfare. However, native city dwellers were fixated on these urban planning solely by their traumatic experiences during the war. For them, the Federal District had offered the best psychological therapy by simply adding beautiful city streets. In a newspaper Abbas had read, 77% of native Jakarta had regained their love for the city and a staggering 98% of the natives supported the city’s revitalization. The natives hated to be remembered of the dusty war times, Hendarto had made the city as green as he could.

Abbas, as a business owner, also acknowledged the newcomer's accusation of the District Secretary of too pointless totally false. Just a month ago, Hendarto had created a green tax that funded the city’s revitalization program from the business owners and corporations. However, the government did not simply take Abbas’ money, they granted multiple benefits of the business. For example, the sidewalk in front of his tailor shop was extensively beautified and allowed parking. In addition to the newly added parking multi-story near his shop, he was benefited by allowing more car-commuters to arrive at his tailor shop easily. Moreover, his tailor shop, located in Roxy, was promised a station due to the extension program of the East-West Line MRT Jakarta. In efforts of reforming the city, Hendarto also announced many public transport usages. For Abbas, more connectivity means more profit for him. Moreover, it would also increase land value on his place, increasing his property wealth substantially.

“Right. I forgot that the petition was about the trams. Back to the previous topic, did you suffer a backlash from the new Tasik arrivals?”

“True. Those rascals just rush in and use their understanding of seeing Jakarta.” Devon was commenting on those migrants that moved to the city from their backwater countryside. As Jakarta became an attractive capital with opportunities and growth, some people, despite arguing the labour wages was not the same as in the Nusantara State Republic, rushed to the city. However, they brought dispute on native Jakarta, especially on their preference on all aspects. For example, the Serang workers that arrived at the Tambora regency strike against the public workers because their illegal food stalls were demolished. In Tebet, many Javan mob ran the regency office because the government destroyed their illegal house wells.

Personally, Abbas only saw these people as trying to adapt to the city culture, but his neighbours also commented on how rude those newcomers had infiltrated the city. Not only do the city had a deep dark past that nearly all urban folks have perceived, but the outsiders also sidestepped it as some sort of lie from Jakarta. You can also see a similar trend, albeit less radical, in Surabaya, where local citizens had argued against rural arrivals on the monuments Nasution had erected in memory of the deep scar on cities.

“Well, I see that you are quite tired. Want to go hang out in a café? We can talk there.” Abbas recommend Devon.

“Sure, Abbas. It’s time for my friend to take a stand also. Besides, it is almost maghrib, most people would leave for prayer.”

Both men knew, that despite Abbas being a Muslim, he frequently failed to pray daily. Today was no exception, he had worked tirelessly day and night for the last five days, he wanted entertainment with his friends.

Place of entertainment, just a few blocks north of the restaurant Abbas ate.

Quite a long post. Just to clarify, the narrative explains a number of people's mindsets towards general events. As a result, it would differ person-by-person, I just coincidentally cover this man's story. As a result, you may think his thoughts are flawed, and I personally can't object it. But, for the sake of the story, let's just look at his perspective, shall we?

A lot of references, let's dissect it further.
[1] Gajah Mada Street (one-way Northward), as a reminder, lays parallel with Hayam Wuruk Street (one-way Southward) in Jakarta. In between lays the Ciliwung canal the Dutch had built to divert the water. IOTL, both Gajam Mada Street and Hayam Wuruk became great commercial spots. ITTL, Hayam Wuruk became a two-way road while Gajah Mada Street continued as a one-way street.
[2] Hayam Wuruk is an ITTL exception, but the hybrid-type of roads are actually quite common in major arterials in Jakarta. For e.g., IOTL Jenderal Sudirman Artery before the MRT establishment do function likewise a hybrid. ITTL, these types of roads are still heavily supported by the government.

This is a great photo to visualise the hybrid stroad.

[3] As part of Nasution's Reconstruction plan, the terraced homes would look like the picture shown on the post.
[4] RT are basically a housing neighbourhood while RW is more like a housing community. RT usually comprised 20-30 families while RW usually gets up to 150 families.
[5] 58 came from 1958, the year of the bombing.
[6] For Jakarta citizens, you probably know this restaurant.
[7] Just an ATL character.
[8] Before the change in the 90s, high school students in Indonesia usually was split into physics, biology and social science. While current education is split into natural science, social science and language. These affect their lesson {for e.g. social science students don't study biology and natural science students don't study geography}, career prospects, and honestly their connection for their future relations.
[9] Likewise, 58 Memorial Park, these places are spots that are too heavily bombed that they make it a city park solely from the soil damage. You'll see more in future chapters.

SkylineDreamer · Oct 11, 2021

Winds of Convention

The situation across Indonesia, especially the State Republic of Nusantara, remained tense despite the 1986 Labour Law revised to fulfil a compromise between two actions. Relationships between urban-rural neighbourhoods become unreceptive that many could ensue local scuffles in zones. Correspondingly, the economy was limping as opposed to the LKY Era, many people have tried disparaged the government to be extremely frail. Then again, the President seemed to shift course on his initial crusade, abandoning pro-LKY legacy to everything against it. It was firm the politics of this decade was wild, few reasons have been identified as key origins.

The first, visibly laid, was how the death of LKY seemed to apprehend Subandrio’s worthlessness on the national step. Despite being popular early on 1978 until his second inauguration, Subandrio steadily waned as LKY continued to gleam above him in terms of domestic wisdom. In the dawn of the late premier's death, Subandrio resolute not to continue LKY’s policy, as it would maintain his irrelevance, thus finding all opposite things he can execute that is constructive and anti-elitist. But then, people remained mystified on why so. As his health continued to fail for the old age, the older ruling President in Indonesian history, many have speculated that a third term would never happen. Either by health problems or gaffes, Subandrio would certainly struggle heavily, even impossibly, should he run for a third term. That begged another question if he stepped down in 1988, why bother reversing everything LKY had done in the first place?

The answer, naturally, rested on the hands of his political aides, many of whom were influenced by Mahathir’s bloc. As opposed to the cabinet who LKY had smartly put like-minded individuals into his circle, the President’s circle was dominated by PPP’s other faction. Hussein Onn, previously drafted the Constitution of 1973, had been Subandrio’s main advisor across his presidential record. Hussein, whom Mahathir flattered as a political senior, became the accurate creator of the Malayan bloc that would rival the Malacca bloc in the 80s.

Hussein Onn

Hussein’s contextual came from the colonial British era when the United Kingdom had debated over a plausible Malayan Union as a part of the tussled decolonization passé. Many of the Malayans argued that the Chinese held a weighty influence on their control. With money and status habitually on their slice, ethnic Melayus thought they would be forced to obey those people instead of helping themselves. This, in turn, came into a sounder upshot as LKY proceeded to become the Premier of Indonesia. He, who campaigned for urban redevelopment more than rural reconstruction, made rural Malayans disgusted by the Premier and disdained eternally.

Hussein, along with the then Melayu Bersatu Faction, often argued LKY to be too city-centric and neglected farmer’s necessities that a famine was shortly looming due to low productivity. LKY, who often denied that technological improvement would replace those jobs soon, gave the wrong dismay that hinter farmers responded as their existential threat. This, slowly, rooted the strong divide between city and countryside in Malayan Peninsula, which later infested Java and other islands.

On the 6th of May 1987, the PPP Convention was finally determined on the 27th of June 1987. Almost 500 delegates will arrive in Jakarta for the vote on who should be the leader of the party. For nearly Instantly, both sides of the PPP party had gathered early supporters on this momentous event. Subandrio allowed this event to carry significant resemblance as a national election, pamphlets and banners allowed them to campaign for each other. The people remained aware of Subandrio’s little allegiance, some Barisan Progresif’s ads were taken down believed to own ‘less Pancasila-ist’ nature. But, as resilient as the late Premier, Musa’s faction refused to let in. They will campaign until the convention, whatever the sacrifices they had to offer.

In a national poll, the media had unwritten the demographics on how PPP delegations from across Indonesia will vote. As the poll lingered evenly divided, hopes of one overturning the other were glowing amongst each agitator, activist, and politician. Because PPP’s delegated are larger in western portions of Indonesia (Java, Sumatra, Malaya, and Madagascar), Barisan Progresif was predicted to have the higher half of the percentage, confirming for another Musa’s security as the nation’s Premier. However, probabilities remained low for a landslide, both factions competitively pushed themselves for the leadership.

Barisan Progresif would win the urban cities and exclusively Madagascar. As LKY had constructed within two previous general elections, LKY solidified the urban moderate-to-liberal voters into his sphere. Also, youths had been increasingly gained towards their favour, therefore gaining the reputation as young Indonesians’ main party. Because of LKY’s fondness and Musa’s quite astounding post-mortem succession, these city dwellers have assurance towards him. In terms of Madagascar, LKY’s governmental development along with urged investments by Indonesian bourgeois completely mesmerized local Madagascar unto Barisan Progresif. As the State Republic had changed dramatically since French withdrawal, Madagascar’s population was strongly pro-Musa and remained so confidently for decades to come.

On the other faction, the Kesejahteraan Rakyat faction had the numbers and most scattered regions, especially after the Labour Law. Although in battle with PPI, PRD and PUI voter base across rural Sumatra and Java, Kesejahteraan Rakyat had successfully swayed the rural population towards their side after the Labour Law and Subandrio’s sudden change. Their percentage was rising in deeply cultural conservative parts of the region, quite combating with PUI and PRD’s base. In the Malayan Peninsula, everything outside the city was dominated by Kesejahteraan Rakyat. In an interview, Badawi felt self-assured that with good cards and favourable momentum, the convention would be theirs. Also, Mahathir had been slowly harnessed support from the Sultanates of Indonesia, effectively isolate them against Musa for the upstream fight.

Again, as expected, Fraksi Reformasi had become the true loser of the party, a defunct sad state of the Hatta Faction once glorified during the 60s and 70s. With a small pocket of the population in urban and suburban pecks, they were forced to choose between the two giants, each conflicting with non-consolidatory views, each sat on the opposite chair. Also, with Adam Malik losing influence and Sabam Sirait too weak for leadership, Fraksi Reformasi remained headless for the time being.

As an outsider of the PPP, all parties remained distantly observing the party’s forthcoming. Despite the PRD and PPI allied themselves with Kesejahteraan Rakyat in terms of anti-business, pro-labour policy, they had no intention to ally themselves whenever possible. Their main objective was to acquire the most votes on Indonesia, as under Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s propaganda success, slowly eroding PRD and PPI’s portion in strongholds. Highly communal villages with highly conservative norms had gained more attention towards the PPP’s faction. The PUI, arbitrarily, grew upset with PPP’s success in many of NU’s strongholds.

The best possible scenario for non-PPP politicians was they would divide themselves equally devastating similarly to PNI-R in 1983 and PKI in 1978. However, the future would not be as perpetually cyclic as one might seem.

Migratory Crisis: The Second Wave

5th May 1987
Port of Singapore, Indonesia

Lim Boon Heng

Lim Boon Heng, the Deputy Secretary of the Singapore Federal District, sat on the long seat of the Airport’s Solo Arrival Bay. After years of positive recognition, he felt the world rested too heavily on him. Under the command of Yeoh Gim Seng as the current District Secretary, he instructed Lim to personally observe the breaking crisis on the Singaporean Port. He later cursed himself, as nearly five thousand Chinese citizens have demanded asylum to the Federal Republic of Indonesia.

Yeoh Gim Seng

To understand how Indonesia, a Malayan majority nation, had attracted the Chinese into the republic. It cored from the fundamental difference of two Chinese leaders, Mao Ze Dong and Jiang Qing, a mere couple but drastically different characteristics. Mao Ze Dong prohibited his people to emigrate elsewhere, this isolationist society continued under his leadership. However, there was, as a matter of fact, no incentives for the Chinese population to flee their home country. Mao Ze Dong was rebuilding the nation with reputable intellectuals and true nation-builders. Notwithstanding the Sino-Soviet Split in the 70s, Mao was satisfied on his local engineers contributed amazingly to their nation, despite growing slower than most East Asian nations.

Jiang Qing, his wife, however, was completely different from Mao and reversed China’s policies then. Rather than the humble, laborious struggle to stand up on one’s feet while gradually shifting the populace against old norms, Jiang Qing adopted a more revolutionary version, sweeping measures to combat against old culture, the Culture Revolution annihilated ancient virtues to promote true communist ideals.

The impact of the Cultural Revolution and all the subsequent that followed was the decline of China’s population. The economy halted completely during the Cultural Revolution as the government prioritized purges, cleansing and public denunciation of old teachings such as Buddhism, Confucianism, and ancient Chinese teachings for modern communist thinking. However, the Cultural Revolution purged intellectuals, scholars, and scientific professionals. From Jiang Qing’s “Grand Anti-Rightist Campaign”, she had denounced scholars as to the perpetrators of the Ban Qiao dam.

The effects of the Cultural Revolution reversed the isolated yet growth of China, returning into a totalitarian state of legalist government. Yet, Lim noticed that not all Chinese citizens opposed Jiang Qing’s policy. Many of the Northerners had been influenced by the dam failure’s propaganda from Jiang Qing, growing a sense of hatred, distrust and disrespectful attitude towards the intellectuals and professionals. Still, the Southerners were exposed to inept farming conditions, uncontrolled government corruption and bureaucratic oppression. Rice farmers in those places suffered famine, followed by government punishment due to rice farmers’ failures. Fear and poverty invigorated them to migrate.

Since 1985, Hong Kong was continually flooded with Chinese refugees that sought asylum. Under Thatcher’s governorship, she accepted those people until Hong Kong cannot bear the population strain. As a result, the British Hong Kong government even assigned Hong Kong mafias to depart those people away. In 1986, the Mutual Understanding of Government Amnesty (MUGA), gave the mafia’s great sum of money with amnesty on crimes should they successfully deported these people elsewhere.

Currently, Lim Boon Heng saw the aftermath of Jiang Qing, the Cultural Revolution, and MUGA right here. They have smuggled hundreds of Chinese in, successfully, to Port of Singapore. Deputy Premier was extremely furious about this discovery, as this had indirectly contributed to the rise of disturbance reports in Singapore’s Federal District. It didn’t enumerate the other ‘unfounded’ smuggling that had happened before. Though he hasn’t received calls from other big ports of Indonesia, like Jakarta and Surabaya about this case, probably others were landed in non-port places or Singapore is the closest between the three. Plus, he believed that judging from past migratory paths, these Chinese would land mostly on Borneo.

Two Vietnamese governments, the Philippines, and other Southeast Asian nations were preoccupied with their war and hatred towards Indonesia. They never disclosed likewise cases to Port of Singapore authorities. Yet, in Taiwan, there had been a small increase in nationality registration, possibly from those migrants that escaped across the strait. Other cases of Singapore as an appealing destination for these migrants can be disclosed by the international significance of shipping routes.

“Look, Mr Goh. I don’t care what our stances towards these people are. We cannot risk our images from the inattention we have done.” Mr Lim shut Mr Goh on a conversation before. Mr Goh demanded these people be admitted for further asylum grants because of the fear of labour raise. As the Labour Law was upon resolution, the cheap labour force Singapore had received would be null, and hopefully, these arrivals would replace that in case it happened. Mr Lim acknowledged the economic prospect of the immigrants, but he was adamant about maintaining law and order, these types of arrivals would not echo that.

Moreover, it was just yesterday that Changi Airport was signed for an expansion, a second terminal by the end of the project. If President Subandrio took noticed this, not only would Kesejahteraan Rakyat would use this event as leverage for conservative, partially anti-Chinese voters, they would also use this to decrease the federal spending Singapore has been given. That would instantly stop Changi’s expansion project and many other infrastructure projects Singapore needed.

“Commissioner, has the media knew any of this?” Lim asked the police commissioner that was assigned to enclosing the port.

“Fortunately, no, Sir. But the police force would surely be questioned by many Singaporeans as we stayed longer here.” Commissioner Song reminded him.

Lim cursed himself. Indeed, the media were like vultures of mysteries. Currently, Singapore still covered the report as ivory smuggling. Luckily, Singaporean police did capture three tones of ivories that were never reported before, they will use that as a misdirection from both the federal government and the people of Indonesia.

“Good. Commissioner, we need a secret investigation about this matter. We need to know who exactly smuggled these people, how they smuggled, and where are the others should they have sent waves before. I repeat I don’t want the people to know this. This should be confidential until we decide.” Lim instructed the commissioner.

“Yes, Sir. But where should we put these people?” He referred to the newly found immigrants.

“I will contact our friends in the federal government, I don’t want this event to be used politically.” He told the commissioner. Any political show on this would cost his position, Lim added to himself.

As November comes, I will be flooded with college assignments and extra-curricular activities. Consequently, you will see more of these late posts.

Next up I will finally have Australia return during this domestic chapter. Also, I am retrieving a well-known (possibly infamous ITTL), Indonesian general, into the next post.

SkylineDreamer · Oct 19, 2021

The PRD: A Humble Discussion

15th May 1987
Menteng, Indonesia

“Welcome, Mas. It has been quite a while.” Mbah Tutut greeted one officer that they all know too familiar.

“Thank you, Tutut.” Defense Minister Try Sutrisno replied with a smile.

Try Sutrisno arrived at the House of Cendana, home to one of the legend General Suharto, who died in a car crash few years prior. His death caused the division of the PNI-R, eventually the Armed Forces. Currently, as Try Sutrisno contemplated the years of bickering, political manoeuvring, and betrayal, he consciously reconsidered his past doings thoroughly.

Defense Ministry had been in the hot seat for years, especially forthcoming the second term of the President. He was despised by the President, but he miraculously survived for years, advocating for few defence policies that the President blatantly excused. Today was no exception for Try Sutrisno, the rumours of reshuffle have been increasingly rampant. Certainly, whoever the President intended to replace; Try would be one of them.

Strangely, it had been the late Premier, LKY, that protected the defence minister at the lowest tides, despite his views not entirely coinciding with the PRD faction. Despite being debated on numerous occasions with the late-Premier, in some moments even sprouted as scorns, the Singaporean gentleman had never vied the legitimacy of his position nor intended to seclude him across the chamber. After Musa Hitam ascended, he finally conversed genially and knew the reasons behind that.

The Barisan Progresif, believing in LKY’s meritocratic cause, had based their decisions on people with experience in specific fields. Therefore, all the earlier decades of government programs had been constructed with solid minds and careful planning. Jakarta’s urban planning had been one example, the city had been controlled by those like-thinkers that Try couldn’t possibly think that few acres of land across the city must remain vacant for the subway expansion. Moreover, the PPP politicians also discussed expanding the highway network to three lanes. Another plan that Try considered as ‘pipe-dream, was a land bridge between Sumatra and Java.

Try Sutrisno, consequently, do understand particularly why he was bothered no more than a little debacle. He was an, if not ‘the’, expert in the military, apt and skilful despite the questionable reputation. This was strengthened with Barisan Progresif that has no experts on military expertise. It was a harmonious coalition, the founding reason why PPP had agreed on accepting the PRD. Although little to nonmilitary revitalization had been done under the President, LKY does consult occasionally with military officials on remote developments. Unfortunately, the balance of the old government came crumbling in response to a new, erratic, Subandrio late presidency.

“Mas, how would you think about re-allying ourselves with the PNI-R?” Mbah Tutut stunned Try with the question. It took a few moments of Try to recuperate, then return to answer it.

“I don’t know. I seemed to think that PRD would be better off independent as one body. Although the PNI-R and the PRD were two sides of the same coin, it surely does possess a slightly different political spectrum, party manifesto, and mostly, the leadership. Why so, Mba?”

“This is rather figurative, Mas. The President persisted in our campaign to be less supportive of military policies. I believe you and I both knew that the plea was impossible as the PRD was the party of business soldiers. “

Try Sutrisno, undeniably, understand that many of the PRD politicians were people under similar occupations. Most, if not many, originated from military families or participated as active personnel, then moved on to become great armed leaders. If they wished to retire, they would participate in the business, which many post-Nasution officers had done. Truthfully, Try had no career in political decisions, he was less talkative and political in those matters. Moreover, the Tangerang Riots had barred him from chances of majority approval. He rather patronized his allies, but he would do it secretly as public endorsements would slaughter his aide in the popular forum.

Still, despite his well-known gauche and disconnection with the people, Try knew that the PPP’s conservative faction had been strongly insinuated the trend of fully-fledged Malayan conservatives, going against the conservatives in Java, mostly attribute themselves as PUI’s NU faction. As the general election will be held next year, the whirls of political deals had started to spiral.

Moreover, the PPP’s conservative had been trending towards anti-military, anti-West, and anti-business. The PRD, however, were not capable of such a shift as Tutut had owned great shares in automotive franchises. Many of the PRD’s military were also businessmen, they have despised the Labour Law, especially the proposed laws that Rahmat had planned.

“I had a conversation with Bapak Kunto this morning, he thought that maybe we can reconcile. Still, I don’t particularly think that rejoining is a good political move. Maybe, instead of rushing in steps, we should wait for the next PPP Convention.” Try assumed Kunto was the spokesperson of the PNI-R. Tutut was overshadowed by his father’s successes, yet she had shown her posture and charisma that maintained the PRD’s pro-Suharto party to this day. Priorly, the party had been Nasution’s criticism of Malayan’s neglect, wishing for more control and centralized management. Currently, the part had focused on improving the military might of Indonesia as well as balancing business deregulation and labour rights. The last clause was put on the PRD’s manifesto reluctantly because the people would flood towards the PPP’s particular faction.

Tutut suddenly inquired, “Another thing, Mas. How has been the condition on the Thailand-Indonesian border?”

At last, Try Sutrisno finally had a topic he could grasp. “Nothing much to be honest. I guess the wars on Indochina do occupy them with other business rather than mere pestering our borderlands.”

“Good. But not towards the Indochinese Wars, if the communists win, it would certainly be us as the next target of the proxy wars.” Tutut responded.

Indeed, Try agreed with Tutut’s statements. During growing tension, Indonesia would certainly not become the pawn for superpowers. Hopefully, if the PPI failed to win by the next election, the communist faction would wane gradually, reducing attention by the weary United States or the agitated Soviet Union.

Try Sutrisno worried that the Indochinese Wars continued to invite new members to the rising tension. However, the United States had withdrawn itself against Vietnam, a governmental suicide by the current administration. China had been a worry too; Jiang Qing could give a bite on Indochina’s communist struggle. Soon, Indochina could be a global crisis, possible a spark for the inevitable.

Defense Minister shuddered at his last thinking, opting instead for a less apocalyptic mindset. Still, he was cornered by career-ending decisions. The most apparent for him was the reshuffle Subandrio will commence shortly.

“Oh, Mas, so sorry to have conversed quite a bit. You haven’t been properly served. Would you like some tea? Moreover, Ibu had prepared some meals to share.”

“Thank you. I would love to.” Try answered.

The Decade of Crisis: Australia’s Tumbling Era

Australia's National Flag post-1975

Immediate the Australian Aggression, the government crashed under political turmoil. The Australian people demanded responsibility for the most humiliating defeat against battered, unmatched, and primordial Indonesian weapons, added insult as the United Kingdom do assist in the war effort. As a result, political revanchism arrived under Matthew Courtney’s National party. He bravely campaigns for the return of Australia’s greatness, contemplating on their old territorial extent, prestige, and sovereignty. For all around the world, this method had been all too familiar; conducted by a failed painter on the other side of the globe. Consequently, people do understand that Matthew Courtney’s actions, would increase tension in the fragile Southeast Asian region. Bill Kerr, the new National leader, conducted a coup as Matthew’s speeches became increasingly White supremacist. He toned down on racial discrimination but maintained the territorial return of Australian lands.

Series of snap elections occurred barely annually within the 70s. 1968, 1970, 1971, 1973 and 1974, all became Australia’s most baffling era as the government failed to stabilize. It climaxed before the latest 1973 election, where the National Party had won, and Matthew Courtney’s dictatorship briefly ruled Australia for the second round in Indonesia. Bill Kerr, acknowledged the Americans’ Shafer presidency that condemned harshly dictatorships, doubled down on Matthew Courtney’s efforts with scandals, blackmail, and conclusively stage a coup on his behalf.

However, as Australian politics radicalized, 1975 marked the Australian moderates of the severe futures should the far-left (Socialist) and far-right (National), continued to increase in power. With the help of isolationist SCP, which have gained power across 5 elections, rewarded the Liberal and Labour’s coalition into a majority. Fortunately, as the moderates stabilized in unity, the radicals failed to win in the subsequent elections, reducing their reactionary attitude and restabilizing Australian politics.

The first President of Australia, Billy Snedden of the Liberal Party, conjured a package of uniquely accustomed Australian policies that were mismatched between Labour, Liberal, and SCP’s campaign promises. Despite the President owning the power of state and government by the US’s staunch efforts of ‘presidentialise’ Australia, the Parliament remained possessive on high amounts of power. The President, consequently, had become ‘Prime Minister’ under the status of presidency. Yet, Billy Snedden was a pro-presidential republic but fathomed the necessary compromise he must take for this coalition of moderates to survive under the claws of the far ideologues.

President Billy Snedden during a Press Conference, 1976

The first policy originated from the Liberal Party’s policy, which was to increase the inflow of trade from the United States, and subsequently, Japan. The ‘Selective Openness’ policy, adopted by the first president, allowed reforms in fewer trade tariffs, more connectivity, and more inflow for economic growth in Australia. However, the nations allowed for, understandably, remained extremely selective by the Australian government, calculated by the strength of the economy, and closes in governmental relations. New Zealand, Australia’s closest neighbour, had been the first mutual partner. The United States is the second. There had been proposals on opening with Europe, but their distance and lack of interests caused Australia to lose attention.

The second policy came from the Labour’s manifesto, increased social benefits following labours and trade unions. As the Labour party’s voters were split between moderate supporters and radical defectors (moved to the Socialist Party), the coalition struggled to find a natural attraction for these voters to return. Social benefits, such as basic healthcare, minimum wages, and regulation of workforce appealed to these members, thus increasing government popularity slightly.

There were few policies, likewise above, that mixed between Liberal’s conservative and Labour’s slightly left policies. However, as the government endured for few years, it seemed apparent that those policies eliminated each other. The reforms to increase trade was discouraged by higher regulations in the workforce, while low tariffs were met with strict consumer goods laws. ‘Selective Openness’, naturally, had been one setback as Australia became importers on these countries while good export markets, ironically Indonesia as an example, was not capitalized by the Australian government.

Policies that were from the SCP, shockingly, had been the most effective and well receipted by the Australian people. The ‘Beacon of the Capricorn’, campaigned by Alex Somlyay, was a systematic 1323 pages of 30-years long-term planning of the government divided into three stages. This, during that time, was considered drastically ambitious for a small contender to form political planning of that stage. The ‘de-facto manifesto had been the account of years of gradual stages in which Australia must proceed. That, arbitrarily, had been the reason for SCP’s emergence as the dominant force in Australian politics.

The first gradual stage planned by the SCP was the reform of the Australian image nationally and internationally. The first was the true harmonization of the Australian people, divided eternally by ideologues of the opposite spectrum. The SCP adopted the ‘horseshoe theory, adopted by an Australian scholar Don Aitkin. It described the far right and the far left, which had been reflected different from each other, giving a new perspective on their similarities. One similarity, Aitkin proposed, was the authoritative attitude with destructive measures on achieving the proposal. However, SCP’s proposal was not immune to protest, the Socialist and the National depicted these proposals as ‘authoritative’ measures of silencing the angered populace against an unpopular government.

In response to SCP’s proposal, the government launched multiple crackdowns on many far left and far right allegiance in Australia. Labour unions or red communique was disbanded especially after they launched protests. Fringe racist groups were targeted as well. Many argued that these would lower the government’s popularity by authoritative measures. In contrast, as these infringed organizations launched destructive terrors against the government, the Australian people were disillusioned by the radical parties. The Socialist party were affected dearly by SCP’s policy. Nevertheless, a different case happened towards the National.

The National, owning a stronger base from veteran groups and conservative Liberals, have countered SCP’s scheme by accusing them of ‘cowardly Australians’ who determined to forget the failures of Australia’s past. Bill Kerr, formerly disheartened with Courtney’s supremacist speeches, eventually resorted to those same tactics to win the election. One SCP’s case, as an example, was the education curriculum reform about Australia’s aboriginals. The SCP patronized the aboriginals as the better beings of the Australian settlers, thus ‘white folks’ actually ‘borrowed’ their land and kindness. This had not been accepted by some Australians, who had a stronger racial sense and determined Aboriginals as inferior. In addition to the intolerance of the many, the veterans accused those Aboriginals, whose race was akin to the natives in Papua, to be those who defeated Australia in the Australian Aggression.

National Aborigines Day became a national public day to remind Australians of the Aborigines and their legacy for the Australian continent. The Nationals accused this as 'tainting Australian values' and 'weak like the hippies'.

The Labour, Liberal and Socialist, in the end, must be adopted against these two parties that became the dominant force of Australia’s politics by 1979. As the Labour and Liberal dimmed under the more popular and sensational SCP, many politicians fled to the party. Some of them, certainly, moved to the National albeit at a lower percentage. Under an election upset, the National Party won with a significant margin, contributed from the cunning FPTP system that favoured the National’s voter base. The new President, Bill Kerr, passed as the second president of Australia.

As National returned to the governance, Australia returned to its aggressive stance, increasing the reduced military budget and training the populace for an upcoming liberation war against the Indonesians. The expansionist views were ingrained by the populace as propaganda of redemption was covered everywhere. Still, there were few policies many experts agree that caused Australia’s growth. The first was the lower tax brackets as a stimulus for Australia’s growth, as well as increased educational attraction towards the Australian people. Adopted from SCP’s education proposal, the National had used it for different means, but the effects of improved Australian education lingered into decades ahead.

Australian Military Excercise, 1980. Only to be warned by the US by the same month.

However, the National government never incurred against Indonesia nor showed a threat against the government in Jakarta. Instead, the Australians were pressured by the United States under Jimmy Carter. In response to protecting one of the largest United States partners in the Asia Pacific, the United States protected Indonesia against Australia, rendering them any chance of attacking. Should they announce their belligerence, Carter would respond with active assistance, thus bringing the US into war against Australia. The National, feared the United States’ involvement, back down against any attacking, and waited for a chance by the next presidency. Alas, time was not in the National Government.

As the National, under the 4-year term, failed to pass the aggressive promises on the Australian people, the SCP used the momentum to attack National for ‘senile redemption’. They condemned the party to possess no awareness of realism, that isolation during the century was better off. Including scandals from the inner government. The Killen’s Scandal increased distrust towards low-income urban as accusations of corruption involved the Australian local government responsible for bulldozing thirteen neighbourhoods. The Port Sea Disappearance of Lionel Bowen increased people’s suspicion of malicious National attempts on discouraging SCP’s voter base.

John Dawkins, 1983 Inaugural Speech

In 1983, the National government faltered under the now dominant SCP. As the Liberal and Labour had been a minor party by this time, John Dawkins, a young compassionate SCP, was elected as the nation’s third President. Unlike the unstable Billy Snedden and unmandated Bill Kerr, Dawkins brought the SCP’s manifesto and increased it a notch. As mere goodwill from the first government, the SCP maintained the presidential system and strengthen it under a distinct Austral value. Overall, 1983 had been Australia's Decade of Silence. Despite rumours of Australia entering the EAC or returning on an amiable relation with Indonesia, isolation eventually won and Australia remained isolated from the world.

Try's talk with Tutut was inspired, honestly, by this TL's last post before hiatus. However, I can assure you and the writer that this conversation was wholly on a different objective, topic and situation. Here, you can see Tutut's trying to explore party partnerships outside the PPP's grasp, especially as Musa is slipping.

Australian related threads ITTL here and here. Obviously, the new dominance had both been rather isolationist. The SCP stated that in their own party while the Nationals tried to fight rather than befriend. This was mostly the reason why Australia remained dormant until the 90s arrives.

ITTL characters are adopted from IOTL people. But with slight alterations. For example, under three presidents, only John Dawkins actually served in the Australian Aggression. As a result, he had no intention on those islands (New Guinea, Christmas and Cocos) and thus refrain very well against military expansion. Billy Snedden, a mature politician of the liberal, was the 'lion' of the party, only to be washed by the tides of change. Bill Kerr can be perceived as the 'reactionary' candidate as people demanded revanchism of such a political defeat.

I won't promise the exact time of the next post. But tomorrow I will finalize a third edit of the US Election {yes, I'm still not satisfied by the second revision}, with notable bellwether states, better explanation and ongoing trends {per super region}.

SkylineDreamer · Oct 29, 2021

The Democratic Maelstrom
17th May 1987

The Speaker of the Congress, Samuel Blakeley Hall Jr., arrived with a distraught state. As a member of the Carter Centrists (namely Progressive to bring confusion), Hall was adamant on Glenn’s desperate attempt to court Democratic support towards his agenda. Mostly put, the Southern Democrats, unlike the FDR ones, were slightly powerful in the Democratic Party. The leak today has bolstered the trend further.

Just days before, a leak of the United State’s true involvement in South Vietnam has been leaked to the press. The Washington Post had received it first, along with the New York Times and many others. Not only do they portray the initial years of war, but the leak also explained the crises to maintain stability in South Vietnam, as well as the ‘permanent base of South Vietnam for Americans to linger. From the Kennedys to Glenn, the leak ranged decades on how government objectives in South Vietnam changed over time.

This had been, truthy, the worst government scandal in the United States in history. It spans multiple presidencies, with lesser evils on Shafer and Carter (quite shocking as a matter of fact, even the public endorses it). Glenn under the new Vietnam War, with Kennedy on the previous one, had shone a bad light on how the New Deal Liberals tend to overexert power in third world countries. The current scandal also shows that Carter Democrats, arbitrarily, turned more into the ‘isolationist’ ones and ‘pacifist’ instead of the intervention Northern. At least, Hall has perceived it as such.

“The scandal is horrendous! We might lose the party’s stability. We should do something about it!”

Tom Foley exclaimed this to Hall, who has not been advocating any stance whatsoever. The Conservative Party discredit the government as instant as the scandal had turned out. However, the plan softly backfired as the Pentagon Papers also uncovered Haldeman’s short presidency as “erratic” and “dangerous”. Eventually, the Conservative Party stumbled upon itself as equivalent evils to the New Deal Liberals.

“There is no hope, Tom. The liberal faction will falter. Glenn has started losing popularity faster than his space endeavours.” Hall attempted to curb Tom Foley’s paranoia as the circumstances show the Carterian Democrats to be highly favourable on this scandal’s aftermath. However, after decades of FDR’s dominance, the Democratic Party was so ingrained in one’s position that shifting it to the South again, in his opinion, would be particularly difficult.

Tom Foley exited his office frantically, disappointed with Hall’s partial judgement on one’s faction. However, Hall was distraught in another case. The red politicians, despite anti-war, was clinging too much to regionalist attitude. New Englanders, despite protesting the interventions in most American involvements, never gave the crucial criticism because of one’s bias on a region. It never changed the fact Glenn barely win a state in the South from his campaign policies: overtly dissuading Southern voters.

The Democratic Party, as part of the journeys of time, had been dominant with New England politicians immediately after FDR’s domination as the greatest American president of all time. Winning the Pacific War and, ultimately, the victory of the Allied cause in Europe, the Democratic Party had become strongly dominated as party success both domestic and foreign. They cured the Great Depression, expand public works, drastically changed the social system in the United States.

The Southern progressive, mixing Southern norms with slightly liberal virtues, had been a mixture of Carter’s policy as he became the 2nd President with the longest term in the United States. Despite he promoted green energy, the basis of the argument relies on favouring farmers and ranchers. He successfully did so, ironically alienating labour unions against this policy as most industrial workplaces closed for this policy. Glenn’s administration, fully prioritized the labour unions of the Rust Belt, had angered Moderate Southern Democrats that wished for a continuation of the predecessor’s policy.

The marriage between Carter and Glenn, on his last term, fruited to be stable for party unity. However, as Glenn nominated McNamara as his running mate, Southern Democrats felt alienated with the party to leaning for New Englanders. The revealed Pentagon Paper will destroy the faction.

Hall then analyses the Conservative efforts on claiming the government. For some time, the reformist Conservatives, the Young Four, in particular, had endeavoured to appease the Rust Belt with moderately conservative values that labour unions can support upon. The campaign for the protection of workers’ rights while paradoxically pushing for the right-to-work law. Joe Biden, specifically, argued Delaware’s situation to be quite grim, pushing for transformation from the old industrial region into service workers. He, along with New England conservatives, put few conservative policies on an overall agenda that was roughly not conservative. Indeed, the Conservatives were that desperate after the latest attempts in 1980 and 1984 ended with a humiliating defeat.

The formerly Texan State Representative, Hall will try to secure the Northern Democrats if possible. However, if this Sixth Party System, as many analysts had coined the terminology, defined a resurgence of Southern Democrats, Hall will gladly do so.

What Good Comes from Subandrio’s Populism?

As many Indonesians had seen Subandrio’s attempts on dissuading LKY’s popularity by shooting his party in the foot, Subandrio had his final straw when his education reforms were overshadowed by Premier Musa Hitam. As efforts of co-operating in governance, he seemed to do poorly as he desperately needed popularity nearing his presidential term-end. However, as many policies recoiled under sick twists of fate, Subandrio’s presidency stumbled on how he can regain his image in Indonesia.

In 1987, various policies had been deadlocked by the government, either with growing dissent to Subandrio or opposing equally within the PPP or the opposition. Yet, Musa Hitam’s strength as the Coalition was barely firm as the PRD was inching away against the robbery and open opposition the conservating wing of the PPP had done towards the PRD’s manifesto. Even in Mahathir’s political game, the PRD was dwindling in favour of Kesejahteraan Rakyat, not mentioning various opposing parties like PPI and PUI hungrily aimed for these voters.

Subandrio, covertly against his premier’s acquaintance, contacted Mahathir for the intricacies of Malayan politics. As politicians of different historical backgrounds, Subandrio became well acquainted with Mahathir’s "politeness" as opposed to most of Malacca’s "frankness". He hatched a plan that changed the political balance of Indonesia.

Initially, the balance of power for government laid on workers ranged from agricultural farmers into arduous labourers. However, the true common goal for these workers rested on their well-depicted struggle for independent governance. Sukarno had given the decades-long strive that ended with pyrrhic victory. Traumatised war victims, especially city dwellers, had been staunchly advocated on Nasution’s reconstruction program, unlike the countryside which mostly remained untouched throughout the war.

Subandrio’s initial victory, in essence, was the loss of PNI-R’s mandate in most city workers, contributed by LKY’s success in Singapore. As the PPP is the party of LKY too, his popularity increased his chances of victory, then winning the election. However, the radicalization of the city dweller fully ingrained in their idolization of LKY, ended with the countryside populace fully alienated and distant themselves from cities. Slowly, the PUI, PPI, a particular faction of the PPP and somewhat PNI-R, became opposed to Musa’s faction whose power ended prematurely before the 1988 election.

Musa’s insistence on continuing LKY’s policies with Subandrio’s insistence against it, caused the government post-1987 to be relatively unstable in comparison to the previous decades. Not only do common occurrence of city vs rural can be seen commonly on Parliament, but suburbs might also become battlegrounds between urban invaders and rural defenders. The hellhole that caused this, in addition to the PPP Convention, was Subandrio’s fateful meeting on 5th May 1987.

Subandrio’s background on that meeting came across an idea where the Malaya-Java dispute can end easily with allying them against the cause of Musa’s modernization. Both regions had conservatively traditional Islamist, both regions are mostly rural that hated city dwellers whose percentage of minorities are overrepresented than nationally. Although ethnic rivalry still existed, Subandrio attempted to curb the rivalry at least by advocating a united cause: rebuking the rapid liberalization of societal norms and continuing the old traditionally accustomed traditions one adopts.

As reshuffle rumours started to spread, the President started to move his notion into one objective: uniting the Melayu conservatives (Mahathir’s Faction) with Javan conservatives (the NUs). The task, albeit simple in words, were not in action as they already had differences in a few policies. The NU, for example, had accepted Jews as rightful citizens of Indonesia, while the Melayus don’t. The NU favoured slight modernization of the economy, as the Majapahit State benefited from stronger Surabaya, the Melayus don’t as both Malacca and Singapore became Malaya’s go-to-city instead of Kuala Lumpur.

On 5th May 1987, the President announced a surprise meeting between NU figure Abdurrahman Wahid and Mahathir Muhammad. That faithful Tuesday, the President discussed with the two figures their views of Islamism, politics, and a few other interesting issues. The President deliberately barred a few of his failures into mentioning, although he later expressed them as "lesson learned". Surprisingly, it went rather well and both parties amend their bitter dispute.

The response of this meeting was a blow towards PNI-R and PPP’s Liberal Faction, each thinking they have courted Wahid’s backing as he supported the Jews. The NU Faction, purposefully, gave the blur stance so their voters would not dwindle from a side-picking. The NU’s pesantren had been rather accepting towards the new era of Indonesian tolerance, revoking the ambience would certainly hit some wrong people into opposing the NU.

Both are critical issues for the 1988 Election in both countries. Also, this post is the first that I inserted non-Indonesian perspectives into writing. From now on, I can say that American politics will strongly influence Indonesia's, but not vice-versa (at least until the 2000s kicks in)

A quite short and rather bland update. But I need to post this before a two-week hiatus because of college events. In the meantime, I hope this would suffice and see you in probably two weeks.

Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

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