Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

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11.3. Rivalry: Stories Again
  • 14th March 1975

    KGPAA Hamengku Negara Sudibyo Rajaputra Nalendra ing Mataram, or the Crown Prince for the Sultanate of Yogyakarta, was almost thirty years in age. This kingdom, a rarity in the Federal Republic, has had a special right of having their regional leader a monarch, rather than appointed from the central government. In other provinces of Republik Nusantara, a governor was selected from the central government. However, a governor must be a member of the party that had the majority in the region.

    For Kesultanan, head of the regional government was hereditary, and indigenous for the region. Jogjakarta was among a few of them. As a result, the central government needed to appease those regions, one of them was to give autonomy. However, Subandrio was not giving that at all.

    The crown prince, on this occasion, had a specific objective to consult with the central government about these grants. Sincerely, Yogyakarta had been passive and needed not for more autonomy. Yogyakarta preferred to follow the central government fully, depicted as the most loyal monarchy in Indonesia. However, other kingdoms were not intrigued by that and demanded that the new proposals Subandrio’s government had given to be withdrawn completely.

    After his inauguration speech last October, Subandrio was attempting to optimize natural resources in all parts of the world. But, those sectors were not exclusive to industry and agrarian products, there were other unique sectors, national monuments had been one of them. As because of that, most of the old royal palaces would be monitored by the central government, which was not ok for most of the monarchs because of privacy intrusion. Speaking of privacy intrusion, these palaces would be opened as national museums, which even further prevent them for more privacy.

    At first, the crown prince was not unhappy for the edicts made. These palaces would have funding from the central government for redecoration and revitalization, and his sultanate would not spend money on one of the biggest portions.


    Now as the foreign minister, Suharto could not determine whether his current position is a promotion or a demotion for the previous one. Being the head for domestic government, Suharto may change the entire nation. But, being a foreign minister, Suharto can be a player for the international stage, something that can alter the course of the world.

    Manai Sophiaan declined for this seat and preferred an ambassador status in the United Kingdom. According to his perspective, Indonesia should not make more enemies, rather more friends. As quite expert in diplomatic relations, he thought it was his time to assist Indonesia’s fence-mending with a former enemy of war the United Kingdom. Because of that, Suharto was given the foreign minister. He opted more for Defense Minister, but as Simatupang could not become the Majority leader, Nasution chose him for the position, as he was higher than Suharto.

    At first, he resisted on accepting this offer. But, for a few months had shown him that being the door for foreign relations is something very intriguing for the general. He had already met a few leaders all across Asia, from the Philippines, Japan, and even Iran. He had a cold conversation with China’s foreign minister Lin Biao, and nearly got a fight with one of Saudi Arabia’s princes. Most of them resulted from poor self-management and needless provocations.

    He only saw a glimpse of what Subandrio was doing in DPR. According to Nasution’s Secretary Soe Hok Gie, Subandrio pushed for an equal national curriculum, possible extend free education from former 2 years until 6 years, so the entire Primary would be paid by the government. Nasution’s privatization policies would mostly be taken back. Even Nasution’s Infrastructure programs in Java and Sumatra were vulnerable for stopping, as Subandrio preferred equal development and that meant more money in neglected parts like Kalimantan, Sulawesi and Malaya. Although the latter still had better infrastructure than even Java, decay is a thing and that could easily threaten Malaya’s survival.

    For now, he was confronted with major issues, one of them coming from the United States itself. After the dreadful assassination of the late-president, President Haldeman requested Indonesia for an extended contract regarding Liberty Space Center and Freeport’s Tembagapura. Although he was not appropriate for the man, it should include Minister of Industry and Technology. Foreign Minister was the broker for the deal and therefore can also alter a few bits.

    Suharto had been quite a fan for the United States, especially Former-President Kennedy for his speeches. He sometimes elaborated Kennedy with Sukarno, the man that brought Indonesia from old colonialism days. He eerily thought also of Kennedy bringing the nation into a new era, unconfirmed whether to the worse of the better, as 1975 was turning worse than ever before for the United States. He also heard of a scandal brewing from the press, pointing directly towards the new President Haldeman, probably could cost him his status.

    After consulting with Nasution, Suharto’s foreign objectives had become three. Three of them was instructed to not fail, as it could jeopardize Indonesia for years to come.

    Firstly, Nasution and Suharto must have carried Indonesia’s larger donor the United States into a state where they could not plan an embargo happening again. Therefore, as Indonesia’s is dependent on America’s money, America must be depended on its investments in Indonesia. Upgrade the contract of the space centre and the coal mine were two of many that could put Indonesia as a valuable American asset that they must not throw as such.

    Secondly, Nasution and Suharto must have brought Indonesia as a regional power in South East Asia. As a result, having a regional organization, either economically or defensively, was a priority in the making. Suharto planned for a defensive treaty in South East Asia, possible SEATO comprises of Philippines, Thailand, and possible Burma. The United States President Haldeman also voted for South Vietnam, as to confront the North Vietnamese even harder. Also, Nasution wanted a peaceful South East Asia, not turning them into another Africa, Europe or the Middle East.

    Thirdly, Nasution and Suharto must secure friendly relations to neighbours especially in outpost republics like Madagaskar. While east of Indonesia was largely desert of water, Madagaskar was having a difficult situation where across the straits they had a proxy war between nations of southern Africa. Moreover, Somali pirates have now entered even domestic territories, raiding coasts of the northern part of the island. As for another hostile neighbour, Suharto was given a hard task of befriending Australia again. Nevertheless, he nearly cried in agony as Australia was succumbing into more violence, giving him more complicated manoeuvres for befriending them. Australians pointed Indonesia for the messes happening right now, Indonesia needed to settle the dispute before it gets revanchism.
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    11.4. Rivalry: Australia Update
  • The Mess Down Under Part 1: The Start

    For every Australian in the 70s, they all would say that Australia went downhill after its encounter with northern neighbour Indonesia. After the Papua Liberation War ended up as their failure, as Australians called it, Australia lost major possessions outside their continent. Furthermore, the United States preferred the nation to be disconnected with their European overlord, thus granting Australia independence from the Commonwealth.

    Liberated from Britain meant a great political disruption in the Continent. Emphasized with their current defeat, the political establishment of Liberal and Labour domination. Everywhere in the state, both parties had taints that diminished their popularity as time progressed. Labour was blamed as the party which brought Australia into a war. The Liberal was condemned as bringing the war into a defeat. More and more citizens grew upset with their dominating parties, and later on, a new party emerged as a third choice, and then forth, and so on.

    Besides, both Liberal and Labor hated each other more after the current predicament and thus prying on each other for control of the government. From the time frame of 1966 to 1973, there were already five elections held, mostly resulted in an unstable government, and bringing Australia into chaos to come. In 1973, three parties were contesting the major two.

    The first party to emerge was the National Party of Australia. Emerging from a county level, most of the nationalist sympathizers joined the cause and form this big party. Started in New South Wales, the party emerged bigger as more snap-elections was held. With the beginning of gaining one seat in New South Wales, into becoming the third-largest party in Australia. The party was revanchist, crying for the liberation of the taken lands. Christmas Island was their primary campaign voice, giving the Australians a hope that what once purely Australian would be there again. However, New Guinea was not alluded by them.


    The NPA Logo

    Meanwhile, the fourth largest happened to be the exact opposite of the third. The Socialist Workers Party of Australia was born in Perth, largely because of a demonstration went wrong during the war era. Dissatisfied unions and labours in West Australia were also felt in other places as well. Because of that, they all appeased hard labours and unions all over Australia. The party advocated social democracy and fewer capitalism policies. They were also pro-labours which caused them to be rumoured as a communist party. Nevertheless, SWPA showed their real faces, as a true left party when they had turned out to be fourth in national, failing to achieve a mere one percentage than NPA.


    Socialism Democracy logo, a hand holding a rose, become the key symbols of SWPA

    The fifth, and smallest national party to still had a percentage larger than 10% was the Southern Crux Party. Named after the constellation that characterized Australia, the SCP was primarily an isolationist and south-ist. They expressed that involving matter North of Australia was a curse. This party had grown to be a ‘runaway’ party for most deniers of the loss they had in the war against Indonesia. But, the SCP was aggressive in terms of creating a South Empire, maybe incorporating New Zealand and several islands in the Pacific. Some others had thought that it must also annex Antarctica, which by far was still unmarked.


    The SCP Logo, self-explanatory

    In 1973, even with the FPTP system, both Labour and Liberal Party was not gaining seats more than 30%. Labour was the highest by 27%, while Liberal followed in 23%. But, the smaller parties gained respectively 19%, 16% and 15%. Reached a deadlock, the Parliament had become void for some time, as neither of those five parties was able to form a coalition. That caused a major deadlock in most of the government, and thus more riots emerged.

    The first chaos happened in Brisbane, after the nationalist protesters fought with the socialist protesters, creating a mass mob burning stores and shops. And then, it spread nationally. Cities like Sydney and Melbourne must now implement martial law due to increasingly aggressive supporters. The government was also not helping either, as neither wanted to secure the government.


    The mess was not seen by the United Nations as a threat, but the United States does. President Shafer at that time was reminded that Australia was key members of securing Asia, especially from the PRC. It was fortunate that the domino effect did not happen in Asia in becoming a red continent, and the United States was delighted that Europe was not entirely owned by the Soviet Union.

    The United States, already had a better relationship with Australia, helped them with a proposition, changing the nation entirely into a presidential republic. At first, the idea was entirely rejected by the Land Down Under. As natively under the British dominion for centuries, the nation was entirely adapted with the Westminster style of parliamentarism. This stigma waned gradually as time had proven the system’s ineffectiveness on the plurality it caused. Therefore, Australia decided to try adopting this new type of government.

    Forming as the Australian Constitution of 1974, the law apprehended a strong power to control the government, which was the President. Regardless of the majority vote, as long as the current party or coalition is larger than any other opposing force, even though was significantly smaller than 50%, the President could still rule the nation, although in the legislative body things would still get messy.

    In 1975, Australia had the first election with the new constitution adopted. As the nation had hoped this as their salvation, election participation had almost reached 100% during that time. Unexpectedly, the big two, Labour and Liberal, fell short as both fourth and second respectively of the party, as the National had reigned as first while the socialist rose third. For the first time, Labour and Liberal finally noticed the impending danger of their survival, and must immediately draw a coalition. Luckily, the SCP agreed to join the coalition. The 19% Liberal, 17% Labour and 15% SCP, ruling the nation by just sheer 1% from the majority.


    The new flag of Australia, primarily to distance from British influence, mainly driven by the United States

    After the election, it was not news that both the Nationalist and Socialist condemned with this turn of events, and their mobs grew increasingly aggressive. Starting from 1975, first President of Australia Billy Sneden must deal with Australia’s first-ever Decade of Crisis, cleaning up radicals from both wings and must prolong the nation’s existence.
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    11.5. Rivalry: Banjar-Dayak Issue
  • Prince Syarif Yusuf and the Status of Dayak State

    Beginning of the third Nasution term and first Subandrio term. Indonesia was starting to evolve as a better nation. Roads were completing, rails were linking. Living improvements were happening especially in prioritized regions in Java. Although not in an equal rate, other regions were following as well. But outside of that, the society stagnated.

    Living under the former administration lacked for more representation outside of Java. As the population concentrated in Java, most of the populous representative, the largest proportion in MPR, was elected. Regional representatives, the DPD, carried less number to be influential. So, most of the outer rim regions suffered suppression of voice and status. One of them was the Dayak State.

    After the dissolution of the United States of Indonesia, the Dayak Region, or much of Pontianak Sultanate territories was given back to Indonesia as the province of Kalimantan. Kalimantan was large, comprising all directions of Kalimantan, except Malaya’s Borneo. Being under one province, Dayak must relinquish most of its demands into a more populous and influential Banjar people. Although Sultan Hamid II, the leader of Pontianak that time, had contributed many towards Indonesia’s federalism and current democratic status, nothing had been returned.

    As Sukarno turned into Nasution, Dayak was just any regular state in the Federal Republic of Indonesia. Most of their domestic rights were taken to the central government of the state republic, not the federal republic, although both of them reigned in Jakarta. No real progress had happened to alleviate this small but special state, until the start of 1975.

    1975 was a special year for Pangeran Syarif Yusuf Alkadrie bin Sultan Syarif Hamid Alkadrie, nicknames Max Nico. That year marked him to enter into sultanate matters, and also allowing him to meddle in politics. As a son of the iconic Sultan Hamid II, Prince Max Nico was overshadowed by his father’s legacy. But, as a young brave man, he determined to write his name into history, and he thus tried most regularly.

    At February 28th 1975, Prince Max Nico entered the presidential office of Republik Nusantara. The grand governor of Republik Nusantara was equivalent to a governor in the United States but still had a difference here and there. Although a state of a nation, most of the rights were overviewed by the federal government, and Republik Nusantara was barely a federal state, but a province. Despite that, compared to the other Republics, Republik Nusantara was the strongest, as it holds most of the economy, people and land.

    The Prince met Grand Governor Kolonel Alexander Evert Kawilarang for apparently a negotiation about Pontianak’s status. For decades, Pontianak Sultanate had much been diminished by the regional government of Dayak State. Even if the Dayak State had power, most of it was given to corrupt officials and thus stagnating the growth of Dayak. He wanted Dayak State to have a similar situation in Yogyakarta, where the sultans were able to control their regional areas.

    This, however, would upset the balance happening in Republik Nusantara. Malaysia and Sumatra were in a fragile condition because most of them were not regarded as kingdoms, as opposed to Brunei or parts in Java. Malaysia wanted to separate itself into the former small sultanates. Returning Malaysia into 13 states would significantly power their influence, and conflict with the balance Java had benefited. Aceh was also demanding again, a Sultanate status, which Nasution was reluctant to give as their continuous rebellions against the federal government completely closed him for further negotiations. Because of Johor existing, Palembang wanted to exist again, becoming another kingdom.

    Subandrio, acknowledging that giving the sultans more place was like giving them more privileges. He thought that Indonesia might as well become ‘a sultanate’. Therefore, he tried to curb as much as he could exert. Because of that, the first-ever federal fight happened in the history of Indonesia.

    A regional diplomatic clash happened between two regions, as neither Nusantara nor Pontianak would settle a resolution. Both of them persisted to stand on their grounds, having a political deadlock within. The situation worsens when the State of Malaysia also joined in the mess, giving the federal another mess about Kedah. But, Grand Governor Kolonel Kawilarang was not worried, because he had his counter-offensive.

    Not far from Pontianak was none other than Banjar, another former sultanate turned into a regional province for Republik Nusantara. Gusti Jumri was a descendant of the dormant Sultanate of Banjar, after years of exile since Pangeran Antasari. The Banjar lineage went into exile, and unrelenting to cut the tree. Gusti Jumri was the eligible mature heir available for the throne, and the grand governor devised his plan.

    Starting in April 1975, Banjar and Dayak were engulfed in a massive political debate, about their fundamental basics of reign. Banjar was resurrected to become a Sultanate, not in favour of reclaiming their regional lands, but to cooperate with the federal government. Banjar had tried on assisting Republik Nusantara in social and cultural issues, which proven to be a positive response everywhere for the federal government. However, with Banjar outnumbered by those who sought legitimacy status, Banjar must fight with other sultans about the lack of necessity for a regional kingdom to must govern their lands.

    Called as the Banjar-Dayak Dispute, this crisis revoked the ideas of monarchism all across Indonesia. The suggestion of a sultanate not to own their regional lands was effectively working especially in Malaysia. Kedah Sultanate, Pahang, and Negeri Sembilan all withdrew their claims in their respective lands. In 1978, even Perak offered their kingship status back to the federal government, changing Perak as another normal state.

    This dispute proved to help to assist both Nasution and Subandrio in general. As a result, most polls were polarized between PPP and PNI-R. Being both ends of the government, both of them will try to outplay each other. The latter happened to succeed in 1976, as Indonesia caused a diplomatic problem in Australia.
    11.6. Rivalry: Subandrio's Initial Achievements
  • Bilingual Act, Subandrio’s First Achievement

    As Indonesia was nearing its eclipse, every sector of the federal government was struggling with controlling the regions they have gotten. The common slogan of ‘Dari Sabang sampai Merauke’ had grown radically as ‘Dari M’rombe (Morombe) sampai Namuga’; Indonesia spans from their Easternmost Solomon Islands to Westernmost Madagascar.

    Considering that the extent Indonesia had achieved, it was no doubt that managing them would be an extremely difficult task. The State-Republics (Nusantara, Madagascar, Papua and Melanesia) fortunately had been assisting them, especially in terms of Madagascar, where even the federal government still had less authority. It had become a time where the entirety of the domestic issue was ordered by the State-Republics, while Nasution still held the foreign policy.

    As expected, the head of government, Subandrio, was not happy with that. He was upset with Nasution having to control Indonesia at ease at international relations while domestically Subandrio was confronting problems. As being the head of government, the Premier was now finding issues with how the federal government interacts with the regional government.

    During his predecessor, the regional government had fewer interactions with the federal government. Suharto demanded that the Blue Revolution must be implemented on every citizen, but the federal government delegated the process into the State-Republics. There was one time it failed, on 1971 when Maluku Province of the Nusantara Republic had accomplished way lower than the federal had wanted, furthermore, BKDT (Barisan Koalisi Daerah Timur) numerous times blocked any success for Suharto to enjoy.

    Suharto responded with wrath that fused the remaining BKDT in Maluku, probably ending the provincial department as it used to be. As governors were still elected by the people, the feud happened when Jakarta intervened by making Federal Districts there. In just a single swoop by Suharto, District of Ternate-Tidore was formed in preserving the kingdom’s historical value, while the real reason was to appease the Sultans living there for influencing the people for the federal government, therefore contesting the ruling region of Ambon. By 1973, BKDT nearly vanished in Maluku, their former largest share for entering the federal stage was only 15% comparing to PNI-R’s 35%.

    By that incident, most of the region were afraid of confronting Suharto by any means. Even outside Republik Nusantara, criticism was way diminished and quietened. However, as quiet as it seems, it all returns when Subanrio’s on the seat. Just starting by 1973, regional powers now battling against the federal government on what was federal and what was not. More and more rights were given to the State Republics, and if not mitigated, then there would be a fracture ahead.

    Subandrio recognized this as a threat for his term in MPR, and he imagined that Nasution and Suharto would be laughing at the mess they had made. But, the Sukarno’s former foreign minister would not be swayed, as he finally knew how to tackle this matter. Inspired by the original Youth’s Pledge in 1928, Subandrio knew how to curb anti-federal regional governments, with language.
    In Indonesian, with the original spelling, the pledge reads:
    • Pertama
      Kami poetra dan poetri Indonesia, mengakoe bertoempah darah jang satoe, tanah air Indonesia.
    • Kedoea
      Kami poetra dan poetri Indonesia, mengakoe berbangsa jang satoe, bangsa Indonesia.
    • Ketiga
      Kami poetra dan poetri Indonesia, mendjoendjoeng bahasa persatoean, bahasa Indonesia.
    In English:
    • Firstly
      We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, acknowledge one motherland, Indonesia.
    • Secondly
      We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, acknowledge one nation [are one people], the nation of Indonesia.
    • Thirdly
      We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, respect the language of unity, Indonesian.

    The language was the largest problem happening in cultural Indonesia because there was no definite language that holds the majority. Javanese, Sundanese, and now the Melayu had taken a proportional equal share of the government, with Java slightly as the largest language holder. as a result, there was no strong unified language that came from a strong ethnic majority.

    Due with that case, the Youth’s 1928 Pledge had returned with a hybrid creation, Bahasa Indonesia, a language to unify all of Indonesia. As the mid-30s then 40s had a high rise in nationalism, Bahasa Indonesia became their unifying language for fighting against colonizers. In 1945, this lingua franca had helped on liberating Indonesia. However, after independence, things turned stagnated. As the nation was finally free, the ethnics across Indonesia resorted back to their native tongues. Even though Sukarno, with its blaring speeches, ordering citizens to keep using Bahasa Indonesia at all times, it was still on formal matters. Everyone at home, most of the talks on their home languages.

    This, unfortunately, fueled the regionalism spirit all across Indonesia. Especially after Nasution’s rise, which would start the so-called Java-nization, more and more regions grew troubled with the federal’s lack of cherished uniqueness of each nation. Subandrio, as also a Javan, was having the other end of the mess returned to him.

    In addition to it, Bahasa Indonesia was not very welcomed in Madagascar, as they were never involved in the Youth Pledge. So, Subandrio attempted to do the hard way, passing the Bilingual Act. The Bilingual Act would instruct every region to have two languages each, one their official regional language, one the lingua-franca Bahasa Indonesia. The as a result, while the region satisfied with their language approved by the government, the federal would also have their equal share. This would be implemented informal institutions, like administration, business and even education. Every governmental building will hoist two names, one with Bahasa Indonesia and the native tongue.

    Sukarno Road with Sundanese script, common in Western Java, like Pasundan State, Cirebon State, and southern parts of Kebayoran State (which formed Bogor State in 2003)

    This proved effective for appeasing the lowest forms of government into being hammered by the federal government. Subandrio thought that this Bilingual Act would be a counter-measure for promoting the BUMN (Badan Usaha Bumi Negara) that Trihandoko had proposed. In addition to it, PPP still has to fight PNI-R, and the other planned Act would certainly distress them.

    The other planned Act was the Mutual Assistance Act. This Act was pointed directly towards the state of Malaysia and the Federal District of Penang and Singapore. Formerly the British Malaya, this region was deliberately ignored by the previous administration, thus creating a small but bothered troublesome. Highly autonomous regions up on still the highest number of income had maybe lessened the income that Indonesia should have had.

    This would help to alleviate the current halt of progress, economically and infrastructurally in those regions. Possible investing in more trade value and income. Passes altogether with the Bilingual Act in March 1976, it appeased everyone except the executive’s from Nasution and especially Suharto. This also sparked a new wave of politicians that originated from Singapore and Malaysia, gaining prominence in so far the Java-dominant Federal Indonesia
    11.7. Rivalry: The Two Menaces (1)
  • Menace North and South

    Nasution’s start in his third term was albeit a good one. In the process, it was running smoothly for Indonesia. In 1974, Australia was receding its hostility towards Indonesia. The Coalition between the Labour, Liberal and Southern Cross Party had brought Australia mainly toward further good-will and non-provocative measures. For some time, this party aimed for New Zealand, which was still part of the British Commonwealth. The United States has invested a lot in bringing the Down Under into its fold, securing the Pacific for the upcoming threat of the People’s Republic of China.

    The PRC was eerily quiet across the latter half of the century, primarily because it intended not to show the progress it had done. In 1973, after the successful Great Leap Forward, dictator Mao Ze Dong declared China fit for the second stage of a country’s growth, the Industrial Revolution. In Interior China, especially Chongqing, Xi’an and other parts underwent massive construction in the industry.

    Despite all efforts in hiding, the CIA managed to discover this, and thus began a series of policies to counteract these growing threat. According to Kennedy, Shafer, and even Kissinger, China was one new Soviet Union, which by far more threatening than ever. They concluded as such because the Sino government achieved the impossible – a dictatorship government that respects even the potential political rivals, meaning democracy exists even in the most left government. Mao balanced between his total authority and other meaningful criticism, acquiring the balance of control and freedom.

    This, also, fretted Nasution even before the Chinese ever acted. Nasution saw China as Indonesia’s parameter. If China can accomplish notable milestones, Indonesia must also follow. That’s why when China launched Dong Fang Hong I in 1970, Indonesia launched Indosat I in 1971. When China tried to make a stand towards the end of Sino-Soviet Split with the launch of ChangCheng I, a military satellite, Indonesia threw Antariksa I into orbit in 1975. However, the mini space race with China was slightly halted, as Nasution must refrain for throwing things to outer space and must resolve more important matters, such as international alliance.


    Rough drawing for Indosat I

    This little prestige play of Nasution caused a slight disturbance against the preferred balance in South East Asia. Nasution had seen major players too much, that he neglected even his neighbour. Because of that, two major incidents happened in his third term, which would be his last.


    During his visit towards friendly Australia, on 28th July 1975. He spoke in front of the people of Canberra. He discussed Australia’s key importance of liberating Indonesia during the first and second Dutch Aggression, and the latest predicament both countries had been being a British foul play. He promised a better relationship and promising peace for decades to come. However, during his return to his hotel, Nasution encountered two Australian men, both of which was radical National sympathizers. In the name of Marcus Smith and Lucas Briar, attempted to kill the President with domestic use of chemicals for creating a bomb. The President remained unharmed, but the fiasco killed his secretary, Soe Hok Gie.

    In the aftermath, foreign minister Suharto demanded the Australian government to bring those two men into Indonesian trials of murder and attempted murder. However, giving that may result in the demonstrations going on between the Nationals, the Socialists Workers, and the current government to heat up. The Nationals had been accusing the Australian government into succumbing to the northern neighbour, although that was not true. Even Indonesia was not willing also. However, the Nationals fiery new leader Bill Kerr was passionate with his new slogan ‘Greater Australasia’, which justified Australia’s claims on former territory Papua, Solomon Islands, and New Zealand.


    Bill Kerr

    After the shooter’s extraction, which Australia had no reason not to keep them, causing a massive protest in Australia itself. More and more Australians got influenced with the National’s xenophobic accuses, and also increased radicalism in Australia. Indonesia tried to satisfy the government, by giving more and more amends. That too, caused troubles inside Indonesia, as most of Indonesians had already thought of them equally superior to the whites in Australia, and will not ‘bow down’ to their pleas.

    Other indirect implication with Soe Hok Gie’s death was Nasution became more uncontrolled than ever. During the first and second term, most of Nasution’s proposing actions was filtered with Hok Gie’s virtues and proceeded to run the nation with good deeds. Soe Hok Gie, alike Suharto, was a strong stubborn man, but stubborn to all the moral values that he had already thought. That was why when that figure became non-existent. The nation became more vulnerable to corruption, mainly towards Suharto’s family that influenced most of PNI-R, and became much more of a political dynasty.

    In 1979, even with Nasution already out from the office, the Australians had a new election, and the Nationals won the nation with a significant majority, threatening Indonesia’s survival.


    The other came from the North, not China, but Thailand. Since 1963, Thailand had suffered a costly coup that destabilizes most of the monarchy. After the similar happenings in Myanmar a year before, those same officers who ruled Myanmar suggested Thai’s Armed Forces do the same. Indeed, Thailand was a pariah even with all of the great colonizers out. For Thailand, it was just France and Britain out and Indonesia and Indochina in. Even with Thailand’s neighbour to be growing as a developing nation, Thailand had a slow-paced, even the nation was never heavily scorched by deadly wars.

    Thailand’s democracy almost won the government when the Army took action first, forming the Thailand Military Junta, although the kingdom was still intact, most of the powers were held by the Prime Minister, which was the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. Field Marshall Thanom Kittikachorn became the leader of Thailand, and he too had ambitions. However, his time was not right around a decade later, in 1975, when the time finally strike.

    In 1975, Thailand was a better-unified monarchy. Most of the political rivals of the military remained silence, and not gaining voices anytime soon. The military was in an all-time high, even higher than Suharto’s Blue Revolution.

    That year, the Third Indochinese War happened, North and South Indochina fought again, this time was relatively short because Thailand shock the region with attacking both sides. Called the Thai Aggression, the nation’s objective was to reclaim 1904 borders and also established the Kingdom of Cambodia and Laos. Much to the shock of both countries, in a few months they settled a peace deal, partitioning the Indochina as a whole. Indochina was diminished into Vietnam. And both parties, North and South felt very betrayed with Thailand’s aggression.

    Even Indonesia was very shocked and replied with Thailand's kick from any negotiations for a regional Intra-organization. And instead, Nasution must implement plan B.


    Sorry for the cliff-hanger, but I prefer this regional intra-organization must be put in the new chapter. Therefore, I'm afraid that you should wait for the next.
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    11.8. Rivalry: SEATO
  • Hawaii Pact Book One: Spratly & Paracel

    The Hawaii Pact, or is better recognized as Pacific Alliance Treaty Organization (PATO), is a millitary alliance as a result of growing Chinese threat on the 21st century, Most of us although dated the background back to Kennedy's Asian focus, the real origin of Hawaii Pact is the birth of SEATO, later was merged to Spratly League as USEAN.

    In July 1975, the Third Indochinese War began, A minor border conflict between the North and South had erupted into yet another warfare. This battle soon attracted spectators, and volunteers all across the world, In Hanoi, both China and Soviet Union aided the Democratic Republic of Indochina. They gave supplies, air force and money bo assist them. Meanwhile, the United States and her allies helped the Federal Repuplic in all they can afford. The South during the 1973 Border Clash had won the South until the 17th Parallel, they were trying to move upwards, this time to Hanoi. For the first three months, the fighting was inconclusive. The Communists had more men than their counterpart, but Saigon's air superiority bogged down any advances.

    On November 13,1975, however, things went radically complicated, when both parties witness the invitation of the third, from the West. The Kingdom of Thailand, apparently, had waited a decade for the perfect time to invade. After foreign backing and total military preparation, everyone was outflanked when Thailand blasted their artillery.

    Thailand was a kingdom ruled by military, Field Marshall Thanom decided to reverse every colonial expansion that cost Thailand their lands. Although past was not a correct justification suitable for the world to accept, Thailand manage to reduce world anger by giving some of the land for his allies, like the Kingdom of Indochina, later became Kingdom of Laos.

    Bảo Long, after his military defeat on the Second Indochinese War, was crippled with Laos as his turf. Later on, that region would be overthrown by Viet Minh Symphathizers, much of it was incorporatedto North Indochina. So, the monarch must be exiled to nearest allies, which is the Kingdom of Thaland. Having strategical missions, Thailand opted supporting Laos for reclaiming their old extent.

    Therefore, as both parts of Indochina were engulfed in violence. Thailand sought this opportunity to restore order, or simply a blatant land acquisition. In just a few months, Thailand pushed North and South with relative ease. And because of that, the peace deal for the Third and short Indochinese War, ended with Thailand to have new friendly kingdoms of Laos and Cambodia, also having the old 1904 Borders.

    Indonesia, having some sort of mutual assistance with South Indochina, was furious with Thailand sudden aggression. At first, Indonesia wanted to invite Thailand into a regional assosiation, pimarily to be another regional group able for securing their own. However, with Thailand instead to invade Indochina, and literally disband both nations as now Vietnam only. Thailand was under Nasution’s wrath.

    In late 1975, Indonesia had secured the Philippines for a possible alliance, military and econoically. As both friends of the United States, and afraid with China, Indonesia can join hands with the Philippines easily. After the Third Indochina War, public sympathy for South Vietna rose, and they all demanded for Indonesiato formally assist them. That was the elephant for Nasution.

    Nasuton knew that allying with South Vietnam would fast forward the tensions against North. In superior context, the United States was able to fight both China and the Soviet Union’s volunteers because their lack of cooperation and willpower. With more members joining in the proxy war, more would be at stake, and the next war in the region will cause the world war to happen, definitely. Furtermore, things got really heated up when it was revealed that France was behind Thailand’s aggression.

    France, geopolitically, could not go anywhere to China without passing Indonesia by sea. France was relatively isolated by the world, hated by everyone in Europe except Portugal and Yugoslavia. Going everywhere by land to Asia was not an option, as it would cross the EEC, which has bad relations. Gremany successfully blockade France with friends, all of France’s neighbors, the Low Countries and Italy were under EEC’s camp.

    Going by sea, was relatively better. France’s best relations with UASR gave them complete access of the Suez, but when they tried to reach China, Malacca is a problem. Thorez adminitration solved this issue by basically bribe Indonesia from Madagascar. But, the Marchais Presidency was more ambitious, and he decided to make one nation on South East Asia under her (France’s) influence, so they would cross the straits safely without worrying the Indonesians would blockade them because of their ties with the United States.

    Therefore, Georges Marchais got interested with the Kra Canal. Forming as an aternative to the natural sea access, this Thailand’s Suez Canal can bypassed the Malacca Straits, and ending the monopoly Indonesia had. Luckily, France was not experiencing this situation, as Nasution’s Presidency allowed the access to have relatively free tariffs, which later became one of his downfall later in 1978 Election.

    A long story short, France was able to put Thailand under their influence, albeit secretly, and formed some sort of mutualism between two powers. France by Thailand was able to have a better and active relations between China (which was France’s number one priority to counter the Soviet Union), and now giving Thailand better clay. France help in the Third Indochinese War was also proven with guns and artillery support.

    Of course, now South East Asia had become the first active proxy battle between three powers. It was later shown that China slowly withdrew from North Vietnam and favored Thailand, as the latter proved to be a better negotiator, rather than North’s ambivalent side between the Soviet Union or China, which still had tensions because of Mongolia. China officially abandoned North Vietnam for Thailand when China officially sided with France in 1977, a formal say of ‘go to hell’ to the Soviet Union.

    In this matter, Suharto noticed two horrendous things, one that China had found himself a new, yet moderate ally that would reshape communism, two that China was expanding, and three that South Indochina was surrounded by hostiles. He needed to act quick and decisive, and this regional organization was one smart maneuver.

    In 19th January 1976, the South East Asia Treaty Organization was formed. SEATO comprised of Indonesia, Philippines and South Vietnam, with the United States and Japan as member states outside the region. On the next month, a formal economic pact called Spratly League, as it was created in the Spratly Islands by three navy ships from the respective nations.

    The Spratly Islands incumbently controlled by three nations, Indonesia from Malaysia’s and Brunei’s Acquisition, Philippines and South Vietnam. The Paracel Islands remained a dispute between the South and the North, not to mention that the entire South China Sea was claimed by both China and Taiwan, with the former was creating a navy for it and the latter already spawned tensions. Especially when the United States found large oil reserves full for exploitation, none of the South East Asian Nations attepted to surrender their claims.

    The first dispute SEATO bizarrely concluded was the Spratly Islands dispute. Rather than splitted between three nations, the archipelago would be administered under a joint government, the Spratly Special Territory was created under SEATO, and later given to an economic alliance becoming a regional organization under the same name, Spratly League.


    Happy Eid al-Fitr everyone. Wish you all well even during this unfortunate events.

    My computer was having issues, and would be fixed on Thursday. So, I'm typing this on mobile.

    2020-05-28 (2).png

    Map of Indochina after the Third Indochinese War

    I'll give you the map of Indochina after having my laptop fixed. But, please enjoy this update!
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    11.9. Rivalry: Lee Kuan Yew
  • The Rise of Lee Kuan Yew

    The third term of Nasution regarded as maybe the decline for Nasution and PNI-R for the decade. There were few factors that shaped this down moments, but most of them connected to Subandrio’s Premiership. On the time frame of 1973-1978, the government was mostly a national bickering between PPP and PNI-R, with PPP ended up on the high ground.

    The battle in Jakarta was nothing that had happened before. Since foreign and domestic were held by different, opposing parties, none of them were trying to cooperate into contributing growth. Both of them pry for power, battling each other because the next election was their prize. After the fall of Sukarno, Jakarta was dominated by PNI-R and had ruled the politics for more than ten years. Hatta attempted to contest PNI-R, but ended to no avail.

    The first battle between Subandrio and Nasution was their infrastructure dispute. Nasution wanted Trans-Sumatra and Trans-Java to keep continue, but levelled development was what Subandrio wanted. The gap between neglected regions and not was apparent in 1975. Singapore and Malaysia was starting to discover problems for underfunded roads. The ports was still upgraded because not the government truly built it, but foreign investments afford those regions a living.

    This became the first problem of Nasution's reign, Java-centrism. Nearly twelve years Nasution ruled Indonesia, and discrimination was rising. Javan trader were highly privileged while competent Singaporeans were treated as trash. Worryingly, this also effected the fragile tolerance Indonesia that has established from Sukarno's reign. We were seeing more of a mob fight between enthic-Chinese merchants and natives merchants.

    The other was Indonesia's deficit of budget starting 1974. In 1974, the income was not enough for Indonesia to built everything Nasution intended to, so he opted for more loans from the United States. Of course, Subandrio tackled this by establishing BUMN, therefore boosting stimulus from national resources like oil, gas and rubber. But that also caused problems because whenever Pertamina had oil wells to extracted, it must conflicts with Shell, Chevron and even Total because of the permission dispute.

    In 1975, most of the economy was driven by investments, domestically or internationally. The amount of surplus came mostly under the mercy of businesses and corporations, Subandrio had enough of this, and resorted to much more drastic measures. He intended to start combating the PNI-R influence, by inviting a group of men from Malacca, the Malaccan Faction.

    Headed by Lee Kuan Yew, they supported noble intentions to fully bring Indonesia to their maximum profit. PNI-R, especially the Golkar Faction, has now grew corrupted and power hungry, less even care about humans outside of Java. The were rotten populist, satisfy only the largest population in Indonesia to maintain influence.

    Lee Kuan Yew was still the head of the Singaporean District, highly autonomous yet neglected by the federal governments. He noticed the potential Singapore could make by becoming a massive trade port, let alone cooperating other districts like Batam-Bintan, Malacca City, and Penang. With just these three cities, the entire sea trade in this region would be extremely fruitious, and they would be extremely rich.

    Musa Hitam was Lee Kuan Yew’s counterpart in Malacca, after Kedah's fall as a prominent monarch in Malaysia, Musa Hitam controlled the Federal District of Malacca City, and immediate side with Lee Kuan Yew. Historically speaking, Malacca City was a busy port that was strategically wanted by colonial powers, the Portuguese had secured this city first so they could monopolize the Spice Islands trade. From time to time, the city become rather underserved by the British Malaya, as they secure investments primarily Singapore. But, after Indonesia had taken Singapore and Malaya, now everyone was having the same problem, decaying from the progress of change.

    In July 1976, Lee Kuan Yew formed the PPP's Malaccan Faction by the grace of Subandrio and now aged Hatta. It was purposely created for camping Malaysia's and Sumatra's votes for solid majority while Subandrio secured their Javan Metropolis pockets, like in Jakarta, Surabaya and Semarang. Lee Kuan Yew shocked the entire nation, that which tumbled Nasution, with the infamous question he demanded:

    Indonesia controlled the entire trade route from China to everywhere West. When Japan wants to trade in Germany, they must passed the Malaccan Strait. Even the communists, likewise China must passed the Malaccan Strait to India for trading rice and silk. Millions of vessels passed through our seas every year, and Nasution extracted nothing from them. If we demanded one dollar a tom for every vessel that passes through. If we gain more than just good intentions by them staying in our ports. I believe that even we can financed our entire country by that.

    My question it, why can't you?

    Meanwhile, Nasution's objectives were to appeased America's allies by granting them investments in cities like Singapore and Batam, but that was ineffective as growth were minimum. The problem by Nasution was not because less surplus, but because the Federal Government couldn't care less to these strategic ports. So, even though Nasution implemented a so called 100-year guarantee, no one arrrived in Singapore for funding, because there were no basic requirements neede for a city to thrive.

    And then, Suharto and most of his allies were privateering national resources by giving them less regulations for coming money. At this point, corruption in bureaucracy and plutocracy was increasing, and it started to affect the lower class. Social gap was widening, and Indonesia was reaching stagnation.

    In a similar critic against Nasution. Lee Kwan Yew accused Suharto of all the political misfortunes all around the world. Australia was once more hostile to Indonesia, albeit we had nothing bad done to them. Thailand betrayed Indonesia for Cambodia and Laos, and France was backing them. Not mentioning China was still a threat, still increasing in power.

    All Nasution did was besides completing his own creation, built lavish spending for prestige purposes. Indonesia created the Memorial Park to demolish homes between Ketapang and Olimo, turnt the ravaged destroyed to a posh park. MRT was built under a city yet unhabitated, only to appease investors and investors only, while there were very obvious alternatives for income.

    Lee Kuan Yew became the rising star for fighting agains the current ‘tyranny'. Although 1978 was still quite far, Lee Kuan Yew must consolidate with Subandrio correctly in order to secure them the next term.


    It is time for the decline of PNI-R. And I need to discuss this Java-Centrism further. In OTL New Order, Java (and partly Sumatra) was the only thing New Order think of. ITTL, I guess a similar thing could happen, but luckily there was still democracy and not authoritarianism.

    Javacentrism is Java-nization, different, yet similar in terms of effects. And I will discuss it further.

    The next update was a choice of you guys, either discuss further into domestic matters, or travel abroad for events around the world?
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    11.10. Rivalry: Java-centrism and Java-nization
  • Javan Decade: From a Proud Spirit to Sour Prejudice

    Even before Sukarno's resignation due to his ties with pro-China PKI at that time, the progress of Java-nization and Java-centrism has progressed under Wilopo's reign. Most of his policies were effective under the island of Java and Sumatra, with the latter even gaining traction in Northern parts. But, the process was done because of the Australian Aggression.

    During the war that cost Indonesia most of their development and ten years, the Australian Aggression was manipulated as a prudish snob for Java's defense. During that time, only Java remained untouched, although Surabaya was landed by British and Australian soldiers. In Sumatra, Medan was partly conquered by British Naval Invasion, and nearly steamrolled Indonesia until General Ahmad Yani slowed their advanced in Pekanbaru, and thus create a stalemate at Indragiri River.

    Kalimantan, although remained untouched, was primarily because the British wanted it to be a rapid war, and strike key cities first, which was mainly in Java. As a result, Kalimantan was judged as waste of occupation and neglected throhout the war. Everywhere East, most of the places were either occupied by Australia for most of the war, and partly occupied from failed naval landings.

    After the war, while most of the region was devastated, Java was an exclusion. Albeit Java's key ports was grazed by bombers, but things stayed relatively at peace on rural regions. Therefore, rural Java became more developed. After the war, which demanded war reparations for the bombings happened in Java. Wilopo used it primarily on Java, as most of the cities were grazed and needed federal assistance. Because of that, in a few years, Java became the most developed land in Indonesia, while everything else was ignored.

    Other cities outside of Java, was not as damaged as those inside. Medan was partially destoryed, only military strongholds, while civilian buildings was ironically protected by foreign occupants. Rest of them like Padang, Palembang and Bandar Lampung remained less inflicted. After Wilopo's transfer of power to Nasution, that was where things messy.

    Nasution's reign was immediately confronted with one issue, race. For nearly the entire existence, Java remained as the key power of the East Indies, while competed with Malays. After the partition of Malay population into British and the Netherlands, Java became a solid majority inside Dutch East Indies, which later became Indonesia. Java was comfortably well as Indonesia's ethnic majority, until the peace happened. After the annexation of Malaya, therefore uniting the East Indies, Java's people was on par competitive with Malay Population, therefore upsetting the priviledges Java majority has.

    Nasution, infact, was ethnically Bataknese, which was strongly affiliated to Malays. However, in his military career, he was strongly influenced with Java's officers, and later bureaucrats. He, as a PNI-R memners, especially on the Gollkar Faction, interfaced with various Javan elites and riches, that had gained prominence on Wilopo's pragmatism.

    He also preferred a strong Java-Sumatra base, which alone already encompassed most of Indonesia's population. Even with Malaysia, Papua and Madagascar into Indonesia, Java and Sumatra was left with a fair 65% majority on population-wise. However, he later trashed the plan because of the Suharto.

    Premier Suharto ‘s Blue Revolution has a secret twist, which was transmigration. As Java was increasingly unwell in terms of overpopulation, a plan to disperse must be done. He decided to start the program, by giving subsisides for Javanese farmers to start expanding outside their island. Lampung, Bengkulu, Palembang, and even Kotawaringin and Makassar, arrived visionaries from Java which to move there. The government also wanted those regions to cultivate crops as well, so to lessen crop dependency on Java itself.

    However, the effects were quite dramatically radical. As complex human society was, tendency to favor supremacism and ethnocentrism was still easy for everyone, and much more chaos erupted. In 1973, the thirid year of Suharto's premiership overan Lampung into a Javan pool, as the ethnic clashed with rushing transmigrants, and ended up losing their population. In Central Kalimantan, similar trends were also happening. Sunda, other ethnic living in Java, also provoked series of mob fights between ehtnics in Sumatra, Kalimantan and Sulawesi.

    Papua was a differently extreme case, as the Americans were also attempting to ‘colonize’ the region. Tembagapura was made into a some or of American treaty port, similar to what happened to Hong Kong, although unofficially. And the United States had lilled most natives during their Freeport Expansion, which also unsettled PPP members. Republic of Papua, remained silent of this cause, as the republic had receive many incentives of building the nation, killing few of his men sacrified for building the entire islands was a great offer. Indonesia, not wanting the region rebelled due because lack of connection to the Federal Government, also added funds to build the island while also adding more Javans into Papua. As a result, Kotabaru was 59% Javan, and Biak was 55%.

    The most serious of them all, was Aceh. As Aceh was under military occupation since they had revolted way before, Nasution solved this resistance problem by seemingly using the hard but effective procedure, immigration. So, as military personnels which monitored Aceh were already Javanese and Sudanese, it only added a few steps towards full-force migration. At the end of Nasution's third term, most of Aceh cities were settled by Java. Frankly, Acehnese were mad about this, and started underground campaigns.

    Other infamous things both Nasution and Wilopo did, was changing names all across Indonesia, to be more friendly into Javan-speakers. Cities all across Papua had encountered massive change of names in cities, towns and even villages. Roads named after Javan heroes, like Diponegoro, Fatahilah and Sultan Agung.

    The PPP had used this as a brunt force against the PNI-R. The technic used was eeriely similar to pacification according to Dutch colonials. The regime was turning as authoritarian as ever, although Nasution never actually crossed democracy. More clashes helped PPP for their cause, which later accused PNI-R for destablizing the country.

    This would be the intro chapter, of what would be the longest topic I would talk about in Nasution's administration. Even though 31 years is not the same as 13 years, the effects were actually similar. Nasution had extremely fast forwards the process, with a devastated Indonesia from war and Java still high populace.

    But before I wanted to dig even further. I would like to write about foreign chapters. Please choose between these two:

    1. America: Nicaragua​
    2. Europe: United Kingdom​
    11.11. Rivalry: Nicaraguan Update
  • Nicaragua: David of the American Goliath


    Sandinista National Liberation Front Flag
    (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional)

    The problems of America, much of it remained very troubling even until the eve of the Third World War, became one of the serious drawbacks of American expansionism of influence in their backyard. The 19th Century was a peaceful reign for the United States to rule North and South America at ease. But, by the 20th Century, much of it has been causing more and more problems. After the killings of Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and other Cuban most prominent communist activists in 1961, the fires of communism for Central America was not put out totally but only moved elsewhere. That elsewhere was a nation that had undergone a corruptible dictatorship even before WWII, which was Nicaragua.

    The Somoza Dynasty ruled Nicaragua for decades, yet the regime was very foul towards its citizens, and therefore new ideologies grew among the dissatisfied public. One of them was the fledgeling communist ideology in Cuba. Raul Castro, brother of Fidel Castro, exiled to Nicaragua, only to find a massive potential for re-sparking the revolution, and it happened in 1965. The Nicaraguan Revolution happened to start in 1965, from the groups named Sandinista Revolutionary Freedom Movement, the FSLN began revolting against the Nicaraguan government. The revolution succeeded in 1969, formally reformed the government as the Republic of Nicaragua under the communist Sandinista rule. Of course, this turn of events frightened a great nation of the North, the United States of America.

    Under President Nixon, the United States did not recognize Sandinista’s reign even it had just begun. It was just the region must devoid of communist influence, to maintain Pax Americana as it was. Therefore, the United States unilaterally declare war against Nicaragua, condemning them as ‘another attempt of the Soviet Union’. This time, rather than before in Cuba, the Soviet Union had its eyes on Nicaragua, and carefully proceed with the proxy war there. While the Sandinista was backed by the Soviet Union, the United States had no one to back for, and Panama was not directly linked to Nicaragua. Therefore, Honduras came into the picture.

    Honduras, in 1969, was under a military dictatorship under Xavier López Castillo. Naturally, Honduras was having problems with his neighbour San Salvador. There were issues over land reform in Honduras and immigration and demographic problems in El Salvador. Honduras is more than five times the size of neighbouring El Salvador, but in 1969 the population of El Salvador was some 40% higher than that of Honduras. At the beginning of the 20th century, Salvadorans had begun moving to Honduras in large numbers due to overpopulation. By 1969 more than 300,000 Salvadorans were living in Honduras. These Salvadorans made up 20% of the present population of Honduras.


    El Salvador-Honduras War expanded as part of the Great Central American War

    As the Salvadorans were living in Honduras, the problem that came next was a corporation. In Honduras, as in much of Central America, a large majority of the land was owned by large landowners or big corporations. The United Fruit Company owned 10% of the land, making it hard for the average landowner to compete. The United Fruit Company, along with other companies, group together to form a large national federation that would influence the dictatorship. This federation of corporations was anti-Salvadorian to a greater extent. Because of that, they influence the government to enact a reform that definitely deported most of the Salvadorans from Honduras, which ended up giving San Salvador a humanitarian crisis.

    And then, it expanded as a political crisis. San Salvador was reigned with a military dictatorship with communist allegiance, while Honduras was slightly influenced by the United States. The crisis evolved as an international crisis, as San Salvador joined forces with the Sandinista Front to attack Honduras with its American ally. The war became the Great Central America War starting from 1969. Fast forward to 1972, Honduras and the United States had almost crushing both the Sandinista and El Salvador, almost crippling both communist-friendly government. But, after 1972, Shafer was elected to the Presidency.

    As becoming the President of the United States, Shafer was a moderate Republican, and radically idealist for a man. He wanted his administration not to be connected with dictatorship governments which threw away basic human rights, especially political ones. Therefore, he decided to just withdraw from Honduras, giving them the lower hand of being outnumbered by its enemies. Some say that this withdrawal was why Shafer was assassinated in the first place, giving the communist enough time to resurge again. However, trying to withdraw from Nicaragua sure had resulted in some setbacks. Firstly, Republican voters were swinging towards Conservative Nixon with a popular candidate Reagan. Those two bombarded the presidency for his 'cowardice' and 'weak' demeanour on the international stage. The midterms saw the Republicans closely allying to the Democrats, with electing Carter as the 'middle men' Speaker of the House.

    During the climactic battle of Sal Salvador in 1971, the Salvadorian government achieved an astounding victory against Honduras. Since then, the war progressed as a Salvador-Nicaraguan victory, with also the Soviet Union assisting them. But, in 1975, Bob Haldeman rose as President, and announce reentering into the war, again. It ends the war into many stalemates until 1978.

    When Haldeman replaced Shafer after the latter’s assassination, the was an anti-war movement growing inside American cities. Granting after much of Shafer’s moderate, and sometimes liberal approach of the government, it caused much of the Hippie counter-cultural movement from the youths to thrive so greatly. After Shafer’s untimely death, Haldeman steered the government back into a more conservative approach, therefore gaining more and more backlash. Then, the scandal happened.


    Langley, DCI Headquarters

    The Langley Scandal was exposed almost a month after Kissinger’s immediate reascendance to the Secretary of State. After the security bill was passed, therefore granting more protection to the president, another scandal emerged that involved Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) Robert Joseph Dole. Dole was a politician which was appointed as such during the Nixon Administration, and his reign passes the presidency until Haldeman. During a secret call with former then-Vice President Haldeman, they talked about national surveillance, and possible watch the entire civilian population of the United States. This was leaked as the Langley Scandal, as it cracked 142 minutes’ collection of a phone call between these two powers. Also, the tape involved more details on the new President that blackmailed and threatened several Democratic Senators to comply with the new R-D Coalition. Haldeman was reported with Kissinger on how to bring Conservatives back to the Republicans, while the Democrats didn't get the chance of winning from the breaking party.

    This had caused a massive disturbance of the federal government, much of it caused a national movement, especially by the youth, to order the Representatives to impeach the president. Democrats, especially the anti-war pro-socialist candidates, immediately threw fires of speeches and campaigns to the people to kick the President out of office. The Conservatives aren't happy either, they demand the full dissolution of the Democratic Party. During the trial, a slim difference of two votes from the two-thirds majority from the Representatives impeached President Haldeman, becoming the first to happen. The Senate was also looking prepared to convict the President. Not long, on November 21st 1975, less than a year after rose into the presidency, Haldeman resigned before the Senate proceeding began.

    When Haldeman resigned, Speaker of the United States House of Representatives must rose into the presidency to fill in the gap. Thus, the event started the most interesting shift in US history. The Republicans being more Conservative than the Democrats has reduced most of the party’s vote evenly among the three powers. the Democrats ruled the midterms by having 38% of the seat, while Republicans and Conservatives have nearly the same 31% proportion. Nixon’s party was extremely anti-Republican, therefore most of them joined with the Democrats to vote their own member as Speaker of the House of Representatives. Jimmy Carter, a Democratic with a Conservative background, was appointed after the sudden departure of Haldeman. He was a recent candidate to compromise between the Republicans and Democrats as O'Neil stepped down for Carter. Carter was a Democrat in a highly Republican-Conservative nation. He also appeased the farmers and lower-wage workers, thus increasing popularity effectively everywhere. He was preparing a coalition, but the resignation certainly changed his plans. As the newly elected President, the series of Presidents who failed to finish their term had forced him to enact a fair share of policies between the new establishment, but he had his own Democratic agendas to pursue. He aimed for the Republicans to move towards the Democrats. As seeing the GOP has nothing that can revive them from the dead, after this horrible scandal which involved the President and the party, it was time that they must pick a side amongst the two. Carter had seen much of the right Republicans already fleeing to the Conservative Party, so the moderate wing must move. He completed his dream, as by 1976 election was coming up, the Democrats had taken over 47% of the seats, granting them the hung majority. A small remaining was sourced from Bush reluctance on leaving the party, definitely coming in splitting the Conservative voters around 18%.

    With the Democrats owned the mass, they could ditch the Conservatives and considered them the new rival, which they did. As a result, the former bipartite system has become yet another, with the right party and a more centre other. The 1976 election was an insanely close election between Nixon-Reagan and Carter-Church. However, with a last attempt of the Republican ruled Bush to reclaim the national seat, they took Louisiana, which made Carter won without strong opposition. The Conservatives surely had some backlash, but eventually, the path for Carterism will remain strong.


    When Carter proceeded his second term, he untimely named it as a direct peace deal for the Nicaraguans, conceiving with the anti-war demands. Carter immediately announced a withdrawal from Honduras on 23rd March 1977, therefore ending the United States’ involvement in Central American affairs. And that peace left Central America with a status quo antebellum. Nicaragua remained under Sandinistas, and El Salvador closely allied to Nicaragua.

    Basically, Nicaragua has become the first-ever to fight against the United States and 'won', becoming some sort of American Vietnam. Indeed, this was different from Vietnam, as most of the American withdrawal resulted from inside the US itself, rather than Vietnam which Viet Congs were defending greatly.

    A long chapter, but this would summarize most of Central America in the 1970s. After this, I wanted to go back to Indonesia and started to build for the upcoming 1978 Indonesian Election.

    As always, tell me if there's a typo, or miswriting. Also, all ideas are open as well.
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    11.12. Rivalry: Attitude of Nasution
  • The Downfall of Nasution Part 2

    Javacentrism and Javanization were two keys which shook the presidency originally. A bunch of racial riots and slaughter between Java and other ethnics had become normality in some parts of Indonesia, particularly Sumatra, Kalimantan, and sometimes even Sulawesi. This process advanced hatred on the second largest race in Indonesia, Melayu, and directly plan for retaliation.

    Nasution is Bataknese and grew mature in rural Northern Sumatra. However, in his adulthood, he would live on Java for becoming an officer of the Army and involved with independence and aggression wars, therefore flourishing his career as when he ascended to the presidency. Now, having its third presidential term, Nasution seemed that it was just before he would suffer a humiliating defeat or one last win. Consequently, he intended to be nominated for 1978.

    In his eyes, his reputation was waning, but manageable. He was the first president to triumphantly simulate a balance between the regional and federal government. While the regional government holds many of the social and cultural views, all of it must at least matched up with the federal’s requests. The requests were not so detailed also, as Nasution only sought for the regional government too recognizes federal powers, even if it was not used.

    However, this Nasution-ism addressed things was not appreciated greatly by most of the DPR members, because he was not the head of the domestic government. In the second term, Premier Suharto was easily checked by Nasution. But, with Subandrio as Premier, it was not easy. In addition to it, this created a form of control that was very influential in the golden old ages of Indonesia, yet also caused most of its empires to fall. That form was feudalism. Subandrio, former foreign minister of Indonesia, had visited many countries to properly examined feudalism all across the world. While in Indonesia it became a perfect form for Sriwijaya and Majapahit’s expansion, the modern world was unable to accept that. It was accepted to become one source of dissolution of a republic, like China during the Warlord Era.

    Nasution’s bossy fashion of interfering domestic matters, while he was President, was one thing that irritated most of the DPR members. The current Constitution had stated that the President and the Premier must have consultative conversations regarding foreign and domestic. But, foreign for Presidency and domestic for Premiership. If the same party ruled the President and the Premier, things would be easy. But, as it was written that the Premier must not only be appointed by the President but also a member of the largest ruling party in the majority coalition.

    Suharto’s first confrontation against Nasution dated back even during their fondest of times, exactly when Suharto still became Premier. After the merging of PNI to Parindra, becoming the PNI-R has caused many factions inside the party. The Nationalist Faction, after their merging into Parindra, has either moved towards Golkar or Purple Faction. Wilopo’s diminishment after age and Nasution started some kind of ‘eating’ the PNI. In the end, there were only three factions.

    The first and smallest was the NU Faction. Dated back from the agreement of Parindra that hugged the NUs during the 1950s, the marriage seemed to withstand and no significant rebellions were noticed. However, it was certain that some members already cried for NU’s lack of legacy in Parindra and later PNI-R, as they never involved in much of the matters. Nasution’s Golkar reign only acknowledged that NU would help them in religious matters.

    The remaining two factions were Golkar and Purple Faction. Golkar consisted of mostly military officials that wanted to get involved in domestic matters. Being military officials, meanwhile, does not mean that they are war hawks. Most of them were anti-war militaries, pushing war as the last resort possible. It was because the Australian Aggression War had taken a huge toll on men that the military had anticipated, therefore the anxiety when decided to proceed another one.

    With war as not their priorities, Golkar focused on infrastructure. Most of the officers imagined for sophisticated connectivity. They loved roads, rails and even ports and airfields. This ambitious projects would be the most prioritized things for a Golkar. Besides infrastructure, they also fond of prestigious projects, like building grand parks, huge monuments, and unique memorials. Icons were idolized so great, that one critique loathed Golkars as ‘Romans’, because of their love of statues.

    In the other faction, the Purples were intellectuals. Engineers, doctors, and even teachers would rather join this faction than anywhere else. Their knowledge of Indonesian history, geography and sociology shaped much of their doctrine, which now known as ‘For Science and Supremacy’. They were responsible for many scientific projects, including biology, geography and astronomy. When they plead for Nasution to fulfil his promise of funding the space agency, they were the groups who launched the Palapa Program, a project involving telecommunications. They also researched energy, which was why the nuclear power plant is only used in Papua, as most of the uranium was found there. In other islands, solar and wind experiments were conducted, giving way on building most of the renewable power plants in Indonesia.

    The second term of Nasution was a decent deal between Golkar and Purple. Both of them received their required amount and not many demands for revisions. However, the third term completely neglected the Purple Faction, preventing most of their projects, and de-fund scientific programs. That provoked the head of the Purple Faction, which was Soediratmojo.

    Soediratmojo was a writer and politician. He wrote fiction novels that had Indonesia war-era background. He was not famous nationally, but gain readers on American nations. Especially when Soediratmojo attempted to translate his books in English, he was a bestseller for fiction novels at that time, contemplated mostly on war, violence, but a slight romance.

    Soediratmojo reached out for Suharto because he was the weakest link on the Golkar Faction. Being much of a military ambitious person, Suharto was the one that expands the armed forces. However, being neglected mostly on the third term is the foreign minister although gave him insights of the international platform, incensed him as being silence on domestic matters. Suharto criticized Nasution’s ‘close one’s eye’ attitude towards the inadequate armed forces, especially after Madagascar’s annexation.

    But, Suharto was not weak. We were quite prominent on the DPR. As being a military official himself, he found friends of the same profession. Generals like D.I. Panjaitan, Ahmad Yani, and Gatot Soebroto all endorsed him. Even the smallest majority of armed forces in PKI, like Brigadier General Untung, also had good relations with Suharto. Suharto had the connections, he just did not know if betraying Nasution was the right decision.

    Soediratmojo later settled with Suharto for a possible alliance. Although it went nothing more than just good ends, Suharto assured Soediratmojo that if Nasution failed for the third term, he would possibly agree to ditch him. But, even before any of PNI-R’s conflicting factions managed to score a move, the PPP accomplished on harming PNI-R again, this time on a housing crisis.
    11.13. Rivalry: Housing Crisis of Jakarta
  • Housing Crisis: Aftermath of the Short Nixon Embargo

    During the second Nasution term, there was an embargo punishing Indonesia because of the United States. Nixon distrusted Indonesia because of their secret agreement with the French, gaining them the entirety of Madagascar for corporation rights in Indonesia’s most valuable mining regions, hence competing with the United States. The embargo, however, was as short-lived as the presidency itself, and Shafer lifted it immediately after his ascension. In Indonesia, however, the effects did not tire out as fast as lifting one embargo.

    During that embargo period, Indonesia quickly had an economic stagnation, then almost a ruin. Companies cooled down, and most of the businesses in Java closed. After the embargo was lifted, Indonesia was recovering. However, several policies were dropped because of it, one of them was the housing project. Mostly in the third term, Nasution focused solely on building infrastructure. Networks of roads and rails were being constructed, the growth was pacing on lightning speed. Even with the capacity of an Indonesian economy, $354 in GDP per capita, Trans Java was completed while Trans Sumatra was partly finished. He neglected one program which he had done in the previous term, which was public housing.

    After the Australian Aggression War, most of the population in towns became estranged due to extreme bombings by the enemy. Because of that, most of the population migrated back towards their villages. Nevertheless, as cities were portrayed much by citizens as a source of money, most of them remained reluctant of going home, therefore building illegal buildings; shacks that located near strategic places, like rivers or train tracks. They made new lives albeit in inadequate conditions. As the population started growing back into its original status before the war, the housing was still yet unrepaired. Most fixed housed were particularly on Ring 1 or owned by the elites. Everything else was neglected. At first, Nasution thought that construction companies, which had profited from building toll roads, must be obliged on reconstruct most of the people’s homes. Subandrio agreed also, as these companies were extremely rich, and surely making public houses were no big deal.

    In a form of Housing Act, Nasution commanded all construction companies that involved in TJIP (Trans-Java Infrastructure Program) and TSIP (Trans Sumatra Infrastructure Program) to contribute at least 10% of their revenue for building public houses in form of stacked buildings. However, these form would be given towards the middle and lower class of the spectrum, which mainly caused the building to be named ‘Rumah Susun’. Starting in 1973, most of the public housing program was given to the enterprises. At first, it was fine, the progress carried on smoothly, but it changed after 1977.


    Gelora Senayan, under construction. The only Nasution's prestigious projects finished before the Sixth Amendment. Most of the others, either had their plan revised, or scratched completely.

    The difference between a government-led operation and corporation-led was what happens when that work was proven to give shortfalls. Jasamarga Construction Company had been pleased when being part of strategical projects that help to improve the nation. But, when it came towards one of many of Nasution’s prestigious projects, which previously planned by President Sukarno, Jasamarga was starting to find some blunders. These prestigious projects, like Gelora Senayan, a football stadium that was meant to be the largest on Asia, Taman Peringatan Agresi Inggris-Australia, a Central Park-esque in the rubbles of Sawah Besar and Ketapang and Jakarta Landmark, a high-rise complex in Setiabudi that was insanely consumptive.

    Gelora Senayan started building since 1976, and Jasamarga took a huge toll on building it. As the TJIP and TSIP were still ongoing, Jasamarga must abandon their housing projects. Similar predicaments happened to other companies subjected to Taman Peringatan and Jakarta Landmark. As a result, public housing stagnated, albeit want still high. Therefore, it caused a Housing Crisis, happened especially in cities.

    In 1977, house cost gradually rose, and it reached a peak where subsidies were no longer useful for those lower class that needed those houses. Rumah Susun became ridiculously expensive, and with the building’s simplistic design, not even the rich was intrigued to buy it. Instead, Rumah Susuns turned inhabited, and the poor returned to their illegal structures and caused a massive social crisis.

    Cities revealed a massive gap the Nasution Administration had created, specifically in Jakarta. While everything South from Monumen Nasional had lavish structures and advance public transport, everywhere else had slums. As Rumah Susuns located mostly on the projected Ring 2, or outside Ring 1, Jakarta had become a city that had a ring of broken and unpreserved buildings. Most of the people could not afford to pay the fees. These people were labours which worked in industrial centres, so most of them flocked towards regions like Cengkareng and Pulo Gadung, resulting in an overpopulation problem there.

    Subandrio was eager on solving this issue that was not only plaguing on Jakarta but also other cities like Medan, Surabaya and Bandung. However, recognising that this matters rooted in Nasution’s egoistic spending, Subandrio had a really hard time passing any bills to solve this problem. He pushed for stopping all those prestigious yet wasteful plans, yet that plan was vetoed by the President himself. He briefly noted Subandrio that most of these projects were finishing as well, so he suggested to just wait. Subandrio, already anxious of this, reluctantly waited, as PNI-R still hold a significant influence on DPR. Moreover, PKI was slightly rebelling against the Coalition. Aidit retired in 1976, and Brigadier General Untung took over the party. Alas, Untung was close to Major General Suharto, and maybe tried to negotiate with the former Premier.

    Subandrio’s stance against the Presidency was confirmed with Lee Kuan Yew’s Malayan Base. In the Malayan Region, the embargo done by the United States was largely untouched. Organisations were coming from multiple nations, although closely allied with the United States, they were slow to follow Nixon’s urges. In addition to it, Indonesia’s economy didn’t constrain the region, as Nasution gave them autonomous benefits.

    Nasution’s plan backfired when Malaya’s economy was given a two-year lead against the rest of Indonesia due to the embargo. Even with no aid from the federal government, the region could sustain itself long enough, and even starting to develop slowly. The monarchies from Malaya were the ones stopping the region from independence because of their fondness towards kingdoms in Java, and mainly because Malaya top politicians like LKY were already inside PPP, who was already partially controlling the government.

    LKY, seeing his chances, campaigned his political views in newspapers. He declared that Malaya, the former British East Indies, was the saviour Indonesia did not consider at all and wasted her chances. People in Java was starting to believe in LKY, and youngsters proceeded on holding demonstrations criticizing the housing crisis. In 1978, a nation-wide demonstration was held by students from universities, along with civilians that had lost their homes with increasing fees. The demonstration was peaceful, but it grew so big that the entire city of Jakarta was flooded with people. Nasution, aware of the numbers, finally obliged with the people demands, and rather than concluding with the Housing Crisis, Subandrio instead went much further, restricting the President’s power in the premiership.


    Demonstration in Jakarta, 1977

    In 1978, the Sixth Amendment was ratified by the MPR. The law restricted most of the President’s power in DPR, making the Premiership had more flexibility. There were also more changes, but most of them aimed for economic and social changes. Economy and Trade Minister Frederik Trihandoko established reforms regarding BUMN and Federal District. While BUMN’s fields expanded, to gain revenue on foreign companies which exploiting Indonesia’s natural resources, a 20% share from net production. It meant that companies like Chevron, Shell and Total must give the government at least 20% share of profits, or not have their license lifted.

    It was two birds one stone for Subandrio. The encasement of Nasution not only prevented him from interfering in the Premiership but also weaken his popularity. Indonesia, unlike the United States, still had citizens lack interest in foreign policy. So, whoever controls the domestic government controls the population. A strong foreign policy could not persuade people into voting, but a good domestic can. By the beginning of 1978, PNI-R was fading and even started rupturing.

    This is the last chapter for Rivalry and the next would be talking about the General Election of 1978 and Madagascar.

    ITTL Indonesia without 1965, PKI still exist, and no OTL Suharto with that frightening figure. Therefore, demonstrations were not oppressed as before, and free-thinking is still available. Economy-wise, Indonesia ITTL is similar to 1980s OTL, a bit better but considering the territorial extent, I think it is balanced.
    12.1. The Triumvirate: The Origins
  • Solidify PPP Base: The Trio Explained

    The election was nearing for Indonesia, as the country was slowly leaving its primitive era, and moving towards a changing one. Indonesia on the third quadrant of the 20th century was having its potential for developing. The infrastructure was advance, and Nasution intended to keep advancing. But, Nasution’s oppositions thought otherwise.

    The Coalition of PPP, PKI and PSDM was going well for the unity. The PPP managed to consolidate much of its promises with PKI and PSDM so that they would not rebel in this election. However, determined from the accomplishments made from the current Premiership, PPP was the one most responsible for. And it was divided into three men, Subandrio, Lee Kuan Yew (LKY) and Trihandoko.

    Subandrio is the main protagonist and the strongest from the trio. Although LKY was as influential, Subandrio held the upper hand. Him being a native Javanese contributed much of the Javan voters, essential for winning any election in Indonesia. It was due to Javanese having minor prejudice, and was not having a member outside of Java in power. Nasution was an exception because he is ethnic Bataknese. But, his career and his friends helped him to be erased from such judgement.


    Subandrio, 1975

    Subandrio was a former foreign minister during Sukarno’s era and had become an apt politician and diplomat. He initially never thought of becoming head of government. But time declared it otherwise. Notice Hatta’s failure on curbing Nasution’s influence, Subandrio become tough, stronger than his predecessor, to fight against Parindra’s (later PNI-R’s) authoritative measure even though a minority. In this fight against Nasution, battling between orders, the MPR finally was slightly Subandrio-leaning, and dominoes are falling to Nasution.

    In his first term, he promoted elementary education to be implemented nationally. With a slight help from scholars all across Indonesia, and a little money from Subandrio’s right hand, elementary education has become compulsory in 1977 Indonesia and more than three-quarters of the population was literate. Secondly, he administered regional powers, slowly regaining the federal’s status as head and controller of them. The Bahasa Act silenced the growing hatred towards Java-centrism. He stopped transmigration, and instead of planning Keluarga Berencana, population control for people in Java and Sumatra. Albeit Keluarga Berencana is still new, progress is made and cities are having fewer children and more quality.

    In this upcoming election, he wanted to erase all unnecessary construction plans. He also wanted his rule to be remembered as the educator – total literacy for every Indonesians, even in Madagascar. He was never a charismatic orator like Sukarno. His skills were not speaking publicly but negotiate with people. If it was not LKY that helped PPP’s political image, Subandrio would not be as successful.

    Lee Kuan Yew was different. Instead of Subandrio’s calm and passive manner, Lee Kuan Yew was aggressive. He openly criticized Nasution’s lack of improvements besides building roads. Social welfare was still low, even though the economy was rising. Moreover, poverty was rising in metropolises because of the rising fees in public housing that was intended for them. Lee Kuan Yew explicitly accused Nasution of pro-corporations, and never actually backed the people. Large business in high-rise building strengthens LKY’s point. LKY grew from Malaya, and his sponsor, a newspaper called ‘Republikan’ gave him the needed fame for becoming a political star. In just a few years, of what was the star of Singapore was enhanced to become a national candidate.


    LKY 1976
    LKY was also the first person who was directly concerned towards people in Madagascar. After Madagascar’s annexation, leaders in Jakarta mostly left Madagascar as the same state as Malaya, give them autonomy and leave Jakarta be. Madagascar was low in every aspect; education, economy and welfare. LKY promised them of growth for the nation. Even though there were no rocks Madagascar could extract, at least they had wonderful sceneries for tourism and potential textile industry. But then, LKY’s greatest contributor on his rise was actually his economic plan.

    Nasution and LKY had a similar opinion in terms of Federal Districts. Federal District was created in strategical economic hotspots. A centre that located in bottle-neck trade routes could flow in cash easily. Other places were declared because of political purposes, like Sukarnopura because of NASA’s foreign base. Nasution originally planned it to give exclusive rights towards foreign corporations to invest in these places, and possible boost the economy. LKY thought likewise, with differences in implementation. Instead of the current law giving foreign corporations tax-free grants for 50 years. LKY wished to promote it even further, for 100 years. In addition to it, these corporations must also contribute to help to improve the District’s connectivity, which means that the government could be aided by companies to construct metros. However, LKY’s program was a risky one. It needed a large sum as a guarantee for those enterprises. Conveniently, Trihandoko’s (Badan Usaha Milik Negara) BUMN already provided it.

    Frederik Trihandoko, unlike the other two middle-aged men, was young. He was in the thirties and had fiery passion. He loved accounting, and become one in his early adulthood. However, his nation’s fragile economy pushed him to become the nation’s Economy and Trade Minister, granting his title as ‘Bapak Ekonomi’. He was famously known because of his BUMN, a government organization consisted of multiple state-owned enterprises that controlled vital economic products. Labels like oil, rubber and palm were heavily prioritized by Trihandoko to be nationalized. As while rubber and palm were secured, oil was a hefty issue, as Nasution had already promised a bunch of nations for permit clearance, like US’ Chevron and France’s Total.


    Frederik Trihandoko
    Additionally, there were also sectors BUMN holds, like water and electricity. However, the 1970s were shaped because of two BUMN giants, Pertamina and Perkanas. Pertamina, short for Perusahaan Tambang Minyak dan Gas Bumi Nasional, was a petroleum company. Although the state-owned company never owned its nation complete share of oil wells and reserves, Pertamina succeded on becoming the wealthiest state-owned enterprises in Indonesia. With the mere coincidence of UASR lacked to give oil for the US, they needed alternatives for their consumption, and Indonesia became one of them.

    Perkanas, or Perusahaan Karet Nasional, was falling short from Pertamina. Rather than its sister company, Perkanas, with the help of Malaya’s rubber landlords, hold 85% of all rubber plantations in Indonesia. because of its lack of manufactories, Perkanas was struggling with selling raw products. But, if those rubbers could be transformed into tyres, Perkanas could become the largest company in the world, even eclipsing incumbent corporations like Goodyear.

    All of these were launched during Trihandoko’s first year as Economy and Trade Minister, and with the term ends, he had transformed Indonesia’s backwater economy into a developing one, and it was trying to catch with Japan’s. However, Trihandoko’s had a chink in the armour, and it was he never actually boosted Indonesia’s whole economy, but just Nusantara*. In Papua, Melanesia, and Madagascar, he struggled on helping them. Because of that, while Nusantara grew, other regions just stagnated.

    Subandrio’s promising term, LKY’s bold ambitions, and Trihandoko’s success were what made PPP growing to become the dominant party in Indonesia. Indeed, PPP even stole a few percentages from the PKI. PPP’s leader post-Hatta, Soekarni, attempted to bring this trio into an absolute combo, and he nailed it.

    Subandrio willfully accepted to be nominated as President, leaving the Premier seat to LKY. Trihandoko’s seat of becoming Economic and Trade Minister. The package for 1978 had been wrapped, and PPP positively guessed that PNI-R will not stand a chance.


    To prevent misunderstanding:

    Nusantara is a Regional-Republic from the Federal Republic of Indonesia. It spans from Aceh and Malaysia to Maluku and Timor. In other connotations, people outside Indonesia ITTL preferred Nusantara as 'Indonesia-Proper'.

    The picture of Frederik Trihandoko is OTL Soe Hok Djin, the brother of Soe Hok Djie. In OTL, Soe Hok Djin is a sociology expert. ITTL, he has butterflied away as a commoner because Soe Hok Djie famously became secretary for Nasution.
    12.2. The Triumvirate: Issue Regarding Africa
  • Madagascar: Indonesia’s guide in Africa

    The 1978 Election, besides the Housing Crisis which influenced the domestic issue in Indonesia, the other topic was about Madagascar. Madagascar was the furthest state of Indonesia, located on the other view of the Indian Ocean. Nevertheless, as being the furthest, Madagascar was risked with problems, two of them were its development (which was already explained in the previous chapter) and foreign concern.

    Firstly, Madagascar was close to Africa, the continent that was shifting from a dark colonial past to a bright free place. But, regardless of the continent mostly liberated, it was changing from one dictator to another as another wave of military coups happened across the continent. Most of the freed British possessions, like Ghana and Nigeria, all having their political instability. In 1978, Africa was divided into two parts, French-influenced Africa and the others. There was a clear distinction between these two massive regions, with stability as a common difference. In French-influenced Africa, likewise in French West Africa, UASR, and Libya included, the region was stable. Being the last empire to hold Africa, the French Fifth Republic was a world’s utopia for racial equality, totally the opposite with South Africa.

    The most unstable place which France holds in Africa was Benin or Dahomey. Wedged between Ghana and Nigeria, both countries had evolved into military dictatorship and caused a deadly civil war. In addition to the Ebola outbreak in Congo, Benin was one of the nearest safe places for people to find refuge and that escalated crisis there. Other effects were the rise of nationalism, which was brought by these immigrants to French Dahomey.

    In United Arab Socialist Republics, Premier Nasser was also building a stable Arab world which civility was even better during the heights of the Ottoman Empire. Albeit controlling a portion of the Middle East, it holds nearly a similar amount of oil reserve as in Arabia, therefore compete with Saudi Arabia in terms of oil diplomacy. Because of its meteoric rise, UASR was surrounded by enemies, all of which eyed on its destruction. In the North, Turkey became USSR’s satellite. In the East, Iran was eyeing on Iraq’s Shia population for possible expansion. In the South, Saudi Arabia was friendly with USSR and prayed for UASR’s fall. A proxy game also exists in here, as France, USSR and the US all trying to be here by one reason, oil supply.

    Even though the tension in the Middle East was the highest, there was no destructive chaos like in Africa, especially everything south of Egypt. From Sudan until Tanzania, all of the nations located there were either involved in a power’s game or suicide themselves in a form of civil war, multiple coups and political assassinations. Any possible progress of the East African Community was stopped because President of Kenya, Barrack Obama Sr., was killed during a coup. The coup leader, General Lufasa Thrombe, toppled the government under France’s influence.


    Thrombe's army captured the last remnants of pro-Barrack militias

    Matching cases were also happening across Africa and was worsened by the Ebola outbreak. Uganda, Kivu, Rwanda, Burundi, all of them suffered a coup with a civil war following. Congo DR was having political isolation from pro-French countries and was having a purge of its own. In a long story short, Africa was crumbling and crumbling with chaos as the head.

    After the Soviet Union’s solid relations with Saudi Arabia, the communist hegemony attempted to expand further. After British abandonment in the Middle East, Yemen has united again and formed a communist nation, therefore solidifying the Soviet’s hold in the oil-rich region. The Soviet Union then overthrew Eritrea’s democratic rule and replaced it with a communist one. Ethiopia, after the decolonization, conveniently turned communist as well. The United States was a bit late on winning the proxy war against the two powers, the nation’s instability due to prolonged Nicaragua War, and later the impeachment, caused most of their foreign dominance weakened.


    Eritrea's General Isaias Efrem with his subordinates after winning the Eritrean coup

    Indonesia had two hostile neighbours in Africa. The first one was South Africa, which the current apartheid regime detested Indonesia due to victory against its overlord Britain. Although Indonesia had the United States in its back, South Africa may interdict Indonesia’s ships if going to the cape. The other one was, surprisingly, the Lusitania Kingdom. After the series of betrayals and mess, South Africa and Congo had made in their region, the predicaments ended with an alliance with the devil. The Kingdom of Lusitania had its eyes to return to Portugal, and that was already difficult. Therefore, the kingdom was assisted with its former ally, which was the United Kingdom.

    With a secret agreement with Spain, Franco agreed with the British to restore the Kingdom of Portugal. In 1975, the plan commenced, and it went beautifully for Spain. The Spanish invade the Portuguese Socialist Republic, while the British blockade any exits for the revolutionaries to exile. Even though a handful of the fled to the Soviet Union, Portugal ceased to exist after three weeks. Portugal was restored, but it had a price. The United Kingdom wanted Portugal to cede Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, after their help in bringing the king to return. However, with brilliant diplomacy and talks, Portugal manages to reach a compromise with acknowledging the apartheid regime in South Africa. But, with only that simple of demand, it destabilizes Portugal’s hold in Lusitania. In just a few years, natives, which had initially coexisted with the European monarch, now demanded out from the kingdom.

    Nearing the 1978 election, Indonesia is given a question regarding Madagascar. The current situation demanded that Madagascar must be protected. Indeed, Mozambique and Angola independence movement declared the Lusitania government to be unaligned with the people’s desire. Not to mention South Africa still had their intention of North Rhodesia and Nyasaland. With their neighbours all at war, Madagascar must be protected. It was unfortunate if Madagascar was damaged under the warfare in the mainland.

    On this occasion, Nasution had the upper hand of the debate. As finally finishing his infrastructure programs, Nasution thought it was time to expand the armed forces. Still inadequate even after the Blue Revolution, the army, navy and the air force even never arrived in Madagascar. Madagascar is currently defended by regional militias, which was named as Madagascar Regional Army. This was extremely risky, as a sub-state which had a military of their own could rebel itself from Indonesia. The only Indonesian presence in Madagascar was its civilian administration, and the Coast Guard, which was the only branch successful to fulfill its demands. With the wars brewing in the southern region of Africa, Madagascar must be protected its sovereignty as Indonesia’s clay with any means.

    Subandrio, now as a Presidential candidate, expressed a careful approach for this manner. He still supported his stance that the economy was the problem of Indonesia, not the military. But, he would try incorporating the regional army into Indonesia’s Armed Forces, therefore degrading the risk of a separatist movement. Luckily, however, he touched the issue about South Africa, saying that Indonesia must try to propose sanctions to this imperialistic nation. But, Nasution’s reply was a burn for Subandrio, saying that the United Nations was too weak to impose one, and on this time of darkness, might is right.

    Subandrio was losing the debate about Madagascar currently. But, good for him, the matter was quickly diffused as irrelevant, because the United States indirectly helped Subandrio.


    Next chapter is how Carter helped Subandrio indirectly.
    12.3. The Triumvirate: Carter's Era
  • President Carter: The New Era


    Born in 1924 in the state of Georgia, James Earl Carter Jr. was a farmer when he ventured to become a Democratic activist. Jimmy is his common name from his childhood and is still used until his adulthood. In 1970, he would become the governor of his home state. In 1974, he was elected as the Speaker of the House, as he was the moderate nominee for uniting the Republicans into the Democrat fold. At first, he appeased the northern conservative states like Idaho and Montana for his strong issue against abortion and security, while reassuring city folks for better healthcare and less discrimination. Being the middle candidate, he was appointed as the Democratic Speaker of the House, which was a brilliant move from the Democrats as their relation with the dividing Republicans and Conservatives was going in favour of them. It was a strange choice also, first Carter being shortly elected as Representative in 1974, only to be chosen as the Speaker by that time. Predecessor O'Neil saw the newcomer as an opportunity to reclaim power.

    Miraculously, with slight conflicts that occurred during 1975, Carter sprouted as the 39th President of the United States, replacing Haldeman when he was impeached. The Democrats then immediately strengthened their own party by inviting Northern Republicans until George HW Bush was the only experienced man left in the Republicans. Carter also thought Nixon going for another nomination would be astoundingly good for the Presidency, especially as Nixon was noted as the ruthless vile. Carter ran as President again for the 1976 Election, and he won with the slim majority of 281 Electorates.

    In his inauguration, he immediately noticed his narrow passing as POTUS. Everywhere South and West were Conservative, which means foes on all sides. His strong base in New England and Mid-West was not securing him either, and he barely succeeded the presidency. Carter, in 1977, needs a strong blow to fight against the opposition. He then noticed one in the doctrine that existed in the United States for centuries, the Monroe Doctrine. Jimmy Carter recognized that the United States’ control in both ends of America weakening. Shafer’s America hated the juntas which dominated South Africa, and it was Haldeman's doing. So, much of the continent, both North and South, are going against the United States’ will. President Carter must invent a new plan.

    At first, he looked back to his current predecessor, Former President Kennedy, which had done provocative yet popular policies on his administration. His abandonment of Europe, while securing Japan and Indonesia, was proven successful only after his presidency. But, he mostly silenced the critics with his domestic masterpiece, the health care system or Kennedycare. He also reformed his party, wiping all remnants of the KKK and put more liberal, and left-wing politicians. Carter was one of them, the left-wing politicians, but he opted not to show it until later amid his last term.

    He noticed that Kennedy injured relations with Central American nations, all of which was already socialist from the core. Nixon just worsened things, and the 1972-1976 fiasco ruined any progress the United States had made for the last century. Therefore, he reminded himself that we must not be isolated on our continent. The next problem he caught up with, was America’s dependency on oil. Oil consumption grew over the years, it was mainly caused by civilian use. However, some portion of it was wasted by America’s unnecessary military campaigns, much of it ended up in a stalemate, like in Nicaragua. Furthermore, America’s abundance of oil came from Iran, which was not enough.

    President Carter, during his 100-day presidency, finally published what to do publicly. In a national TV broadcast, he revealed a new doctrine, the Carter Doctrine. This doctrine was purposely planned not to just dominate America, but the world. With Carter’s plan, the United States would influence the world with minimum cost. Here is how.

    One, the United States must secure a network of allies across the world, to contain what was America’s number one and two enemies, China and the Soviet Union. He thought the Soviet Union was dangerous because of what they are capable of in influencing Africa. China is watched because of how it managed to turn India into an ally. With two populous nations joined as one, America could not beat their manpower even though they fight with sticks and stones.

    As for the case in France, the third superpower, the United States will hatch a plan of dismembering the republic. The task was not hard, as Germany had already planned it years before, and was entering a stage that the plan was maturing itself. Germany planned to infiltrate the French Communist Party, to resurge the National Front, a right-wing political movement. However, he wanted this front to endorse a monarchy for France, which the Council thought the Orleans Branch could be the perfect option. As for France’s African possessions, they must split apart, broken into as many pieces as possible.


    President Carter and Chancellor of Federal Kingdom of Germany Helmut Schmidt

    The destruction of France can also mean the destruction of UASR, which was too powerful to let it be. As the controller of the Suez, and held a good portion of the Middle East’s oil reserves, UASR was already becoming a secondary power even a day after establishment. And also, the CIA reported that the Soviet Union also has similar plans as the Unites States’, convenient so to speak. In this partition plan, Morocco and Algeria were on America’s watch list, as they could be an alternative source of oil. Then, the Americans wanted West Africa to be chaotic as possible that no possible Union of West Africa, or worst, a communist union, could be achieved in that region.

    After that, America’s network would assist America in asserting her influence. Japan would help America in protecting Korea, nearest to China, and will blockade China’s vessels from Bohai Bay to the Philippines. Further South, Indonesia would take care of that, even also closing India with Indonesia’s reach to Madagascar. In South America, Brazil is chosen to be America’s network, as the nation is huge and border nearly all of the South American nations.


    President Carter during his visits to Japan

    In North America, the United States will support Kennedy’s and Nixon’s blatant admittance into statehood on every Central American nation that is viable. However, the population must be considered. Too many of them and the US would be too diverse to have a government. Costa Rica would be watched by Carter, as it borders Nicaragua, the States’ small enemy in the backyard. And then, America would attempt on persuading all British clings in America, like Guyana, East Caribbean, Trinidad, Jamaica and Canada, to try to persuade them under the American sphere. Canada was the top priority, as Carter wanted to make his childhood dream, the North American Union. Because of that, Britain would be pushed into a nationalistic state, closing its similarities with South Africa.

    Domestically, Carter would plan on the immediate reform of the nation, especially of converting their conventional energy, into a more alternative approach. Wind, solar, and nuclear, would be trendier in Carter’s rule, giving every farm subsidy if they install a wind or solar farm. More subsidies also are given to investors if they built buildings with sustainable green energy. This was a part of the Green Revolution, Carter Doctrine’s subparts. It was under the notion that the States’ had a deficit on oil, and needed for other energies. He spoke that while cars are obliged to use petrol, maybe power grids would have to.


    President Carter during the Green Revolution

    Also, Carter was not a warmonger and wanted a peaceful reign in his administration. No campaigns for American soldiers to do. But, to appease the established Industrial Military Complex, Carter created some sort of ‘condottiere’ programs, offering the nation’s army, navy, and air force to multiple allied bases for security and protection. Therefore, while the businessmen may continue the war abroad, it was not brought to the States.

    As a result, Indonesia was given help to secure Madagascar, and all the Indian Ocean, with a promise of money, concessions, and corporations. Carter’s offer was not ridiculous either, that even Subandrio agreed on it. therefore, what was a crucial problem was now solved with Carter, and Nasution was cornered.

    ITTL Carter is different from OTL Carter. ITTL, Carter is strong and willing as a President and will do as much as he takes to secure him as the best president he can offer to the States. However, he was also a philanthropist, liberal, and later socialist. He is as idealistic and liberal as Shafer, but not in the context of too much that he could be assassinated. As the title has spoken, Carter would be the forerunner of America's New Age, and maybe shifting towards a new better one.

    As politics are as fluid as water, there is no guarantee that all of the Carter Doctrine would be the same in the end. The would-be changing and shifts will happen. But, the line of the Doctrine is clear enough, that America will use fewer resources for world influence, as also fewer coups, or messing with other nations.

    The next chapter would be about Australia and Papua, another debate for the 1978 Election.
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    12.4. The Triumvirate: Papua's Growth
  • State-Republic of Papua

    Closing for the election, it seems Indonesia’s problems keep popping up one after another. For the race, only Subandrio and Nasution remains, as other candidates prefer to back these two for preventing split-votes. The next question the experience is about the new problem caused by Papuan tribal leaders. In Indonesia, nothing was more as fast-paced as Papua. From an island pariah into a busty industrial hub, Papua’s amazing growth came as a result of Kennedy’s Liberty Space Center that he built during his administration.

    Kennedy, with close relations with Sukarno, was gifted swaths of land between Cycloop and larger Guttier Mountain Range. Located almost 50 km west of Kotabaru, that land was now known as the Liberty Space Center. Formalized as a form of 100-year rent agreement, the Liberty Space Center Land was signed by both nations, promising for further cooperation. In the Indonesian side, giving more favours to the Lady Liberty that was fighting against Australia, Indonesia’s rival at that time. America, on the other hand, wanted this region for much mundane, replacing Cape Canaveral. Bartering logistics with location, NASA determined that the closer the launch site is to the equator, the less rocket fuel we could spend. By far, NASA’s highest budget worries are about how to launch a rocket easily, so fuel was extremely accounted for.

    So, although Kennedy’s successor attempts on reverting towards Cape Canaveral, the Liberty Space Center was abandoned, redesigned, and returned to NASA. Now with a boomtown on the southwest portion of the land, what was the small village of Berap was Tropicana. Located higher than the launch site, Tropicana gave an exotic view of the sea, while occasionally witness space rockets into space.

    During Nixon’s rule, the Liberty Space Center became a US military hub in the Pacific, an alternative for Guam and Hawaii. But, this land had a huge civilian airport for Tropicana, so it became a town so big that the States cannot be controlled. Just when Shafer ordered the Liberty Space Center to reopen, Tropicana was so big that some of them had to move further South, to Sukarnopura.

    On Tembagapura, the Freeport company received a massive fortune when not only copper was found in the site, but also gold and uranium. Immediately after, the entire band of nuclear powers all noticed Papua’s abundance of these substances. France, from the deal of Madagascar, managed to establish a mining company further East from Freeport. Germany also followed as part of the race. While before Timika was far greater than Tembagapura, the city soon to be a white metropolis, habiting of almost 100,000 people. In the 70s, Papua soon would witness the Gold Rush, when outsiders, from Java and even outside the nation itself, entered this heaven for building mining companies.


    Premier Suharto during the briefing of Papua with the United States, 1971

    Sukarnopura was one Javanese bubble Nasution built during that rush. Located far inside the island, it was located on South Papua, but geographically located almost the centre of the island. Between TanahMerah and Erekta, Sukarnopura was built by Javan explorers which found another gold mine on the mountains, on Oksibil. Desired to mirrored the attempts of the Americans, Nasution would not want more foreigners to dominate Papua, therefore he tried what he knew best, flooding also Javanese people there. Also, part of the immigration program, many of Javanese failed farmers, either bulldozed by toll road construction, droughts or even wanting to leave Java altogether, were invited to labour for Indonesian corporations trying to find precious stones in Oksibil.

    And then, it came the race. When the rest of Indonesia found out that most of Javanese had benefited the Papuan race with the foreigners, many other ethnicities began closing in Papua. Starting 1975, races from Sunda, Bali until Melayu and even Dayak arrived in Papua for finding a new dream, a dream that was similar to the ‘American Dream’. Sukarnopura became a fast-growing town and had the busiest Easternmost airport in Indonesia. In just less than 20 years, Papua’s immigrants are twice more than the native itself.

    The dispute caused was not the native dissatisfied with the coming visitors, surprisingly, but originated from Malayans who noticed Nasution’s discrimination in the transmigration policy. As Java was overpopulated, Nasution only allowed those ethnics to roam in Papua, and not anyone else. That infuriated some Malayan businessmen, who also wanted a chance to mine in those areas.

    On a side note, Papua is becoming an industrial island, as new towns like Tropicana, Sukarnopura and Ujungbiak was established. Original cities like Jayapura, Timika and Merauke were dwarfed with these newer ones. Indeed, Papua had more of these profitable resources on mountains, or much higher grounds. Those old cities were coastal, and therefore too far to accommodate workers in mines.


    Sukarnopura, exactly in Suharto Street, in the 2000s

    The locals were heavily silenced, both by foreigners and Nasution. Much of the State-Republic were bribed from top to bottom, as revenues on that island were an all-time high. Meanwhile, the native bureaucrats were just merely happy that other hands had built their nation. There was higher resistance in the tip ends, in Manokwari and Port Moresby. But that was also caused by not social, but political means. Manokwari was still BKDT (Barisan Koalisi Daerah Timur)’s turf, and Port Moresby had the remaining separatists from the recent secession war.

    Subandrio conveyed this matter as yet another Nasution’s flaw in the government. Those transmigrations promote Javacentrism and Javanization, which was flawed for Indonesia’s Pancasila-ist ideology. For Subandrio, this sort of exclusiveness must end, and now is the time. Nasution objected Subandrio’s stance with excellent statistics, stating that if Java was not reduced in population, overpopulation would immediately occur and welfare crisis would have happened.

    This topic was discussed much in Malaya and Java. Malaya was strong on Subandrio, there was no one saying the otherwise. In Java, meanwhile, had this discussion on two sides. The first one, particularly farmers and labours, supported Nasution wholly and sincerely. The other one, mostly intellectuals and educated scholars, they mostly opted that if transmigration caused harm to Indonesia’s unity, then Java could convey an alternative option – planned parenthood.

    Nevertheless, April 1978 is coming, and both it seemed that Subandrio has already had the upper hand.
    12.5. The Triumvirate: Situations Pre-election 1978
  • The Trade and Economy Minister’s office was a pathetic one. Even though Indonesia was officially noted as the fastest growing nation in the world currently, the ministerial’s offices were a bummer. Working in a colonial building that was constructed in the early 20th century, Frederik Trihandoko thought that at least most of the government buildings must be expanded.

    With the approval from Premier Subandrio itself, every ministry was expanded almost twice of its original size, doubling Indonesia’s public sector personnel from 432000 to 864000. Not all of the sectors were increased equally, the Trade Minister was expanded nearly thrice-fold, as it was proven to be extremely profitable.

    For the past five years, Trihandoko formed a mixed-economy system to be implemented in Indonesia. A mix of government planned economy and laissez-faire, Trihandoko distinguished what sector was strategical for government and what sector is not. Although Trihandoko said that every raw material must be processed by government-owned companies, the cost was beyond the profit.

    So, Trihandoko started with nationalizing rubber and oil, the two most important sectors of the raw industry. While oil nationalization was faced with fierce opposition, rubber, on the other hand, went relatively smoothly. With just a few years, the entire rubber production in Sumatra was taken over by the government. Controlling Sumatra was extremely vital, as it comprised nearly 60% of the total rubber production. In addition to it, Malaya’s rubber was nationalized also, giving Indonesia’s Perkanas the largest raw rubber company in the world.

    In the oil sector, it faced disputes with foreign corporations, as they held Nasution’s promise of permission clearance. Nasution had promised Chevron and Total that they would own several oil blocks in Indonesia. He gave the Mahakam Sector to the United States, while gifted the Timor Sector to France. Even as they received a significant portion, the Americans just could not stand France also profiteering in Indonesia, so they would attempt to reduce French presence in Indonesia for the years to come.

    Trihandoko, meanwhile, did not try to nationalize the minerals sector. He witnessed that foreign ore enterprises boosted Papua’s growth, and even giving the government a decent amount of revenue. However, he also blocked any further attempts for foreign companies to infiltrate Indonesia’s natural resources. Papua was benefited from it, and for him, that’s enough. Although slowly, Trihandoko swept Nusantara’s ore hotspots and gave them to Indonesian private companies, granting them an opportunity to compete against the foreign ones.

    For his job as the minister for economy, Trihandoko was most delighted with how Singapore managed to maintain its ‘global city’ status even though neglected by the government. A mix of diversity, negligence and shadows of the British rule kept Singapore as a busty port city. He even cooperates with Singapore’s Governor to maybe helped Batam improved a bit. As Johor Sultanate was also involved, he, therefore, created the Sijori Agreement, giving more exclusive economic permits to those regions to grow.

    His job was eased by Subandrio, which negotiate with most friendly of the nobles and monarchs. The Sultans in Malaysia endorsed the PPP party and had assisted Trihandoko by renting the government land for raw rubber production. The monarch also partially funded manufactures across Malaya. Those monarchs had been so rich that they made a sub-company of Perkanas called Indokaret. It controls Peninsular Malaysia’s rubber plantations and partly small processed manufactories.

    Trihandoko’s relation with the Duo Sultans of Java is also pleasant. Probably because of Hatta’s influence and history with those houses, Sultan of Yogyakarta and Surakarta helped Trihandoko also with renting the government their crown lands. However, unlike the crowns in Malaya, these Javanese nobles pressed Trihandoko to establish industries instead. Because of that, the two kingdoms industrialized faster than the surrounding Central Java areas.

    Trihandoko’s greatest obstacle, was actually from inside the coalition, from the farmer and labours allying to PKI. Needing a higher wage than their obligations of work, most labours stroke against their lords, even on the most moderate ones. Trihandoko complied at first but finally ignored them after a series of demands. For him, it was ‘Give someone an inch and they’ll take a mile’. The Presidency also objected the demands of the labour, giving at least one common similarities.

    “Sir, the labours in Semarang are striking again. The demand their quality of life to be improved, and also more wages.”, Trihandoko’s subordinate commented.

    “We have given them Rp 3000 a month, even if they buy food at the restaurants, they still had at least 800 to spare. Tell them to sod off.”

    It was the umpteenth time the labours, especially in Semarang to strike again and again. The PKI was too high that these labours are acting more than they should. Subandrio has told Trihandoko that we still need to embrace them as coalition partners until we reach a solid majority. Trihandoko is told to only reject at the most bizarre offer. That Rp 3000 is that offer.

    “Suprapto, how is our mining companies in Kalimantan?”, Trihandoko asked his Chief Director of Mineral Corporations.

    “Our sources in Banjarmasin found a decent coal deposit somewhere near the coast. We had reached investor all across Indonesia, but most of the interested originated from foreigners?”

    “Who exactly?’

    “The Germans.”

    Trihandoko processed the information, perplexed at first. “The Germans? I thought they merely intrigued with scientific cooperation. How about the Americans? And maybe the Japanese?”

    “The Americans were too busy fulfilling their oil deficit. The Japanese only preferred metals for their electronic industries. We are not exactly sure why the Germans but we are satisfied that they funded almost 75% of our projects there.”

    “75%? Why haven’t you told me about this? 75% is enough for them to take over our companies like theirs. Suprapto, please sent an agent to watch over their movements, I don’t feel so relaxing about this.”

    After Suprapto left, Trihandoko called Subandrio about this matter. Trihandoko noticed that few German enterprises were infiltrating some sectors of the economy unnoticed. He needed to converse with the Premier about this matter. He wondered if this was some sort of play Nasution was doing.


    Suharto threw a rapid-fire of cussing words towards the letter he received. The Republic of China, now only remained as Taiwan, had told that the Spratly League needs to be disbanded because of the Spratlys belonged to them. That news was bluffing matter until it seemed that Japan supported Taiwan. Suharto knew that if Japan seemed to back Taiwan, the United States is in some sort of play. The wretched son from hero-in-exile Chiang Kai Sek is claiming islands that they cannot protect.

    Suharto being the foreign minister was fun yet frustrating. Seeing how complex politics in the world was giving Suharto the bald head. Nasution needed to appease the French, but also not trying to anger the United States. This series of bad deals maybe sort of damaged Nasution’s reputation currently but more inflicting on Suharto’s visit to major countries. Luckily, like fellow military personnel, Suharto discovered new friends all across South America’s juntas, having their endorsement of Indonesia.

    In Africa, the situation is coming to a mess as disease outbreak, war and twisted diplomacy seemed to keep the continent on fire. Angola is winning against the South Africans, as Namibian and Botswanan separatists fired after a stalemate on the war. Congo DR is fighting the Congo Republic because of the Prime Minister of Congo contracted Ebola in Brazzaville and dies. In Nigeria, the whole fiasco of Biafra ended up in a bigger way as Biafra is trying to form the Republic of Benin, and religious tension is rising. Eritrea, Ethiopia and Uganda had turned communist and the red scare in Kenya and Tanzania is rising.

    Conditions in Europe, however, reached only tensions diplomatically, but not militarily. France and Germany still kept their century of hatred. The big red of the East is still a driving force of EEC. Poland is revolting again, this time with a fascist movement from Warsaw.

    This is the final chapter of the pre-election campaign. From this one, we would see more on how the Triumvirate battles Nasution.
    12.6. The Triumvirate: Stories
  • 13 March 1978
    New York, the United States

    A PPP diplomat Adam Malik has become the Permanent Representative for the United Nations since 1974. So far greater than his predecessors, Adam Malik is one of the rare PPP diplomats that was picked by Nasution itself. Usually, the President would pick a person from his party, albeit how distant his expertise was to diplomacy. Almost four years as a representative, now Adam Malik completely grasped international relation easily. Adam Malik, although responsible to the President, also refer to Subandrio for party’s strategies. Subandrio is confident about winning the 1978 election, as Nasution’s power is weakening, and reputation is waning. He then started planning for his foreign policies, and Adam Malik was his right-hand man.

    He was looking at this March report to Subandrio, looking slightly thicker than the previous months. He looked again for checking any miswriting. He only sighed unknowingly as this would be a nasty report.

    The United Nation had become a diplomatic mess. The Five Members of the Permanent Security Council cannot fathom an understanding with each other, oblivious with other’s decision. The United States’ immediate measures to end the war in Angola and Mozambique ended up with a British opposition. While the US demanded Portugal to let them free, Britain and her South African puppet persisted for a long war, because they knew that time favours Britain. In Congo, another war happens because of the miserable death of Congo DR’s Prime Minister from infecting in its neighbour’s capital city. In Nigeria, the whole conflict between Nigeria and Biafra ended up in a more crimpled Nigeria as after Benin was liberated, the Muslims and the Christians are now fighting each other. Kenya and Tanzania suffered coups that were a result of the red scare from the North. Africa is a mess.

    In South America, more suppression from the military junta government continues. Brazil, Argentina and Chile formed a pro-military pact for defence against communism and socialism. This pact, however, although wasn’t bestowed by the Americans, Carter secretly aided them to stay in power. It was lucky that communist movements in Central America and Colombia helped the remaining nations on South America to fight. This pact, however, is infamously known for the suppression it does, and this matter was brought up first by the French Republic. The Soviet Union imposed sanctions on Yugoslavia because they had infiltrated government administrations in Soviet-satellite Romania. Known better for the Danube Scandal, the espionage and sabotage that follows prompts them for a potential war in the Balkans.

    China is eerily quiet in all that diplomatic chaos. However, Adam Malik knows exactly what are they planning, and that alone have shivered him. He found that China wants India to return to its pre-British territories, forming an Indian Union. Therefore, it would target Pakistan and Bangladesh, the Islamic brothers of Indonesia. Adam Malik then discovered that China sought for global dominance from the lessons of the old, controlling the Silk Road, by land and by sea. Even though this is still early, an Indian-Chinese sphere is happening. There is no way Indonesia and all her allies could fight the two giants uniting, even though the United States is involved. Luckily, the Soviet Union also noticed this and started to solidify its control in Central Asia to counter early Chinese expansion.

    Adam Malik is an observer, not a problem-solver. He only can process the information, but not dealing with one. Seeing how tangled the world has become is worrying him, because one day, maybe he alone cannot understand what he is observing. The United Nations is not becoming a peace-maker as it should have been, rather it becomes yet another League of Nations. The difference was that while LoN was weak, the UN was full of contradicting plans, restraining them from any progress.

    And then, with just a simple stroke, Adam Malik froze in his finding, completely frightened with his realization. Another world war is forming; these all are the first symptoms.

    Toliara, Indonesian Republic of Madagascar

    Henry Raharimalala is the leader of the PSDM in Madagascar. Well, PSDM is a regional party, and now it is uniting with the sister party PPP. PPP and PSDM technically have the same ideologies, view, only different in ethnic voters. There was some scare that incorporating PSDM would mean Madagascans would have little to no voice in the government, completely outnumbered with Indonesian politicians. However, Subandrio had remarked to him that the fourth largest island is not something we can ignore, especially the potentials that island has.

    The explorers from Java had discovered platinum in some regions in Madagascar, which boosted more industry into the island. The five-year stimulus from Subandrio for increasing fabric manufacturies. But, the stimulus completely disregards any other valuable resources Madagascar can exploit, like vanilla. Subandrio told him that not everyone would be benefited by the money Indonesia can earn. Even in Java, the wasteful prestigious plans of Nasution is ruining houses.

    Meanwhile, LKY visited the island a few months ago, and uncover countless tourism spots. Just like Bali, Madagascar is also an island of wonders, exotic nature and wildlife. LKY promised that, immediately after inauguration as Premier, he will transform backwater Madagascar into a decent industrialized island.

    Raharimalala’s objective is simple – to accumulate votes so PPP could have the absolute majority in Madagascar. Although Tsiranana’s influence paints the island as socialist-backers, PNI-R has established several party offices in multiple Madagascar towns, appeasing young enlists of Madagascar Regional Army (MRA). In return of his success, he would be seated as one Senate in Jakarta, a dream that Raharimalala had wanted to fulfil.

    20 km Outside of Balikpapan

    Frederik Trihandoko is observing the Makassar Strait from the Bell UH-1 Iroquois Helicopter. This American-made was used for the Nicaraguan War but never reached there because the war had already ended. Therefore, Indonesia bought 15 of these and was used to carry high government officials during field trips, especially in regions where there was no land access. Trihandoko needs to be here because of Total’s Off-Shore Oil Rig, located near the Mahakam Blok Chevron has taken over. This is the first name-changing after France’s betrayal with allying Thailand. Subandrio threatened France that helping Thailand in annihilating Indochina means Indonesia would cost. The threat went into the left and right, and Subandrio clears the threat with the takeover of France’s most valuable oil rig in Indonesia.

    Built in the early half of the 70s, the Total Voyageur was the first semi-submersible in Indonesia, or possibly entire Asia. It drilled the Mahakam Oil Reserve, part of the largest oil deposit to be found in Indonesia. Regardless of the abundance, Total is dwarfed by the larger Chevron drillships cluster. Today, Voyageur is taken over by Pertamina, and Trihandoko is coming for the platform the first time.

    On the journey, Trihandoko thought of Indonesia’s raw resources, and how Indonesia could process it as refined goods. Maybe rubber into tyres, oil as fuel, plastic and even asphalt. But, the brains necessary is not available for Indonesia, even primary education is just barely national-free. Trihandoko ever suggested using local billionaires for investing in those factories. Still, Indonesia needed the workforce, not the money.

    However, just before riding the helicopter, Trihandoko popped something quite remarkable. Indonesia must hire overseas workers, give them high payment. But, they would not be the practitioner. Instead, they will teach local engineers to do as it says. Therefore, in a few years, Indonesia could have educated and skilful workers. A big price to pay for big benefits.

    Trihandoko is quite certain that there was no way his job would be lost after the election ends. The economy is growing, much better than Suharto did. However, he is worried that being Chinese can lose him everything. Although discrimination is not so lethal, there are sentiments from the MPR of how minorities ruling in most parts of the Ministry. Unlike Suharto’s era, Subandrio’s cabinet is colourful and diverse of ethnics.
    12.7. The Triumvirate: More Stories
  • 29th March 1978
    Presidential Palace, Jakarta

    Only two weeks before the election, and Nasution finally noticed the devastation of his loss. He wanted things to revert, change some bits here and there. However, it was too late.

    The 1973 Constitution is originally a Parliamentary System. Presidents would become head of state, but that’s it. President is the national icon, but most of the work is given to Premier and the DPR. However, Nasution’s power altered the Constitution as more of a semi-Presidential System, giving President at least the foreign policies. Nasution tried for more influence, changing back into the Presidential Republic, but the people said otherwise.

    Unlike the 1945-generation, the 1965-generation did not want a strong unilateral figure as the one in power. Centuries of colonialism has proven that strong icons led to dependency, once the leader is dead, the entirety of the followers is. It was extremely troubling during the Independence Era, of what happened if Sukarno had died. World history also strengthened the fact that most vigorous world leaders, at their most absolute of power, only follow with total disintegration of their followers. Genghis Khan, Napoleon, and controversially Hitler, once the leader is dead, the nation is dead.

    The 1965-generation followed similar thinking with the Soviet Union’s political system – let the party became the figure. The party becomes an icon resembling the thought. The absolutism of man dies when the man dies, but in parties, it was an idea. The idea will linger as long as time could not decay. Therefore, the idea for most 1965-generation politicians is not about having a physical symbol to follow, but a long-lasting notion of thoughts. And that was how the politics of Indonesia is changing.

    The election had not become a choice between Subandrio or Nasution but between PNI-R or PPP. Looking at the individual’s perspective, Nasution is slightly better than Subandrio. His dashing military figure helped him to become a decent head of the nation, and his intelligence is also cunning. Unlike Subandrio, who was slightly slow-paced, Nasution is apt with foreign diplomacy. The fact that the United States still liked Indonesia although France’s oil wells are also in Indonesia is one obvious one. The other was how Madagascar annexation is not condemned by the United Nations itself.

    But, the people will not vote for Nasution, they will vote on the parties. That alone, digressed Nasution’s thoughts of winning the election. The PNI-R is a flawed party from within, completely obnoxious of its victories that one by one, the highest party members is involved with corruption and foreign gratifications. PPP was also partly involved, but not as extended as PNI-R itself. Moreover, PNI-R is involved with foreign corporations, most of which clashed with locals during their construction projects. In Java, PNI-R may rule. But everywhere else, PNI-R is a bully and a foreign-licker.

    Nasution read his daily newspaper, which was trending about polls regarding who is likely to win. The polls informed that in Western parts of Proper-Indonesia, mostly Sundaland islands, the populous is mixed between PKI, PPP and PNI-R. ECF is now expanding to Sulawesi, probably because PPP’s Makassar stronghold is ruined because of the latest riot about Makassar’s farming dispute. Economy Minister Trihandoko urged that southern part of Sulawesi to start producing flour, but the locals persisted otherwise, only to increase sago production. The government retaliated with leaving Makassar for lack of corporation and instead move North to Palu, where the locals are much more cooperative. Therefore, Northern parts are much more developed and funded by the government, but the South doesn’t.

    In Papua and Melanesia, it was completely PNI-R domination. But that domination was nothing comparing to Madagascar’s PSDM-PPP Union. The polls concluded with PNI-R at 30%, while the PPP is at 40%.

    Nasution thought of retaining his seat, he involved more in foreign relations, putting Indonesia in minor attention to the world, rather than the previous pariah state. Still, his actions are mostly contradicting party’s demands. Most of the Nationalist Factions demanded Nasution of more prestigious projects and monuments. The Golkar Faction wanted more foreign investors. The Purple Faction wanted more funds in their scientific researches. The Ulamas are the only ones not demanding, but they are minors comparing to the first three.

    He just slumped into his office seat, maybe the 80s is not PNI-R decade.

    Geneva, Switzerland

    Adam Malik had just another messy day. In the United Nation, Saar is getting another attention, as there are leaks of French force-assimilation. Annexed by France in the 1960s, Saar was just one tool for appeasing the French right-wings, only to backfire as one of the most troublesome cases for the Hexagon Nation. Germany, as usual, is promoting this to the international stage, demanding that rightful German clay be back.

    In Germany, there is a slight disturbance also. The current monarch, Otto von Hapsburg, is trying to reshape Germany’s dark past as a means for a brighter future. It seemed fine initially until the king said that Germany has objectives in Czechoslovakia and Poland. Although Germany is renouncing Silesia, the monarch is claiming Bohemia parts of Czechoslovakia. The first one is personal, the other was petty – make the borders pretty. The kingdom, fortunately, did not claim the Moravian regions. Germany also upgraded EEC as a military alliance. Called now the European Alliance (EA), the

    This confrontation is directly aimed towards the Soviet Union, who is slightly weakened after Poland’s fiasco. General Secretary Andropov is also occupied with Yugoslavia’s intrusion in most Balkan Satellites, waning Russian influence in favour for the Yugoslavians. In Caucasia, Azerbaijan is rebelling under the funds from the United States and Iran.

    In Italy, the lengthy reign of the socialist party in the political shifts the Republic more pro-France. However, Germany tries to counter this by funding pro-liberal parties. In Spain, Luis Carrero Blanco replaced Francisco Franco upon his death. He pushed for a slow transition towards democracy, but before that he invited the UK and Portugal for an Atlantic pact. They felt threatened by France and was not accepted in the EA. The United Kingdom and Portugal unanimously accepted as neither of them has decent alliances, especially from greater powers.

    Adam Malik has just started wondering what are the Chinese up to, his assistant calls him.

    “Sir, we have just received news from China. Chairman Mao is dead.”

    “Oh dear," Adam Malik thought, "this will be rough.”

    Jakarta, Indonesia

    As one of the millions who worked in textile manufacture. Subagio is surprised that he and a number of his workmates were transferred to a newer chemical factory outside of Bekasi. Although he lives currently in Cengkareng, his employer has promised him of an electrified house in Bekasi, which he delightfully accepts. Outside Ring 1, most of the homes are not connected to the grid. There was a distinctive border, the Flood Canal, as the division between electricity and not. The government is prioritizing the rural to have access but neglected the city. Subagio sees that it was a good idea, as most of his coworkers that formerly in Jakarta, moved to their hometowns as farmers again. In some cases, lucky coworkers can found decent cloth or meat manufactures in their villages.

    Subagio, today, received a payment of Rp 20 for food. It was a daily grant, and he was not complaining. 20 is enough for a living expense of he, his wife, and his three children. Well, he may need to tighten up on rice consumption, but it was fine actually. The problem was the cost of milk. He owned a three-months-old daughter who needed milk. But a litre of milk is worth staggeringly Rp 10, half of his payment. Fortunately, other commodities, like rice and tofu, is cheap.

    Subagio oldest son, now nearly ten, has finally come home from playing with his friends. Being one of the thousands who studied at 87 State School, Budi received free primary education from Subandrio’s Act. Subagio never ceased to thank him by that. His second child, Hilmi, is also granted free education as she just started school.

    Subagio lives near the swamps of Kapuk, and encountered monkeys and snakes. But, his greatest worry was the new freight-rail track. Seeing oil cost has risen a bit, the government is planning of a specific freight rail track from Cengkareng to Tanjung Priok. He was rumoured that his neighbourhood would be moved as they wanted to build a freight station here.

    He still thinking about the freight rail when his wife called him from the outside. For Subagio, it seems that the monkeys are littering his house, again.

    The final chapter before the election. And Malik's cliffhanger would be answered.
    12.8. The Triumvirate: 1978 Election Results
  • 1978 Election
    People's Representative Council of Indonesia (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Indonesia)
    DPR 1978 (1).png

    555 Seats

    Partai Nasional Indonesia Raya (National Party of [Greater] Indonesia) - 172 seats - 30.99%
    • Fraksi Nasionalis (Nationalist Faction) - 45 seats
    • Fraksi Golkar (Military Faction) - 71 seats
    • Fraksi Ungu (Purple Faction) - 31 seats
    • Fraksi NU (NU Faction) - 25 seats

    Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (Progressive Union Party) - 205 seats - 36.94%
    • Fraksi Hatta (Hatta Faction) - 79 seats
    • Fraksi Malaya (Malayan Faction) - 105 seats
    • Fraksi Madagascar (Madagascar Faction) - 21 seats

    Partai Komunis Indonesia (Indonesian Communist Party) - 139 seats - 25,05%
    • Fraksi Untung (Untung Faction) - 69 seats
    • Fraksi Pro-Cina (Pro-China Faction) - 43 seats
    • Fraksi Pro-Uni Soviet (Pro-Soviet Faction) - 27 seats

    Partai Umat Islam (Islam People's Party) - 15 seats - 2,70%

    Barisan Koalisi Daerah Timur (Eastern Coalition Front) - 20 seats - 3,60%

    Melanesian Alliance Party (Partai Aliansi Melanesia) - 4 seats - 0,72%


    People's Regional Council of Indonesia (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Indonesia)
    DPD 1978.png

    114 Seats

    Partai Nasional Indonesia Raya (National Party of [Greater] Indonesia) - 38 seats - 33.33%
    • Fraksi Nasionalis (Nationalist Faction) - 10 seats
    • Fraksi Golkar (Military Faction) - 12 seats
    • Fraksi Ungu (Purple Faction) - 12 seats
    • Fraksi NU (NU Faction) - 4 seats

    Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (Progressive Union Party) - 40 seats - 35.09%
    • Fraksi Hatta (Hatta Faction) - 15 seats
    • Fraksi Malaya (Malayan Faction) - 18 seats
    • Fraksi Madagascar (Madagascar Faction) - 7 seats

    Partai Komunis Indonesia (Indonesian Communist Party) - 23 seats - 20,18%
    • Fraksi Untung (Untung Faction) - 13 seats
    • Fraksi Pro-Cina (Pro-China Faction) - 7 seats
    • Fraksi Pro-Uni Soviet (Pro-Soviet Faction) - 3 seats

    Partai Umat Islam (Islam People's Party) - 8 seats - 7,02%

    Barisan Koalisi Daerah Timur (Eastern Coalition Front) - 3 seats - 2,63%

    Melanesian Alliance Party (Partai Aliansi Melanesia) - 2 seats - 1,75%

    Presidential Election 1978
    Nasution - 48,52 %
    Subandrio - 51,48 %

    1978 marked the first change inside the dynamic First Party System. For nearly 33 years, nationalist politicians had ruled Indonesia. From the legendary PNI to the newer PNI-R, the government was mostly a right-wing one, teeter between country-nationalism and race-nationalism. The slow drift towards the right also caused Javanization and Javacentrism. Alas, the reign is officially ended in this election.

    Surprisingly, even though how slanted PNI-R has become, the percentage they received still remains high. But, the PPP holds the leaderboard. Climbing as the first party, PPP has a decent 37% percentage, while the PNI-R acclaims 31%. Before coming to minor parties, PKI has a 25% of the seat, rising than before. The others are BKDT, PUI and Melanesia Party in descending order. PPP and PKI reformed their alliance, so the DPR is theirs.

    The distribution is fairly reasonable. In Malaysia and Madagascar, almost everyone votes for PPP, while there are small pockets of PNI-R here and there. In Sumatra, only Aceh votes for PUI, while the rest is a solid PNI-R. In Borneo, the populous is split between PPP and PNI-R, PPP holds North and West, while PNI-R holds East and South. In Sulawesi, North and South were split between PPP and PKI respectively. In Papua, Maluku and Melanesia, PNI-R holds strongly while Melanesia Party and BKDT still several seats. The DPD threshold was quite similar to the DPR ones, the difference was that the PUI actually attains more seats than usual, even holding several Pasundan's key seats. PNI-R also neck-to-neck with PPP, the only difference is a slight percentage. But anywhere else is quite similar to DPR's results.

    The legislative election is PPP-PKI win, and LKY immediate ascended into Premiership. And then, the presidential followed suit. Different than the legislative election, the Presidential one is perplexing, as not only regions are not valid into judgement, but also how balanced the vote is. Almost nearly 50-50, Subandrio wins the Presidency in a slim 2 % from Nasution.

    A long story short, Subandrio would be inaugurated in October as president, and LKY as Premier. They would determine Indonesia’s history for the next five years.


    3rd August 1978

    Tokyo, Japan

    Foreign Minister Suharto is angry about Nasution’s loss in the election. The PPP, although not majorly, has swept PNI-R off the government, and in October, they will take over the government. Nasution thought that he was certain that the Presidency is theirs, him lobbying with influential local figures were not helping, as Subandrio has now won.

    Suharto also found a new flaw on the Constitution, which was the three-month gap on Legislative and Executive Election. Legislative Elections is held of every April on 5 years, while Presidential Elections on July. The three-month gap was very ineffective and time-consuming, especially as Indonesia is technically a semi-presidential Republic, not a Parliamentary one. Moreover, the domestic ran first, then the Presidency. So, when in May the Legislative Results had come up, the PPP establish a ‘shadow government’ – controlling most parts of the domestic sector, even though PNI-R is still the government.

    Indeed, PPP was already the leader for domestic policies for the last five years, but their controlling tendency reaches out towards foreign policies, including Suharto’s occupation. As PKI is also the elected-government, Suharto was informed by Subandrio that he must not jeopardize any relations harming with socialist states, and that includes China. Suharto just groaned on that matter, but cannot disobey. Suharto even irritates harder when he discovers the situation in China.

    In 28th March 1978, Chinese officials reported the official death of Mao Ze Dong. Dies from a heart attack, the medical aid was too late for the ruler. The government held a public farewell on the hero, the man who built Communist China as it is now. Mao was a better communist leader, better than Stalin or Thorez. Balancing authority and rotation of power, Mao has created the People’s Republic of China from a small pariah near Shanxi to an agriculture power, even surpassing the Soviet Union’s records.

    Mao’s death leaves the state in early industrialization. In 1975, Mao has ordered that agriculture was good enough for China to continue of the next stage of growth. Rice productions were at an all-time high, even enough for distributing to all of East Asia. For the first time, the abundance of rice in China made their population not starving, and increase rapidly. Economically, Mao’s reign was the pinnacle for China’s entrance to an economic powerhouse.

    Politically though, Mao was surrounded by his cronies. Called the Gang of Four, the members criticized Mao’s lack of authority for eradicating all traitors and non-believers of Mao. The group consists of Jiang Qing, Zhang Chun Qiao, Yao Wen Yuan and Wang Huo Wen. After the death of Mao, there was a power vacuum in the political leadership of the party, and immediately Gang of Four takeovers.

    Just only months ruling, Jiang Qing announced that a ‘Cultural Revolution’ must be established, erasing all anti-revolutionaries. Suharto at first was delighted about the news, these figures were destabilizing their nation. However, Suharto’s concern was Jiang Qing’s realignment to the Soviet Union, which Suharto definitely doesn’t want. China has shifted India to becoming a pro-communist nation, joining with the Soviets? It would be a disaster.

    Certainly, France doesn’t want to lose her ally, from Lin Biao and Deng Xiao Ping, these pro-French officials conduct battles against the Gang of Four, and the battle has begun.

    Suharto is trying to contact Japan for a possible alliance. Now or later, China would grow far beyond the United States’ capacity. Indonesia and Japan must prepare themselves for the inevitable.


    Casablanca, French Fifth Republic

    Conservative Representative Ronald Reagan is visiting this part of the French colony for détente purposes. Joining with other Democrats for possible friendship. Ronald Reagan deeply knows that his arrival to this wonderful African region was not for France, but for Moroccan separatist groups. President Jimmy Carter has given the green light for Operation Shadow War, which was essentially fighting rivals from within. Although in the front, Carter is pro-peace, philanthropists. The inside is more complicated.

    Ronald Reagan is fighting for the presidential nominee of the Conservative Party, but meet up with his rival Barry Goldwater. Barry Goldwater is pro-segregationist and was endorsed by Nixon and Thurmond. Meanwhile, Reagan is pro-business, but rather not discuss segregation. After Nixon’s abrupt first term, the United States is trending towards more equality. In Carter’s presidency, even the hippies are no longer a movement, as most of their key demands are fulfilled by the Democrat President.

    However distant Reagan is with Carter in terms of domestic policy, both of them agreed on America’s supremacy. America has emerged as the global superpower since WW2, and both figures hope that would remain long. The difference was Carter go with a more discreet attitude, where Reagan would just go stand-off like the Old Wild West.

    In his acting career, he was patronized by fellow colleagues from his workforce. Notable actors from Hollywood even endorsed him on his Conservative Nomination, but fail because of Nixon’s one last attempt on becoming President in 1976, therefore Ronald Reagan as Vice President. Even Star Wars actors, like Mark Hamill and Harrison Ford, become great young friends for Reagan to converse.

    He is distracted by his companions, saying that King Hassan II of Morocco has arrived.
    13.1. The Roaring 80s: Gulf States Initiative
  • Gulf States Initiative


    The Persian Gulf, ignore the state boundaries in Iraq.

    President of the United States, Jimmy Carter, proved his half first term to be astoundingly good. The National Energy Act, the first initiative to notice the States’ dependency on oil, to various alternatives. Kennedycare was strengthened with Medicaid, later Carteraid, because of the Republicans’ neglect on social issues that caused the former program near in bankruptcy.

    President Jimmy Carter, for the populous, was the right side of the Democratic liberal wing. Therefore, although Carter was pro-peace, environmentalism and considerate to people with serious needs, Carter was also conservative on fiscal and sometimes in foreign policy. Carter determined that the United States must establish a network of allies around the world, with one in every region as secondary powers in the influence of the United States. In the Middle East, that network was apparent on the dual-powers of Pakistan and Iran.

    Shah of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi

    Prime Minister of Pakistan Pir of Pagaro VII

    The alliance between these two powers is natural certainly. They shared enemies universally, China and India in the East, the Soviet Union in the North, and Turkey and UASR in the West. Even the Baluchistan territories of both these two nations were under attention by everyone and Afghanistan, who wanted to reclaim all Pashtun enclaves in Pakistan. Therefore, although different branches of Islam, these two nations are compatible with each other. President Jimmy Carter noticed the alliance’s fragile presence, literally isolated with hostile powers, as means for expanding the current sphere. The first key nations he noticed, was the nations around the Persian Gulf. Those are Bahrain, Qatar and UAE.

    Shortly after the British’s African abandonment, most colonies that were regarded as troublesome, like the Middle East, are immediately withdrawn. The British would not want to be entangled with superpowers that pry on the region, like France and let alone the Soviet Union. The Unionist Party is trying to reconstruct the domestic of Britain, therefore allowing themselves to remove themselves from any international incidents. Because of that, most of the nations involved, these three particularly, got themselves liberated immediately. As a matter of fact, by 1 December 1963, all of them were given their independence. Immediately though, Saudi Arabia decided to announce its ambitions regarding these territories, and Iran also got involved.

    Bahrain and UAE were constitutional emirates, therefore align with fellow Iranian constitutionalists. Even though Shia and Sunni were always at odds, Saudi Arabia is a large menace for these tiny nations. In 1965, Iran and these states formed the Gulf State Initiative, the objective was to divert oil trade from major regions of Saudi Arabia and UASRd while improving each state’s oil reserve. The other initiative was to close shipping in the Persian Gulf in favour of the GSI. As the Arab League was ineffective in combating UASR’s meteoric rise, this caused another drive for forming GSI.

    Qatar, on the other hand, was not willing at first. This Middle East state was an absolute monarchy and was not relenting the power to be given for the Parliament. The Shah’s hard stance on democracy already proven effective, by giving the other two states, Bahrain and UAE, bits of parliamentary and election. Qatar is, again, has a hard conservative core, and instead ally with Saudi Arabia.

    Indonesia, mannerly, also took part in strengthening the nation. With Nasution giving oil trades in return of cattle, food and other basic needs unavailable in a desert, Indonesia imported their oil reserves. Trihandoko meanwhile, stopped those imports and that means that most of them must leave the Gulf for the States, which was not preferable, as the Suez Canal was controlled by hostilities. The United States, although is transitioning to the alternative use of energy, still needs oil for their expenditure. Carter immediately negotiated with the UASR, promising them non-provocative interventions by the States for allowing most ships for passing. Suez is technically passable internationally, but prejudices were thick, American and British vessels, later German, were not allowed to rest at Port Said, and the nearest friendly port was Kenya. Some vessels even were bullied. Similarly, Iran and GSI must convey a drastic measure of defending their homelands as they are fighting a proxy war, right at Lebanon.

    After France's last decolonization efforts before stopping, Lebanon was one of the lucky nations to be released from French influence. A pro-Western, later pro-Germany government, Lebanon key aspects was to ally everyone except the communists. Lebanon's conditions after UASR's quick annexation of its neighbours was a frightening one. Luckily, Premier Nasser never pushed for a UASR expansion in the region. He admitted Lebanon's legitimacy as a sovereign state, and a large Christian denomination is also another factor. However, Nasser was hoping that Lebanon would soon join the big tent. But, we must consider yet another giant, Saudi Arabia.

    Starting from the end of 1960s, Saudi Arabia and the Soviet Union is drifting for a mutual friendship. Even though communism disdained the monarchy, their absolutism was one similar feature of those two nations. Saudi Arabia was humiliated by Shafer's hard stance against totalitarian governments, therefore reinforcing the alliance. Saudi Arabia noticed that in the Middle East, all slots are nearly taken. The UASR blocked Saudi Arabia's attempt on influencing Levantine states because they are no more. Iran is forming an alliance in defence against Saudi Arabia.

    Lebanon itself was a bomb with a rope. The region's multisectarian characteristics already brew the impending conflict. Sunni Muslims and Christians living in coastal cities. Shia Muslims mainly in the South and East. Druze and other Christians living in the mountains. Especially with Jewish exodus from dissolved Israel, the threat was now increasing exponentially. It exploded when Turkish militias added a fuse, and consecutively it began.

    The Lebanese Civil War happened after a clash between Sunni villagers against Jewish during their exodus towards who knows where. The brawl resulted in a fight, and a stand-off, finally a full-blown conflict. The Christian-led government was accused of allying the Jewish to steal their lands. In 1976, the region was completely polarized, as Christians and Jews, Sunni Muslims, and Shia Muslims all ended on the other side of each other. On the bright side for Christians, Shia Islams cooperates for fighting against Sunni, therefore starting the Lebanese Civil War.


    There is another problem brewing, which is regarding the small nation of Kuwait. Liberated from the British Empire, Kuwait became a monarchy that was wedged between Saudi Arabia and Iraq, later UASR. As the entrance of Iraq from the Gulf, Kuwait was the one reason why the United States is very interested in the region. However, since ship traffics from UASR to China is rising as well, Nasser is constructing a huge port on the Tigris-Euphrates Basin, undermining the balance in the Iran-dominated Gulf. It seemed that war would be inevitable, as Saudi Arabia is expressing intentions to that small nation.