The Trade and Economy Minister’s office was a pathetic one. Even though Indonesia was officially noted as the fastest growing nation in the world currently, the ministerial’s offices were a bummer. Working in a colonial building that was constructed in the early 20th century, Frederik Trihandoko thought that at least most of the government buildings must be expanded.
With the approval from Premier Subandrio itself, every ministry was expanded almost twice of its original size, doubling Indonesia’s public sector personnel from 432000 to 864000. Not all of the sectors were increased equally, the Trade Minister was expanded nearly thrice-fold, as it was proven to be extremely profitable.
For the past five years, Trihandoko formed a mixed-economy system to be implemented in Indonesia. A mix of government planned economy and laissez-faire, Trihandoko distinguished what sector was strategical for government and what sector is not. Although Trihandoko said that every raw material must be processed by government-owned companies, the cost was beyond the profit.
So, Trihandoko started with nationalizing rubber and oil, the two most important sectors of the raw industry. While oil nationalization was faced with fierce opposition, rubber, on the other hand, went relatively smoothly. With just a few years, the entire rubber production in Sumatra was taken over by the government. Controlling Sumatra was extremely vital, as it comprised nearly 60% of the total rubber production. In addition to it, Malaya’s rubber was nationalized also, giving Indonesia’s Perkanas the largest raw rubber company in the world.
In the oil sector, it faced disputes with foreign corporations, as they held Nasution’s promise of permission clearance. Nasution had promised Chevron and Total that they would own several oil blocks in Indonesia. He gave the Mahakam Sector to the United States, while gifted the Timor Sector to France. Even as they received a significant portion, the Americans just could not stand France also profiteering in Indonesia, so they would attempt to reduce French presence in Indonesia for the years to come.
Trihandoko, meanwhile, did not try to nationalize the minerals sector. He witnessed that foreign ore enterprises boosted Papua’s growth, and even giving the government a decent amount of revenue. However, he also blocked any further attempts for foreign companies to infiltrate Indonesia’s natural resources. Papua was benefited from it, and for him, that’s enough. Although slowly, Trihandoko swept Nusantara’s ore hotspots and gave them to Indonesian private companies, granting them an opportunity to compete against the foreign ones.
For his job as the minister for economy, Trihandoko was most delighted with how Singapore managed to maintain its ‘global city’ status even though neglected by the government. A mix of diversity, negligence and shadows of the British rule kept Singapore as a busty port city. He even cooperates with Singapore’s Governor to maybe helped Batam improved a bit. As Johor Sultanate was also involved, he, therefore, created the Sijori Agreement, giving more exclusive economic permits to those regions to grow.
His job was eased by Subandrio, which negotiate with most friendly of the nobles and monarchs. The Sultans in Malaysia endorsed the PPP party and had assisted Trihandoko by renting the government land for raw rubber production. The monarch also partially funded manufactures across Malaya. Those monarchs had been so rich that they made a sub-company of Perkanas called Indokaret. It controls Peninsular Malaysia’s rubber plantations and partly small processed manufactories.
Trihandoko’s relation with the Duo Sultans of Java is also pleasant. Probably because of Hatta’s influence and history with those houses, Sultan of Yogyakarta and Surakarta helped Trihandoko also with renting the government their crown lands. However, unlike the crowns in Malaya, these Javanese nobles pressed Trihandoko to establish industries instead. Because of that, the two kingdoms industrialized faster than the surrounding Central Java areas.
Trihandoko’s greatest obstacle, was actually from inside the coalition, from the farmer and labours allying to PKI. Needing a higher wage than their obligations of work, most labours stroke against their lords, even on the most moderate ones. Trihandoko complied at first but finally ignored them after a series of demands. For him, it was ‘Give someone an inch and they’ll take a mile’. The Presidency also objected the demands of the labour, giving at least one common similarities.
“Sir, the labours in Semarang are striking again. The demand their quality of life to be improved, and also more wages.”, Trihandoko’s subordinate commented.
“We have given them Rp 3000 a month, even if they buy food at the restaurants, they still had at least 800 to spare. Tell them to sod off.”
It was the umpteenth time the labours, especially in Semarang to strike again and again. The PKI was too high that these labours are acting more than they should. Subandrio has told Trihandoko that we still need to embrace them as coalition partners until we reach a solid majority. Trihandoko is told to only reject at the most bizarre offer. That Rp 3000 is that offer.
“Suprapto, how is our mining companies in Kalimantan?”, Trihandoko asked his Chief Director of Mineral Corporations.
“Our sources in Banjarmasin found a decent coal deposit somewhere near the coast. We had reached investor all across Indonesia, but most of the interested originated from foreigners?”
“Who exactly?’
“The Germans.”
Trihandoko processed the information, perplexed at first. “The Germans? I thought they merely intrigued with scientific cooperation. How about the Americans? And maybe the Japanese?”
“The Americans were too busy fulfilling their oil deficit. The Japanese only preferred metals for their electronic industries. We are not exactly sure why the Germans but we are satisfied that they funded almost 75% of our projects there.”
“75%? Why haven’t you told me about this? 75% is enough for them to take over our companies like theirs. Suprapto, please sent an agent to watch over their movements, I don’t feel so relaxing about this.”
After Suprapto left, Trihandoko called Subandrio about this matter. Trihandoko noticed that few German enterprises were infiltrating some sectors of the economy unnoticed. He needed to converse with the Premier about this matter. He wondered if this was some sort of play Nasution was doing.
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Suharto threw a rapid-fire of cussing words towards the letter he received. The Republic of China, now only remained as Taiwan, had told that the Spratly League needs to be disbanded because of the Spratlys belonged to them. That news was bluffing matter until it seemed that Japan supported Taiwan. Suharto knew that if Japan seemed to back Taiwan, the United States is in some sort of play. The wretched son from hero-in-exile Chiang Kai Sek is claiming islands that they cannot protect.
Suharto being the foreign minister was fun yet frustrating. Seeing how complex politics in the world was giving Suharto the bald head. Nasution needed to appease the French, but also not trying to anger the United States. This series of bad deals maybe sort of damaged Nasution’s reputation currently but more inflicting on Suharto’s visit to major countries. Luckily, like fellow military personnel, Suharto discovered new friends all across South America’s juntas, having their endorsement of Indonesia.
In Africa, the situation is coming to a mess as disease outbreak, war and twisted diplomacy seemed to keep the continent on fire. Angola is winning against the South Africans, as Namibian and Botswanan separatists fired after a stalemate on the war. Congo DR is fighting the Congo Republic because of the Prime Minister of Congo contracted Ebola in Brazzaville and dies. In Nigeria, the whole fiasco of Biafra ended up in a bigger way as Biafra is trying to form the Republic of Benin, and religious tension is rising. Eritrea, Ethiopia and Uganda had turned communist and the red scare in Kenya and Tanzania is rising.
Conditions in Europe, however, reached only tensions diplomatically, but not militarily. France and Germany still kept their century of hatred. The big red of the East is still a driving force of EEC. Poland is revolting again, this time with a fascist movement from Warsaw.
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This is the final chapter of the pre-election campaign. From this one, we would see more on how the Triumvirate battles Nasution.
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