Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL
- Thread starter SkylineDreamer
- Start date
6.4. Baffled Decade: Indochina's Confusion
Hell comes to Earth: A Indochinese Wars Summary Part One
Martin Windrose (2004)
When it comes to the most prolonged war in Asia, Indochina is the champion. Begin with the return of France to Indochina, the apparent war finally ended when Nguyễn Hữu Chánh declared the obliteration of the seemingly last remaining New Viet Minh forces. For simplification purposes, the stages of war is divided into four stages, each and every one owns special characteristics.
The first stage, or the first Indochina War, happened from 1946 to 1950. The first years of the war involved a low-level rural insurgency against the French. In 1949 the conflict turned into a conventional war between two armies equipped with modern weapons supplied by the United States, China and the Soviet Union. French Union forces included colonial troops from the whole former empire (Moroccan, Algerian, Tunisian, Laotian, Cambodian, and Vietnamese ethnic minorities), French professional troops and units of the French Foreign Legion. The use of metropolitan recruits was forbidden by the government to prevent the war from becoming even more unpopular at home. It was called the "dirty war" (la sale guerre) by leftists in France. Luckily, the French managed to exile the Viet Minh into Thailand so peace was restored in France after the Hanoi Conference in 29 December 1950. The Soviet Union, upset by the outcome of the war, decided to abandon the comrades for some time. This, as the result, marginalized the Viet Minh, and incapable to return to Indochina for some time.
Indochinese Colonial Troops, essential of securing the region. However, after the Second Indochina War, most of the colonial troops volunteered to fight with Viet Minh.
The First Interbellum, as experts have said, was a dangerous peace within the French Empire. As usual, the French deposed Buddhism in metropolitans. As early as 1953 rumored allegations had surfaced of discrimination against Buddhists in Vietnam. These allegations stated that Catholic Vietnamese armed by the French had been raiding villages. Because of this, it sparked the start of the Second Indochina War. The peace however had gained the Monarchists a traction. Although Bảo Đại was a French sympathizer, he too analyzed the situation that ruling the nation as an independent sovereignty would give him more power on the Empire, thus by the end of 1957 he started revolting and fight against France.
The Parade of Saigon in 1957, showing power especially to Western Media, that Republic of Indochina (this time the Republican faction still fought against the Communist and the Monarchists) was not only a minor rebellious force.
The Second Indochina War was a long one, and was divided into two separate stages. The first stage was believed to be the most devastated war in South East Asian history. From 1955 to 1961, the war ended up as an arena of four factions. In one side, the fragile rule of the French was better in equipment, experience and technology. However, this positive factors were outmatched as they were overwhelmed with the driving spirit of each Indochinese factions during the war. In the end of the War, they would be humiliated badly as ‘the one at the wrong place and time’. The three other factions, however, were tough calls, as neither of them willing to give in and fought mercilessly. The miracle of Ban Ban, North of Indochina, reinforced a Monarchist control on North-West portion of the region. With another miracle of Ha Tinh, the forced of Bảo Đại had secured center of Annam from other faction’s control.
After Wilopo’s encouraging negotiation about a ‘compromise’, the three factions finally cooperated and form a ‘unity coalition’ against France. From then one, the withdrawal of France in Indochina seemed like a clockwork. A French defeat was confirmed in 1961, and the Treaty of Bangkok secured Indochina from any French presence. By the start of 1962, Kingdom of Vietnam had been established.
The glorious victory of Indochina was followed with a political chaos, as the Communist Party of Indochina (formerly Viet Minh) declined to collaborate in any of the new Kingdom. Partly as anti-Monarchists, the party demanded to form a republic, rather than a kingdom. Still, the first stage of Second Indochina War was mostly won by the Monarchist, so the Kingdom rejected her dissolution. Also, the Republicans sided with the Monarchists. Ho Chi Minh, infuriated with his status as the opposition, ultimately leave the coalition to restart the war. Not just six months of establishment, the nation was in shambles.
The second stage of the Second Indochina War, in the bigger picture, was a military mess. Three factions restarted the war, and neither would team up anymore. The Communist faction, primarily supported by the Chinese and the USSR, regain most of Tonkin. The Republican faction, aided by America and partly Indonesia, control the Mekong Delta and most of South regions. The Monarchist faction, the largest of them all, resided in everything center of Indochina, Cambodia and the north-west region of Lao tribes. In 1965, a despicable event of assassination by the Communists would kill Bảo Đại during the war, and Bảo Long was crowned as successor. Bảo Long, unlike his father, was not charismatic. His sever tantrum and ego would micro-manage most of the royal army, and failed. In addition to it, his alcoholic attitude would ruin Monarchist-Republican relations, thus the worst political disaster for Kingdom of Indochina. In the end, what was once the greatest victor of the war, ended up as the loser.
The atrocities all sides had made, and America’s nuisance to just leave the war, birthed the Kuala Lumpur Conference.
The Kuala Lumpur Conference was a conference involving several nations that took place in Kuala Lumpur, Indonesia from April 26 – July 20, 1965. It was intended to settle outstanding issues resulting from the Korean War and the Second Indochina War. The Kuala Lumpur Accords that dealt with the dismantling of Kingdom of Indochina proved to have long-lasting repercussions, however. The crumbling of the divided Kingdom would create the eventual states of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam), the State of Vietnam (the future Republic of Vietnam / South Vietnam), and the Kingdom of Laos.
The Kuala Lumpur Accords in camera, negotiate a peace deal regarding the perpetual Indochina and Korean Tension. Ended up as peaceful as possible, the Accords was a turning factor for America's 'virtual' decline in world stage, especially after Kennedy's sudden NATO disbandment.
The Accords were between the Royals, the Communist Party of Indochina, the Democratic Party of Indochina, the USSR, the PRC, the US, the FRI (Federal Republic of Indonesia), and the future states being made from Indochina. The agreement temporarily separated Vietnam into two zones, a northern zone to be governed by the CPI, and a southern zone to be governed by the DPI, then headed by Ngô Đình Diệm. In addition, three separate ceasefire accords, covering Laos, and Two Vietnams, were signed at the conference.
Indochina at the end of 1966. Orange-yellow for Kingdom of Laos (Or Exiled-Kingdom of Indochina), Red for Socialist Republic of Indochina (mainly nicknamed North Indochina), dark-cyan for Federal Republic of Indochina (mainly nicknamed South Indochina)
Martin Windrose (2004)
When it comes to the most prolonged war in Asia, Indochina is the champion. Begin with the return of France to Indochina, the apparent war finally ended when Nguyễn Hữu Chánh declared the obliteration of the seemingly last remaining New Viet Minh forces. For simplification purposes, the stages of war is divided into four stages, each and every one owns special characteristics.
The first stage, or the first Indochina War, happened from 1946 to 1950. The first years of the war involved a low-level rural insurgency against the French. In 1949 the conflict turned into a conventional war between two armies equipped with modern weapons supplied by the United States, China and the Soviet Union. French Union forces included colonial troops from the whole former empire (Moroccan, Algerian, Tunisian, Laotian, Cambodian, and Vietnamese ethnic minorities), French professional troops and units of the French Foreign Legion. The use of metropolitan recruits was forbidden by the government to prevent the war from becoming even more unpopular at home. It was called the "dirty war" (la sale guerre) by leftists in France. Luckily, the French managed to exile the Viet Minh into Thailand so peace was restored in France after the Hanoi Conference in 29 December 1950. The Soviet Union, upset by the outcome of the war, decided to abandon the comrades for some time. This, as the result, marginalized the Viet Minh, and incapable to return to Indochina for some time.
Indochinese Colonial Troops, essential of securing the region. However, after the Second Indochina War, most of the colonial troops volunteered to fight with Viet Minh.
The Parade of Saigon in 1957, showing power especially to Western Media, that Republic of Indochina (this time the Republican faction still fought against the Communist and the Monarchists) was not only a minor rebellious force.
The Second Indochina War was a long one, and was divided into two separate stages. The first stage was believed to be the most devastated war in South East Asian history. From 1955 to 1961, the war ended up as an arena of four factions. In one side, the fragile rule of the French was better in equipment, experience and technology. However, this positive factors were outmatched as they were overwhelmed with the driving spirit of each Indochinese factions during the war. In the end of the War, they would be humiliated badly as ‘the one at the wrong place and time’. The three other factions, however, were tough calls, as neither of them willing to give in and fought mercilessly. The miracle of Ban Ban, North of Indochina, reinforced a Monarchist control on North-West portion of the region. With another miracle of Ha Tinh, the forced of Bảo Đại had secured center of Annam from other faction’s control.
After Wilopo’s encouraging negotiation about a ‘compromise’, the three factions finally cooperated and form a ‘unity coalition’ against France. From then one, the withdrawal of France in Indochina seemed like a clockwork. A French defeat was confirmed in 1961, and the Treaty of Bangkok secured Indochina from any French presence. By the start of 1962, Kingdom of Vietnam had been established.
The glorious victory of Indochina was followed with a political chaos, as the Communist Party of Indochina (formerly Viet Minh) declined to collaborate in any of the new Kingdom. Partly as anti-Monarchists, the party demanded to form a republic, rather than a kingdom. Still, the first stage of Second Indochina War was mostly won by the Monarchist, so the Kingdom rejected her dissolution. Also, the Republicans sided with the Monarchists. Ho Chi Minh, infuriated with his status as the opposition, ultimately leave the coalition to restart the war. Not just six months of establishment, the nation was in shambles.
The second stage of the Second Indochina War, in the bigger picture, was a military mess. Three factions restarted the war, and neither would team up anymore. The Communist faction, primarily supported by the Chinese and the USSR, regain most of Tonkin. The Republican faction, aided by America and partly Indonesia, control the Mekong Delta and most of South regions. The Monarchist faction, the largest of them all, resided in everything center of Indochina, Cambodia and the north-west region of Lao tribes. In 1965, a despicable event of assassination by the Communists would kill Bảo Đại during the war, and Bảo Long was crowned as successor. Bảo Long, unlike his father, was not charismatic. His sever tantrum and ego would micro-manage most of the royal army, and failed. In addition to it, his alcoholic attitude would ruin Monarchist-Republican relations, thus the worst political disaster for Kingdom of Indochina. In the end, what was once the greatest victor of the war, ended up as the loser.
The atrocities all sides had made, and America’s nuisance to just leave the war, birthed the Kuala Lumpur Conference.
The Kuala Lumpur Conference was a conference involving several nations that took place in Kuala Lumpur, Indonesia from April 26 – July 20, 1965. It was intended to settle outstanding issues resulting from the Korean War and the Second Indochina War. The Kuala Lumpur Accords that dealt with the dismantling of Kingdom of Indochina proved to have long-lasting repercussions, however. The crumbling of the divided Kingdom would create the eventual states of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam), the State of Vietnam (the future Republic of Vietnam / South Vietnam), and the Kingdom of Laos.
The Kuala Lumpur Accords in camera, negotiate a peace deal regarding the perpetual Indochina and Korean Tension. Ended up as peaceful as possible, the Accords was a turning factor for America's 'virtual' decline in world stage, especially after Kennedy's sudden NATO disbandment.
The Accords were between the Royals, the Communist Party of Indochina, the Democratic Party of Indochina, the USSR, the PRC, the US, the FRI (Federal Republic of Indonesia), and the future states being made from Indochina. The agreement temporarily separated Vietnam into two zones, a northern zone to be governed by the CPI, and a southern zone to be governed by the DPI, then headed by Ngô Đình Diệm. In addition, three separate ceasefire accords, covering Laos, and Two Vietnams, were signed at the conference.
Indochina at the end of 1966. Orange-yellow for Kingdom of Laos (Or Exiled-Kingdom of Indochina), Red for Socialist Republic of Indochina (mainly nicknamed North Indochina), dark-cyan for Federal Republic of Indochina (mainly nicknamed South Indochina)
6.5. Baffled Decade: Korean War
“Hold on to your hats, Korea is a land of surprises”
― Don Oberdorfer, The Two Koreas: A Contemporary History
“Eventually the Korean War will be understood as one of the most destructive and one of the most important wars of the twentieth century.”
― Bruce Cumings, The Korean War: A History
Indochina Wars was one of the most confusing warfare in the history of mankind. Literally, all types of warfare could be observed. However ridiculous the battle might have seemed, Indochina shaped the latter half of the 20th Century. The perpetual guerilla warfare, scorched-earth policy, and extensive intervention by diverse nations coronate Indochina Wars as the deadliest battle in post-WW2 history. In the other hand, ‘jungle-diplomacy’ and the aftermath throne the war as one of the most decisive war in modern politics. The other aggression that was also called as one of the most decisive war, were Korean War.
The Korean Peninsula, in the start of the 20th Century, was in Japanese hands. Nippon’s strict control over the region may have caused notable obscene crimes in history. The height of World War 2 erupted the Peninsula’s deep hatred towards Japanese, and maybe will not be gone in the far future either. After Japanese defeat, the Peninsula was divided into two occupational zones, one for the US and one for the Soviet Union. They formerly established the 38th parallel as the division, separating the Korean people into two distinct ideological sphere of influence.
In the North, Provisional People’s Committee of North Korea has been given the mandate by the Soviet Union to form a centralized, communist nation for Korea. Kim Il-Sung, the chairman, lead the committee to later become the chairman of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The Soviets withdrew from North Korea in 1948, a year before the American withdrew from South Korea. During that year, Ambassador Shtykov suspected Rhee was planning to invade the North and was sympathetic to Kim's goal of Korean unification under socialism. The two successfully lobbied Joseph Stalin to support a quick war against the South, which culminated in the outbreak of the Korean War.
(Kim Il-Sung during his visit to a random KPA division; An English version of North Korean Propaganda, translated and published in India as part of regional Communist propaganda)
When the North declare war to the South, Seoul were unprepared. South Korea’s government was originated from Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, the exiled government when the Japanese occupied Korea. Since its establishment in 1919, the provincial government worked mainly in various China cities, waiting for the perfect time to return. After the Americans ended their occupational zones, Sygnman Rhee lead the Southern Korea, form the First Republic of Korea.
Rhee awarding a medal to U.S. Navy Rear Admiral Ralph A. Ofstie during the Korean War in 1952
At dawn on Sunday, 25 June 1950, the KPA crossed the 38th Parallel behind artillery fire. The KPA justified its assault with the claim that ROK troops attacked first and that the KPA were aiming to arrest and execute the "bandit traitor Syngman Rhee". Fighting began on Ongjin Peninsula in the west. On 27 June, Rhee evacuated from Seoul with some of the government officials. Within a few months, the Republic of Korea had been left with Pusan as their last remaining land against the marching North. The communists rolled the ROK army, even humiliating the Americans with several victories. With panic, the United States requested an UN Intervention regarding this war, and as many nations still despised communism, they unanimously accepted. Kim Il-Sung had anticipated a downright victory, and a peace deal for unification of Korea.
Meanwhile, to relieve the Pusan Perimeter, General MacArthur recommended an amphibious landing at Incheon, near Seoul and well over 160 km (100 mi) behind the KPA lines. The Landing produced a massive blow to the Communist. The Northern military barely withstand what had come next. In swift and apt strategy, MacArthur almost encircled the entire KPA in the South Korean pocket. By December, DPRK was pushed back to the Baekdu Regions.
A South Korean propaganda against the North Koreans
That was when China decided to intervene. After secretly crossing the Yalu River on 19 October, the PVA 13th Army Group launched the First Phase Offensive on 25 October, attacking the advancing UN forces near the Sino-Korean border. The UN Command, however, were unconvinced that the Chinese had openly intervened because of the sudden PVA withdrawal after their surprise attack. So the Americans must invigorate herself to repel these attacks. It was not until 1951 when the UN Command finally noticed an influx of forces in the communist nation, that they judged it as a Chinese intervention. The war evolved to become a tug-of-war brawl, now fought mainly on the pre-existing 38th parallel.
Infamous Yalu River Crossing by the PLA (Chinese People's Liberation Army) during the Battle of Chongju (30-31 October 1950)
In 1955, the Americans finally regained power to push forwards once again, re-entering Pyongyang for the second time in 1956. Even with the Chinese intervention, KPA failed to hold on. In 13th October 1956, North Korea requested an armistice with the South. The plead resulted with Korean Armistice Agreement of 1957, which moves the parallel to the 39th, and left North Korea barred with Pyongyang just miles from the De-Militarize Zone (DMZ). After the armistice, Kim’s popularity plummeted. From the eyes of a North Korean, Kim was a traitor who diminish the nation’s greatness. From the eyes of China or Soviet Union, North Korea was a failed experiment, ready to be forsaken. Kim Il-Sung, burdened with such mortification, determined to impose an ‘isolationist’ policy towards North Korea. His hasty maneuver of restoring his image inside North Korea resulted a decline of livelihood as a whole, stagnating the nation further similarly like Qing or the Ottoman during their last years of reign.
For Rhee, and the Southern part of Korea, it was quite a celebration. Although not eliminating his Northern nemesis, Rhee secured South Korea with moving the border one degree northern. In before, Seoul was threatened with possible KPA artillery fire from the border. After the ratification of the new status quo, South Korea may easily threatened Pyongyang with a cakewalk. With the increasing popularity of Rhee in Republic of Korea, he had become increasingly authoritarian. Nearing the end of the baffled 60s, the Korean Peninsula lived two ironically similar dictators. In the north was the humiliated, socialist Kim Il-Sung. In the south lived the liberalist, war hero Syngman Rhee.
Map of the Korean Peninsula: Red as North Korea, Blue as South Korea, with their superimposed borders indicating their claims on each other
After the Korean War, the United States continued on giving an economic and military aid to South Korea, mainly to prevent further rapid agression by the North. Indonesia were still reluctant to participate in the Peninsula. For Japan, the peninsula was a high factor of defending home island from further communist threat. Luckily, both Soviet Union and China looked elsewhere for influence, that North Korea become increasingly neglected and isolated.
― Don Oberdorfer, The Two Koreas: A Contemporary History
“Eventually the Korean War will be understood as one of the most destructive and one of the most important wars of the twentieth century.”
― Bruce Cumings, The Korean War: A History
Indochina Wars was one of the most confusing warfare in the history of mankind. Literally, all types of warfare could be observed. However ridiculous the battle might have seemed, Indochina shaped the latter half of the 20th Century. The perpetual guerilla warfare, scorched-earth policy, and extensive intervention by diverse nations coronate Indochina Wars as the deadliest battle in post-WW2 history. In the other hand, ‘jungle-diplomacy’ and the aftermath throne the war as one of the most decisive war in modern politics. The other aggression that was also called as one of the most decisive war, were Korean War.
The Korean Peninsula, in the start of the 20th Century, was in Japanese hands. Nippon’s strict control over the region may have caused notable obscene crimes in history. The height of World War 2 erupted the Peninsula’s deep hatred towards Japanese, and maybe will not be gone in the far future either. After Japanese defeat, the Peninsula was divided into two occupational zones, one for the US and one for the Soviet Union. They formerly established the 38th parallel as the division, separating the Korean people into two distinct ideological sphere of influence.
In the North, Provisional People’s Committee of North Korea has been given the mandate by the Soviet Union to form a centralized, communist nation for Korea. Kim Il-Sung, the chairman, lead the committee to later become the chairman of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The Soviets withdrew from North Korea in 1948, a year before the American withdrew from South Korea. During that year, Ambassador Shtykov suspected Rhee was planning to invade the North and was sympathetic to Kim's goal of Korean unification under socialism. The two successfully lobbied Joseph Stalin to support a quick war against the South, which culminated in the outbreak of the Korean War.
(Kim Il-Sung during his visit to a random KPA division; An English version of North Korean Propaganda, translated and published in India as part of regional Communist propaganda)
When the North declare war to the South, Seoul were unprepared. South Korea’s government was originated from Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, the exiled government when the Japanese occupied Korea. Since its establishment in 1919, the provincial government worked mainly in various China cities, waiting for the perfect time to return. After the Americans ended their occupational zones, Sygnman Rhee lead the Southern Korea, form the First Republic of Korea.
Rhee awarding a medal to U.S. Navy Rear Admiral Ralph A. Ofstie during the Korean War in 1952
At dawn on Sunday, 25 June 1950, the KPA crossed the 38th Parallel behind artillery fire. The KPA justified its assault with the claim that ROK troops attacked first and that the KPA were aiming to arrest and execute the "bandit traitor Syngman Rhee". Fighting began on Ongjin Peninsula in the west. On 27 June, Rhee evacuated from Seoul with some of the government officials. Within a few months, the Republic of Korea had been left with Pusan as their last remaining land against the marching North. The communists rolled the ROK army, even humiliating the Americans with several victories. With panic, the United States requested an UN Intervention regarding this war, and as many nations still despised communism, they unanimously accepted. Kim Il-Sung had anticipated a downright victory, and a peace deal for unification of Korea.
Meanwhile, to relieve the Pusan Perimeter, General MacArthur recommended an amphibious landing at Incheon, near Seoul and well over 160 km (100 mi) behind the KPA lines. The Landing produced a massive blow to the Communist. The Northern military barely withstand what had come next. In swift and apt strategy, MacArthur almost encircled the entire KPA in the South Korean pocket. By December, DPRK was pushed back to the Baekdu Regions.
A South Korean propaganda against the North Koreans
Infamous Yalu River Crossing by the PLA (Chinese People's Liberation Army) during the Battle of Chongju (30-31 October 1950)
For Rhee, and the Southern part of Korea, it was quite a celebration. Although not eliminating his Northern nemesis, Rhee secured South Korea with moving the border one degree northern. In before, Seoul was threatened with possible KPA artillery fire from the border. After the ratification of the new status quo, South Korea may easily threatened Pyongyang with a cakewalk. With the increasing popularity of Rhee in Republic of Korea, he had become increasingly authoritarian. Nearing the end of the baffled 60s, the Korean Peninsula lived two ironically similar dictators. In the north was the humiliated, socialist Kim Il-Sung. In the south lived the liberalist, war hero Syngman Rhee.
Map of the Korean Peninsula: Red as North Korea, Blue as South Korea, with their superimposed borders indicating their claims on each other
Last edited:
6.6. Baffled Decade: India
“Truthfully, only two Asian nations are prominent enough to change the world even in their lowest times. Those are China, and India.”
Jean Louis-Picard, President of the French Sixth Republic
India: A Sub-Continent History
India is truly a Jewel for its owner. The subcontinent holds a great number of population. And with the abundance of crop-fields and tea plantation, the region became famous and rich from it. Nevertheless, the rags and riches were never truly felt by Indians during the British rule. After WW2, Britain was weakened by the casualties of war, and incapable of securing the region from pro-independence separatist. That was when the British decided to just go away from the continent and let the Indians rule India. The sub-continent was given a rough post-independence when the Partition of India was put into effect in 1947. Massive exodus of minority tribes on the two nations fled to each other. Muslim citizens flocked to nearby Pakistan, whether the East or the West, while Hindus and Sikhs citizens emigrated to the new Republic of India. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1947–1948 was fought between India and Pakistan over the princely state of Kashmir and Jammu from 1947 to 1948, as part of the first results of partition. Since then on, religious divided gradually, each culminated into a point when war erupts.
After Gandhi’s assassination, the politics of Republic of India mainly revolved onto his political apprentice, Nehru. As prime minister, he passed reforms about woman suffrage, secularism and socialist model. Five-Year Plans were shaped by the Soviet model based on centralized and integrated national economic programs. No taxation was demanded for Indian farmers, minimum wage and benefits for blue-collar workers, and the nationalization of heavy industries such as steel, aviation, shipping, electricity, and mining. Village common lands were seized, and an extensive public works and industrialization campaign resulted in the construction of major dams, irrigation canals, roads, thermal and hydroelectric power stations, and many more.
Nehru implemented leftist policy, but that did not mean that India was a communist nation (by far). According to its foreign policy, India was a non-aligned nation until Nehru’s death. Especially on the 1950s, India was particularly accompanied with many non-aligned nations. Indonesia, Egypt and Yugoslavia was three of them. However, since the start of 1960s, all of these nations changed dramatically. Indonesia since America’s NATO withdrawal, had been inclined closer. Egypt, after the quick re-colonization by Britain, joined France’s side. Yugoslavia, albeit technically non-aligned, had leaned closer to France also.
(Nehru during one of his road trip throughout India, 1954; an average Indian farmer in 1950s)
In 1960s, the situation summed up as follows. India had emerged as the largest democratic nation in the world. Inhabiting nearly half a billion in its nation, India established the largest democratic election in the world. Yet, despite being the largest democratic nation in the world, India was largely influenced by one party only, the Indian National Congress. The Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, was the first modern nationalist movement to emerge in the British Empire in Asia and Africa. In its growth, the independence movement has transformed into a big tent for center-left voters. The party advocate social democracy, and a slice of liberalism. During Nehru’s administration, however, liberalism was partly curbed by extensive mixed economy regulation and land reform redistribution.
Ironically, and presumed, Nehru’s government policy had fostered the other party, a more radical left, the Communist Party of India. Supporter of Marxism-Leninism, and later Maoism, the party had several base here and there especially in Indus Valley, where a multitude of farmers, and labors lived. Elamkulam Manakkal Sankaran Namboodiripad, popularly EMS, would rise from Kerala to national India, speaking blaring words about the Great Leap Forward’s success in their big neighbor, and stating that India can also follow. For the time being, the INC allied with the CPI, holding a great majority in the Lok Shaba.
(Elamkulam Manakkal Sankaran Namboodiripad during his exclusive interview in 1963)
While the left controlled the government, the right controlled the opposition. For nearly three decades, Janata Party, a party that sheltered the right wing, continue to criticise the government’s socialist outlook. Several demonstrations had been held by Janata Party regarding it, in 1949, 1954 and 1963. Nearly all of them, were forsaken by the government, and their voices were relatively unheard. They decided to must be heard at the fourth time, and violence was the only way.
Meanwhile, India had carried out two wars in Pakistan, mainly ended with a stalemate. None of them succeeded in winning any of the disputed given. Luckily, in 1960, Mao relinquished China’s claims on Jammu-Kashmir region, which improved their relations significantly. With Pakistan, on the other hand, they were determined that this crisis would end up in more wars in the near future, and nothing could ever resolve the issue.
The protests erupted Southern India, where former princely-states government during British India. At first, the people there, mostly Dravidian, had felt neglected with the massive development of the north. While cities like Delhi, Mumbai and Calcutta prospered, not so much when it went South. In addition to it, with fertile lands mainly up North, subsidies for farmers and industries mainly given there. In mountainous South, only road infrastructures were planned, and many of them left stalled. Although in national scale, India was growing. It was only the northern parts, while the south stagnated. Began in 1966, the ‘Princely Protests’, stated by Indian newspapers, spread sproradically in those Southern areas. It once was a protest against India’s negligence on Southern people. But, with some infiltration by Pakistan, the protests demanded an even forceful requirement, a Dravidian Republic. Even the protests also arrived in Sri Lanka, where British rule still existed. As Janata Party held these revolted provinces, the party showed as yet a rebellious force, similar to what Communist Party of Indochina did to Indochina.
As protests rose in the South, the North became extremely furious about the government. Even Indira Gandhi, a relative to the hero Mahatma Gandhi, ignored this discrimination. As a result, the CPI gained much more momentum. In promise, the party requested a reconciliation with the southern states, and vowed to construct the nation equally. In addition to it, they would promote total equality to everyone on India, something that the INC never thought of.
(Indira Gandhi when public protests in New Delhi demanded her resignation from the southern protests)
The 4th Lok Shaba, elected in February 1967, quickly became a Communist win. Albeit their percentage was only slightly higher than the INC, the Communist managed to gather a coalition to overcome the predecessor. With slight help of China’s volunteers, the Communist party crack down the entire sub-continent, purged the Janata Party’s holdings, and everything pro-right. For southern states, however, the communist government apologized to the apparent inequality, and fulfilled its promise with the creation of the Indian Belt, a national highway project constructed to circle the whole nation.
The first ever public violence against the police in 1966, in Hyderabad
Jean Louis-Picard, President of the French Sixth Republic
India: A Sub-Continent History
India is truly a Jewel for its owner. The subcontinent holds a great number of population. And with the abundance of crop-fields and tea plantation, the region became famous and rich from it. Nevertheless, the rags and riches were never truly felt by Indians during the British rule. After WW2, Britain was weakened by the casualties of war, and incapable of securing the region from pro-independence separatist. That was when the British decided to just go away from the continent and let the Indians rule India. The sub-continent was given a rough post-independence when the Partition of India was put into effect in 1947. Massive exodus of minority tribes on the two nations fled to each other. Muslim citizens flocked to nearby Pakistan, whether the East or the West, while Hindus and Sikhs citizens emigrated to the new Republic of India. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1947–1948 was fought between India and Pakistan over the princely state of Kashmir and Jammu from 1947 to 1948, as part of the first results of partition. Since then on, religious divided gradually, each culminated into a point when war erupts.
After Gandhi’s assassination, the politics of Republic of India mainly revolved onto his political apprentice, Nehru. As prime minister, he passed reforms about woman suffrage, secularism and socialist model. Five-Year Plans were shaped by the Soviet model based on centralized and integrated national economic programs. No taxation was demanded for Indian farmers, minimum wage and benefits for blue-collar workers, and the nationalization of heavy industries such as steel, aviation, shipping, electricity, and mining. Village common lands were seized, and an extensive public works and industrialization campaign resulted in the construction of major dams, irrigation canals, roads, thermal and hydroelectric power stations, and many more.
Nehru implemented leftist policy, but that did not mean that India was a communist nation (by far). According to its foreign policy, India was a non-aligned nation until Nehru’s death. Especially on the 1950s, India was particularly accompanied with many non-aligned nations. Indonesia, Egypt and Yugoslavia was three of them. However, since the start of 1960s, all of these nations changed dramatically. Indonesia since America’s NATO withdrawal, had been inclined closer. Egypt, after the quick re-colonization by Britain, joined France’s side. Yugoslavia, albeit technically non-aligned, had leaned closer to France also.
(Nehru during one of his road trip throughout India, 1954; an average Indian farmer in 1950s)
In 1960s, the situation summed up as follows. India had emerged as the largest democratic nation in the world. Inhabiting nearly half a billion in its nation, India established the largest democratic election in the world. Yet, despite being the largest democratic nation in the world, India was largely influenced by one party only, the Indian National Congress. The Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, was the first modern nationalist movement to emerge in the British Empire in Asia and Africa. In its growth, the independence movement has transformed into a big tent for center-left voters. The party advocate social democracy, and a slice of liberalism. During Nehru’s administration, however, liberalism was partly curbed by extensive mixed economy regulation and land reform redistribution.
Ironically, and presumed, Nehru’s government policy had fostered the other party, a more radical left, the Communist Party of India. Supporter of Marxism-Leninism, and later Maoism, the party had several base here and there especially in Indus Valley, where a multitude of farmers, and labors lived. Elamkulam Manakkal Sankaran Namboodiripad, popularly EMS, would rise from Kerala to national India, speaking blaring words about the Great Leap Forward’s success in their big neighbor, and stating that India can also follow. For the time being, the INC allied with the CPI, holding a great majority in the Lok Shaba.
(Elamkulam Manakkal Sankaran Namboodiripad during his exclusive interview in 1963)
Meanwhile, India had carried out two wars in Pakistan, mainly ended with a stalemate. None of them succeeded in winning any of the disputed given. Luckily, in 1960, Mao relinquished China’s claims on Jammu-Kashmir region, which improved their relations significantly. With Pakistan, on the other hand, they were determined that this crisis would end up in more wars in the near future, and nothing could ever resolve the issue.
The protests erupted Southern India, where former princely-states government during British India. At first, the people there, mostly Dravidian, had felt neglected with the massive development of the north. While cities like Delhi, Mumbai and Calcutta prospered, not so much when it went South. In addition to it, with fertile lands mainly up North, subsidies for farmers and industries mainly given there. In mountainous South, only road infrastructures were planned, and many of them left stalled. Although in national scale, India was growing. It was only the northern parts, while the south stagnated. Began in 1966, the ‘Princely Protests’, stated by Indian newspapers, spread sproradically in those Southern areas. It once was a protest against India’s negligence on Southern people. But, with some infiltration by Pakistan, the protests demanded an even forceful requirement, a Dravidian Republic. Even the protests also arrived in Sri Lanka, where British rule still existed. As Janata Party held these revolted provinces, the party showed as yet a rebellious force, similar to what Communist Party of Indochina did to Indochina.
As protests rose in the South, the North became extremely furious about the government. Even Indira Gandhi, a relative to the hero Mahatma Gandhi, ignored this discrimination. As a result, the CPI gained much more momentum. In promise, the party requested a reconciliation with the southern states, and vowed to construct the nation equally. In addition to it, they would promote total equality to everyone on India, something that the INC never thought of.
(Indira Gandhi when public protests in New Delhi demanded her resignation from the southern protests)
The first ever public violence against the police in 1966, in Hyderabad
6.7. Baffled Decade: Kennedy's Legacy and 1968 US Election
"Those who dare to fail miserably can achieve greatly."
“Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.”
“Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”
"What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence or lawlessness; but love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country."
- John F. Kennedy
John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born in Brookline, Massachusetts, on May 29, 1917. He was born on a bourgeois family, home to Joseph P. Kennedy, a man with great ambitions. He lived in a Catholic community, thus baptized at a young age. In September 1935, Kennedy made his first trip abroad when he travelled to London with his parents and his sister Kathleen. After living his childhood, he went to Harvard for college. After that, the war began. With his lack of health requirements, he failed to enrol in the Army’s, Officer Cadet School. Then he was enlisted as a Navy Reserve, where he had his short military career. After the war, his father urged him to become a politician, which he did start in 1947.
Kennedy on his youth
A long story short, his rise into politics was a spectacular one. He defeated his opponents in almost every fight. Although with health problems along with the war, Kennedy remained popular and charismatics for the people and his great charisma and value climaxed at his inauguration on January 20, 1961.
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavour will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
His 100 days of the presidency was called ‘America’s realignment to a freer, better and equal world’. Kennedy had noticed atrocities happened in South Africa, practising ‘Apartheid’ onto their own men. As a leader for a civil and just world, he condemned the United Kingdom, although situations back then were friendly. Also, Europe under the new order, NATO and Warsaw Pact as opposite sides, caused not only another fright of another war but also the return of imperialism. This time, however, imperialism had a new meaning. ‘Neo-Imperialism’, practised by both France and Britain, contributed greatly in securing their colonies, which America had demanded them to be freed. While Algeria under the new program was flooded with French influence. Britain had fixed her eyes on South Africa, and Rhodesia.
Besides his pragmatic stance on civil rights, Kennedy supported Martin Luther King Jr. Albeit the difficulties in passing the Civil Rights Act, Kennedy still advocated these views. After the Act, Kennedy solidified his presidency with the help of VP Lyndon B. Johnson. Yet, with all the success noted, Kennedy’s era was an era of civil violence. Where white-supremacist publicly announced segregation in many southern states, many acts of arson had been conducted. Nearing the end of Kennedy's reign, violence increased due to certain circumstances.
Segregation in buses in South Carolina, whites at the front while blacks were seated at the back
A piece of controversial news regarding Camelot was Marilyn Monroe. Having met at a dinner party held in his honour in New York at the beginning of 1962, Kennedy invited Monroe to a weekend in Bing Crosby's house in Palm Springs the following month, where they were not joined by his wife Jackie. This weekend is said to have been the extent of the affair but that didn’t mean Monroe didn’t want it to continue, allegedly seeing herself becoming Jack’s second First lady and even calling Jackie Kennedy to tell her so. This affair had become public as Monroe’s Affair of 1967, five years after Marilyn Monroe’s death of overdose. The posted affair was relatively unheard of when the situation in 1967 was full of what happened in Europe and Africa.
Negativities aside, Kennedy was loved by his people. His popularity never plummeted below half, and mainly his presidency was relatively supported. His first success was the reunification of Germany, which was praised as Kennedy’s initial triumph in foreign policy.
“Jetzt sind wir in einer Situation, in der wieder zusammenwächst, was zusammengehört.“
("Now we are in a situation where what belongs together, will grow back together.")
― Willy Brandt
The next success was winning the Indochinese War from France, and thus liberating Indochina as a friendly republic. Nonetheless, the backlash to Kennedy occurred when Indochina returned to a state of civil war. Fortunately, Kennedy was able to divert his strategical error as ‘the red menace’ and American’s support returned shortly. Cuba was another victory. The Bay of Pigs invasion dissuaded further communist movements in Central America. The admission of Puerto Rico and Cuba as the 51st and the 52nd State of America even insured America’s heterogeneous society in the international platform.
One of his greatest achievements during his presidency was the Treaty of Darwin. The peace deal confirmed and strengthen America’s stronghold in Asia (Japan and Indonesia as allied states). Equally important, it also kicked imperialistic remnants in America and East Asia, despite not being so favourable for the latter. Another suggested accomplishment was the save of Germany, although foes in two decades ago, unfolded as one of America’s partners in monitoring the Red’s influence in Europe.
As more performance than errors, Democratic Party ruled unmatched in all of American politics, both local and national politics. However, as the Twenty-Second Amendment has ratified, no individual shall exceed the two-term limit on the number of times an individual is eligible for election to the office of President of the United States. As a result, the Party relatively sought another Kennedy miracle, which promised to put Robert Kennedy in the presidency. Notwithstanding, several political figures also contested for the presidency, like VP Johnson, McCarthy, and Humphrey. Devastatingly, days before the convention night, Robert Kennedy had an attempt by Jack Leon Ruby, hospitalized, and remained in a state of emergency for a few hours, until died of blood loss in hospital. Jack Leon Ruby was a segregationist Carolinian, struggling as a middle-class person to maintain white supremacy in his own neighbourhood. He suffered relative losses after the act had passed on, and he went ballistic after he saw that another Kennedy would rule the nation again.
The assassination of Robert Kennedy
The Democratic partly faltered on reinventing another ‘Kennedy Miracle’ and proceeded with the McCarthy-Humphrey ticket. The devastating news for the Democratic Party meant otherwise for the Republican party, especially to figures like Richard Nixon, a former political rival of John F. Kennedy. Although were displeased by the news, the assassination may have given him a chance of presidency, which it did. The next assassination, this time to Martin Luther King Jr., shaped the nearing end of Kennedy’s era as a tumultuous one. Although Jack had requested his people to remain tolerant and peaceful, growing factionalism between blacks and whites in the south grew. Once again, the Southern region returned to political chaos. Nixon ran on a campaign that promised to restore law and order to the nation's cities and provide new leadership in the perpetual Indochina War. A year later, he would popularize the term "silent majority" to describe those he viewed as being his target voters. Together with Everett Dirksen, he won the 1968 election with a small majority.
After Kennedy, it was Nixon time.
========================================================================================================================
That's the end of Baffled Decade, next up we will refocus things on the 1969 Indonesian election, and what had happened in Indonesia for the past years. As usual, feel free to criticize or comment on any flaws made in this TL, besides I am learning.
“Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.”
“Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”
"What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence or lawlessness; but love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country."
- John F. Kennedy
John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born in Brookline, Massachusetts, on May 29, 1917. He was born on a bourgeois family, home to Joseph P. Kennedy, a man with great ambitions. He lived in a Catholic community, thus baptized at a young age. In September 1935, Kennedy made his first trip abroad when he travelled to London with his parents and his sister Kathleen. After living his childhood, he went to Harvard for college. After that, the war began. With his lack of health requirements, he failed to enrol in the Army’s, Officer Cadet School. Then he was enlisted as a Navy Reserve, where he had his short military career. After the war, his father urged him to become a politician, which he did start in 1947.
Kennedy on his youth
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
His 100 days of the presidency was called ‘America’s realignment to a freer, better and equal world’. Kennedy had noticed atrocities happened in South Africa, practising ‘Apartheid’ onto their own men. As a leader for a civil and just world, he condemned the United Kingdom, although situations back then were friendly. Also, Europe under the new order, NATO and Warsaw Pact as opposite sides, caused not only another fright of another war but also the return of imperialism. This time, however, imperialism had a new meaning. ‘Neo-Imperialism’, practised by both France and Britain, contributed greatly in securing their colonies, which America had demanded them to be freed. While Algeria under the new program was flooded with French influence. Britain had fixed her eyes on South Africa, and Rhodesia.
Besides his pragmatic stance on civil rights, Kennedy supported Martin Luther King Jr. Albeit the difficulties in passing the Civil Rights Act, Kennedy still advocated these views. After the Act, Kennedy solidified his presidency with the help of VP Lyndon B. Johnson. Yet, with all the success noted, Kennedy’s era was an era of civil violence. Where white-supremacist publicly announced segregation in many southern states, many acts of arson had been conducted. Nearing the end of Kennedy's reign, violence increased due to certain circumstances.
Segregation in buses in South Carolina, whites at the front while blacks were seated at the back
Negativities aside, Kennedy was loved by his people. His popularity never plummeted below half, and mainly his presidency was relatively supported. His first success was the reunification of Germany, which was praised as Kennedy’s initial triumph in foreign policy.
“Jetzt sind wir in einer Situation, in der wieder zusammenwächst, was zusammengehört.“
("Now we are in a situation where what belongs together, will grow back together.")
― Willy Brandt
The next success was winning the Indochinese War from France, and thus liberating Indochina as a friendly republic. Nonetheless, the backlash to Kennedy occurred when Indochina returned to a state of civil war. Fortunately, Kennedy was able to divert his strategical error as ‘the red menace’ and American’s support returned shortly. Cuba was another victory. The Bay of Pigs invasion dissuaded further communist movements in Central America. The admission of Puerto Rico and Cuba as the 51st and the 52nd State of America even insured America’s heterogeneous society in the international platform.
One of his greatest achievements during his presidency was the Treaty of Darwin. The peace deal confirmed and strengthen America’s stronghold in Asia (Japan and Indonesia as allied states). Equally important, it also kicked imperialistic remnants in America and East Asia, despite not being so favourable for the latter. Another suggested accomplishment was the save of Germany, although foes in two decades ago, unfolded as one of America’s partners in monitoring the Red’s influence in Europe.
As more performance than errors, Democratic Party ruled unmatched in all of American politics, both local and national politics. However, as the Twenty-Second Amendment has ratified, no individual shall exceed the two-term limit on the number of times an individual is eligible for election to the office of President of the United States. As a result, the Party relatively sought another Kennedy miracle, which promised to put Robert Kennedy in the presidency. Notwithstanding, several political figures also contested for the presidency, like VP Johnson, McCarthy, and Humphrey. Devastatingly, days before the convention night, Robert Kennedy had an attempt by Jack Leon Ruby, hospitalized, and remained in a state of emergency for a few hours, until died of blood loss in hospital. Jack Leon Ruby was a segregationist Carolinian, struggling as a middle-class person to maintain white supremacy in his own neighbourhood. He suffered relative losses after the act had passed on, and he went ballistic after he saw that another Kennedy would rule the nation again.
The assassination of Robert Kennedy
========================================================================================================================
Last edited:
I think it's absolute guarantee, we need unifying language to properly function
7.1. Blue Revolution: UNCLOS
Blue Revolution: How Indonesia quickly succeed Japan as the Asian Master of the Seas
Prabowo Purnawan
KRI (Kapal Republik Indonesia) Col. Heru Hendropriyono , a Bonjol-Class (adopted from US Adams-Class) of Navy Vessel of Indonesia. Commissioned in 1969, famous for several of his sea campaigns, and the first destroyer to exist in Indonesian Navy
The forthcoming of 1970 was truly an amazing progress for the livelihood of every person in Indonesia. From then a guerrilla society fought for anti-imperialism and colonial discrimination, now an extensively large native nation already growing as a regional power. Similar to what the United States of America had grown during their early independence years, Indonesia fought a war against a great power. The difference was, Indonesia won.
After the Treaty of Darwin, Indonesia extended to more than two million square kilometers in area, yet disconnected due to various sea in between. The land was effectively Indonesia, but the seas were still international waters. In Indonesia, the territory of the Republic of Indonesia then still referred to the 1939 Dutch Indies Ordinance, namely the Zeeën en Maritieme Kringen Ordonantie 1939 (TZMKO 1939). In the Dutch East Indies regulations, the islands of the Archipelago were separated by the surrounding sea and each island only had a sea around 3 miles from the coastline. This means that foreign ships can freely sail the sea that separates the islands. Therefore, potential naval invasion was clearly possible, and the government of Indonesia could not do anything about it. Djuanda, years before the Darwin Treaty, had pressed that the law prejudiced maritime nations, and a revision must be created, which he declared Djuanda’s Declaration.
The Sea Borders according to the TZMKO 1939
The contents of the Djuanda Declaration, drafted on November 13, 1959, revised on April 4 1961, state:
In the midst of the war with the Commonwealth, the borders of Indonesia expanded in the seas. As a result, justified attacks towards Australian and British convoys were legalized for the Navy. With British superiority on naval theater, the Indonesian Navy managed to sunk a sum of convoys during the mid-stage of the war. Yet, progress was still few, as Wilopo was scared of the annihilation of the entire Navy if they convened a high-risk raiding. When the Americans intervened things went exactly on the favor to Indonesians. The joint US-Indonesian Navy conducted battles in these ‘Indonesian seas’ and mainly won. United Kingdom requested a UN embargo to Indonesia, as they were attacking on international waters. But, since the Americans were involved, the UN decided to back down the issue, but condemn the UK that had been having atrocities in Papua.
After the Treaty of Darwin, the United States was revealed on how important sea borders was to the integrity of the nation. Besides, the US still owned a number of islands in several oceans, and notable of them located strategically on geopolitical rivals. Kennedy already promoted an international agreement regarding the sea problem in 1962. But because the situations in Europe and in the midst of the war, the projected convention largely turned into a failure. In the second Convention, the United States gave a total attention, and it replied with the UNCLOS II 1968.
The convention set the limit of various areas, measured from a carefully defined baseline. (Normally, a sea baseline follows the low-water line, but when the coastline is deeply indented, has fringing islands or is highly unstable, straight baselines may be used.) The areas are as follows:
Internal waters
Covers all water and waterways on the landward side of the baseline. The coastal state is free to set laws, regulate use, and use any resource. Foreign vessels have no right of passage within internal waters. A vessel in the high seas assumes jurisdiction under the internal laws of its flag State. Pursuit of a ship by the Coastal State may only take place in the internal waters and is required to end when reaching the contiguous zone.
Territorial waters
Out to 12 nautical miles (22 kilometers; 14 miles) from the baseline, the coastal state is free to set laws, regulate use, and use any resource. Vessels were given the right of innocent passage through any territorial waters, with strategic straits allowing the passage of military craft as transit passage, in that naval vessels are allowed to maintain postures that would be illegal in territorial waters. "Innocent passage" is defined by the convention as passing through waters in an expeditious and continuous manner, which is not "prejudicial to the peace, good order or the security" of the coastal state. Fishing, polluting, weapons practice, and spying are not "innocent", and submarines and other underwater vehicles are required to navigate on the surface and to show their flag. Nations can also temporarily suspend innocent passage in specific areas of their territorial seas, if doing so is essential for the protection of their security.
Archipelagic waters
A baseline is drawn between the outermost points of the outermost islands, subject to these points being sufficiently close to one another. All waters inside this baseline are designated Archipelagic Waters. The state has sovereignty over these waters (like internal waters), but subject to existing rights including traditional fishing rights of immediately adjacent states. Foreign vessels have right of innocent passage through archipelagic waters (like territorial waters).
Contiguous zone
Beyond the 12-nautical-mile (22 km) limit, there is a further 12 nautical miles (22 km) from the territorial sea baseline limit, the contiguous zone, in which a state can continue to enforce laws in four specific areas: customs, taxation, immigration and pollution, if the infringement started within the state's territory or territorial waters, or if this infringement is about to occur within the state's territory or territorial waters. This makes the contiguous zone a hot pursuit area.
Exclusive economic zones (EEZs)
These extend 200 nautical miles (370 kilometers; 230 miles) from the baseline. Within this area, the coastal nation has sole exploitation rights over all natural resources. In casual use, the term may include the territorial sea and even the continental shelf. The EEZs were introduced to halt the increasingly heated clashes over fishing rights, although oil was also becoming important. The success of an offshore oil platform in the Gulf of Mexico in 1947 was soon repeated elsewhere in the world, and by 1970 it was technically feasible to operate in waters 4,000 meters deep. Foreign nations have the freedom of navigation and overflight, subject to the regulation of the coastal states. Foreign states may also lay submarine pipes and cables.
Continental shelf
The continental shelf is defined as the natural prolongation of the land territory to the continental margin's outer edge, or 200 nautical miles (370 km) from the coastal state's baseline, whichever is greater. A state's continental shelf may exceed 200 nautical miles (370 km) until the natural prolongation ends. However, it may never exceed 350 nautical miles (650 kilometers; 400 miles) from the baseline; or it may never exceed 100 nautical miles (190 kilometers; 120 miles) beyond the 2,500-meter isobaths (the line connecting the depth of 2,500 meters). Coastal states have the right to harvest mineral and non-living material in the subsoil of its continental shelf, to the exclusion of others. Coastal states also have exclusive control over living resources "attached" to the continental shelf, but not to creatures living in the water column beyond the exclusive economic zone.
Since the enaction of these sea laws alleviate the importance of Indonesia’s two armed forces, the Navy and the Coast Guard. In before these branches found difficulties in optimizing their tasks. Now, nearly everything inside the archipelago is Indonesia. Navy would repel any hostile ships, while the Coast Guard skirmishes any piracy along the coasts. However, the sea laws that was put into effect also resulted into the largest crisis in the history of South East Asia, the Malaccan Crisis, which happened on 23rd March 1971. Nevertheless, UNCLOS gave a new meaning on sea exploration, and thus also legalize further off-shore drilling in observed potential zones like East Kalimantan Coasts,or North Brunei Coasts.
Prabowo Purnawan
KRI (Kapal Republik Indonesia) Col. Heru Hendropriyono , a Bonjol-Class (adopted from US Adams-Class) of Navy Vessel of Indonesia. Commissioned in 1969, famous for several of his sea campaigns, and the first destroyer to exist in Indonesian Navy
The forthcoming of 1970 was truly an amazing progress for the livelihood of every person in Indonesia. From then a guerrilla society fought for anti-imperialism and colonial discrimination, now an extensively large native nation already growing as a regional power. Similar to what the United States of America had grown during their early independence years, Indonesia fought a war against a great power. The difference was, Indonesia won.
After the Treaty of Darwin, Indonesia extended to more than two million square kilometers in area, yet disconnected due to various sea in between. The land was effectively Indonesia, but the seas were still international waters. In Indonesia, the territory of the Republic of Indonesia then still referred to the 1939 Dutch Indies Ordinance, namely the Zeeën en Maritieme Kringen Ordonantie 1939 (TZMKO 1939). In the Dutch East Indies regulations, the islands of the Archipelago were separated by the surrounding sea and each island only had a sea around 3 miles from the coastline. This means that foreign ships can freely sail the sea that separates the islands. Therefore, potential naval invasion was clearly possible, and the government of Indonesia could not do anything about it. Djuanda, years before the Darwin Treaty, had pressed that the law prejudiced maritime nations, and a revision must be created, which he declared Djuanda’s Declaration.
The Sea Borders according to the TZMKO 1939
The contents of the Djuanda Declaration, drafted on November 13, 1959, revised on April 4 1961, state:
In the midst of the war with the Commonwealth, the borders of Indonesia expanded in the seas. As a result, justified attacks towards Australian and British convoys were legalized for the Navy. With British superiority on naval theater, the Indonesian Navy managed to sunk a sum of convoys during the mid-stage of the war. Yet, progress was still few, as Wilopo was scared of the annihilation of the entire Navy if they convened a high-risk raiding. When the Americans intervened things went exactly on the favor to Indonesians. The joint US-Indonesian Navy conducted battles in these ‘Indonesian seas’ and mainly won. United Kingdom requested a UN embargo to Indonesia, as they were attacking on international waters. But, since the Americans were involved, the UN decided to back down the issue, but condemn the UK that had been having atrocities in Papua.
After the Treaty of Darwin, the United States was revealed on how important sea borders was to the integrity of the nation. Besides, the US still owned a number of islands in several oceans, and notable of them located strategically on geopolitical rivals. Kennedy already promoted an international agreement regarding the sea problem in 1962. But because the situations in Europe and in the midst of the war, the projected convention largely turned into a failure. In the second Convention, the United States gave a total attention, and it replied with the UNCLOS II 1968.
The convention set the limit of various areas, measured from a carefully defined baseline. (Normally, a sea baseline follows the low-water line, but when the coastline is deeply indented, has fringing islands or is highly unstable, straight baselines may be used.) The areas are as follows:
Covers all water and waterways on the landward side of the baseline. The coastal state is free to set laws, regulate use, and use any resource. Foreign vessels have no right of passage within internal waters. A vessel in the high seas assumes jurisdiction under the internal laws of its flag State. Pursuit of a ship by the Coastal State may only take place in the internal waters and is required to end when reaching the contiguous zone.
Territorial waters
Out to 12 nautical miles (22 kilometers; 14 miles) from the baseline, the coastal state is free to set laws, regulate use, and use any resource. Vessels were given the right of innocent passage through any territorial waters, with strategic straits allowing the passage of military craft as transit passage, in that naval vessels are allowed to maintain postures that would be illegal in territorial waters. "Innocent passage" is defined by the convention as passing through waters in an expeditious and continuous manner, which is not "prejudicial to the peace, good order or the security" of the coastal state. Fishing, polluting, weapons practice, and spying are not "innocent", and submarines and other underwater vehicles are required to navigate on the surface and to show their flag. Nations can also temporarily suspend innocent passage in specific areas of their territorial seas, if doing so is essential for the protection of their security.
Archipelagic waters
A baseline is drawn between the outermost points of the outermost islands, subject to these points being sufficiently close to one another. All waters inside this baseline are designated Archipelagic Waters. The state has sovereignty over these waters (like internal waters), but subject to existing rights including traditional fishing rights of immediately adjacent states. Foreign vessels have right of innocent passage through archipelagic waters (like territorial waters).
Contiguous zone
Beyond the 12-nautical-mile (22 km) limit, there is a further 12 nautical miles (22 km) from the territorial sea baseline limit, the contiguous zone, in which a state can continue to enforce laws in four specific areas: customs, taxation, immigration and pollution, if the infringement started within the state's territory or territorial waters, or if this infringement is about to occur within the state's territory or territorial waters. This makes the contiguous zone a hot pursuit area.
Exclusive economic zones (EEZs)
These extend 200 nautical miles (370 kilometers; 230 miles) from the baseline. Within this area, the coastal nation has sole exploitation rights over all natural resources. In casual use, the term may include the territorial sea and even the continental shelf. The EEZs were introduced to halt the increasingly heated clashes over fishing rights, although oil was also becoming important. The success of an offshore oil platform in the Gulf of Mexico in 1947 was soon repeated elsewhere in the world, and by 1970 it was technically feasible to operate in waters 4,000 meters deep. Foreign nations have the freedom of navigation and overflight, subject to the regulation of the coastal states. Foreign states may also lay submarine pipes and cables.
Continental shelf
The continental shelf is defined as the natural prolongation of the land territory to the continental margin's outer edge, or 200 nautical miles (370 km) from the coastal state's baseline, whichever is greater. A state's continental shelf may exceed 200 nautical miles (370 km) until the natural prolongation ends. However, it may never exceed 350 nautical miles (650 kilometers; 400 miles) from the baseline; or it may never exceed 100 nautical miles (190 kilometers; 120 miles) beyond the 2,500-meter isobaths (the line connecting the depth of 2,500 meters). Coastal states have the right to harvest mineral and non-living material in the subsoil of its continental shelf, to the exclusion of others. Coastal states also have exclusive control over living resources "attached" to the continental shelf, but not to creatures living in the water column beyond the exclusive economic zone.
Since the enaction of these sea laws alleviate the importance of Indonesia’s two armed forces, the Navy and the Coast Guard. In before these branches found difficulties in optimizing their tasks. Now, nearly everything inside the archipelago is Indonesia. Navy would repel any hostile ships, while the Coast Guard skirmishes any piracy along the coasts. However, the sea laws that was put into effect also resulted into the largest crisis in the history of South East Asia, the Malaccan Crisis, which happened on 23rd March 1971. Nevertheless, UNCLOS gave a new meaning on sea exploration, and thus also legalize further off-shore drilling in observed potential zones like East Kalimantan Coasts,or North Brunei Coasts.
7.2. Blue Revolution: Hatta's Revelation
The 1969 Election was beginning to hype up. Political parties had started to campaign again. The Political Act of 1967 diminished any provocative measures of campaign that could be done by parties. A distinct characteristic of a military-led government was mainly stability as the foremost, therefore the act was immediately passed. Nasution, as President, was mainly predicted to win the election. But for Hatta, he was resigning.
For him, the age of 60 was a demoralized number. Mostly in Indonesia, the age of 60 was old. The physical capabilities on that age was far from their youth eras, and mainly would affect the work performance of one’s abilities, especially when the man was the Premier of Indonesia. So, he had informed his party that after the election had been held, he would resign and left politics. In Hatta’s mind, however, the reason why he left was affected by what had happened to Sukarno in 1963.
It has been a long time that I have involved in politics, and met you in person. My exile to Ende, my old house-arrest mansion, have been a pleasure to my retiring life. It is already six years of my exit, and I felt relaxed, actually. Indeed, my resignation was controversial. Abandoning the nation in the state of war, surely no war leader has ever performed. Neglecting my duties as President of Indonesia, is an infamy indeed. But, this was not why I wrote this letter for. Instead, I want to reveal the true reason why I left politics.
Back then in 1962, I was a leader at the utmost eclipse of popularity. Leading a war that was finally winning, a war against the largest European empire in history of mankind. Struggling to fight against the true core of imperialism, truthfully that was my awaited dream. Because of that, you may have noticed my tendency towards left-wing or left-leaning politics. Communism, likewise, was the ideology you loathed, but I adored. For me, Communism could go hand in hand with Pancasila. Our core virtues of an Indonesian Culture lives within Gotong Royong, which was one Communist values.
Me entering into PKI, was my choice. I really aspired a strong left government with the help of PKI, the best party for me. I was achieving to create a great PKI for Indonesia, akin to Yugoslavia, and China. These two nations, with two great leaders, became my both inspiration and prospective allies. But that soon changed.
What I really upset for is China. China, under the leadership of Mao, ruled under the system of a communal society, what I had tried to succeed. The solidarity and persistence of the Chinese people I adored. Nevertheless, after our ambassador reported Mao’s move for the rapid change of allegiance of Mongolia, led to China’s future annexation of it. It initially disgusted me as a democratic leader. The rough ‘coup d’état’, although still maintain the sovereignty of the Mongolian People’s Republic, they concluded with a promise of China’s annexation in 1970. The previous Jamsrangiin Sambuu was pro-Soviet leader, albeit close friends to Mao. He advocated a strong communist alliance with all supporters, but also advocated the reunification of Mongolia’s lost territories, which were held by China. Mao, livid by it, decided to teach Sambuu a lesson, which then overthrew him ‘democratically’ by a Great Khural vote and elected Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal, staunchest pro-Mao. As an act of gratitude, he promised a Mongolian admission to PRC, and bargain with Yumjaagiin’s position for Secretary for Mongolia Autonomous Region (Inner+Outer).
PKI’s allegiance to support the new Chinese expansion was not my deepest concern. We also trialed that cause, with the Aggression War to Australia, and the Treaty of Darwin confirmed it. I before dreamt for a united Austronesia, from Madagascar to Easter Island, from Taiwan to Tasmania. However, as the circumstances had given, my ambitious vision went nowhere. On the contrary, there were two subsequent actions which left me in total frustration for the ideology.
After the success in Mongolia, China decided to abandon Russia’s, her northern ally, and form a similar-but-different communism. For Karl Marx, which application was re-introduced in Khrushchev era, the proletariat were the urban working class, which was determined in the revolution by which the bourgeoisie overthrew feudalism. For Mao Zedong, the proletariat were the millions of peasants, to whom he referred as the popular masses. In other words, while Marxism called for the laborers, Mao called the entire Chinese mass as proletariat, meaning there would be no difference in all of China. So, his actions led to believe that religion was against his views, and that led to the first wave of genocide in Sinkiang.
Yes, since 1962, projected plans of eradication of stubborn Uyghur faithful has been conducted. It was estimated that by 1970, Islam would drastically reduce in the region. Other similar plans, like removing the Dalai Lama from any influence, was also created. In other words, China was communist on front, but extreme fascism on their interior. It is highly disturbing that my so-called comrades were killing beloved believers of Muhammad only to declare them pertinacious on their belief.
Then, not long after the projected plans was leaked, Yugoslavia too, had somewhat similar plans. I yet unconfirmed whether Tito had briefed such plans, but the Serbs planned a discrete eradication of ethnic Albanians from the Kosovo region. For the ethnically diverse European nation, Kosovo was the largest thorn of them all, uttering all means of separation from Yugoslavia, especially from Serbian hands. After that, we would note several killings that have been done, and maybe someday those sin would be exposed.
Since then, I questioned communism. The Soviet Union, famous for seize Poland, a friend and ally of him, was truly a traitor too untrustworthy to partner. China was too greedy to befriend. Yugoslavia was too prudish of their forms of diversity. These nations were all examples of a ‘successful’ Communist nation, and I truly regret of joining as one of them.
I hope you still weren’t mad at me after all this time, and hope for a reconciliation between our older selves. For the end note, I hope your retirement will go as planned.
Sukarno
For the cliff-hanger on the ending, here's a quick spoiler.
For him, the age of 60 was a demoralized number. Mostly in Indonesia, the age of 60 was old. The physical capabilities on that age was far from their youth eras, and mainly would affect the work performance of one’s abilities, especially when the man was the Premier of Indonesia. So, he had informed his party that after the election had been held, he would resign and left politics. In Hatta’s mind, however, the reason why he left was affected by what had happened to Sukarno in 1963.
--------------------------------
Brother,It has been a long time that I have involved in politics, and met you in person. My exile to Ende, my old house-arrest mansion, have been a pleasure to my retiring life. It is already six years of my exit, and I felt relaxed, actually. Indeed, my resignation was controversial. Abandoning the nation in the state of war, surely no war leader has ever performed. Neglecting my duties as President of Indonesia, is an infamy indeed. But, this was not why I wrote this letter for. Instead, I want to reveal the true reason why I left politics.
Back then in 1962, I was a leader at the utmost eclipse of popularity. Leading a war that was finally winning, a war against the largest European empire in history of mankind. Struggling to fight against the true core of imperialism, truthfully that was my awaited dream. Because of that, you may have noticed my tendency towards left-wing or left-leaning politics. Communism, likewise, was the ideology you loathed, but I adored. For me, Communism could go hand in hand with Pancasila. Our core virtues of an Indonesian Culture lives within Gotong Royong, which was one Communist values.
Me entering into PKI, was my choice. I really aspired a strong left government with the help of PKI, the best party for me. I was achieving to create a great PKI for Indonesia, akin to Yugoslavia, and China. These two nations, with two great leaders, became my both inspiration and prospective allies. But that soon changed.
What I really upset for is China. China, under the leadership of Mao, ruled under the system of a communal society, what I had tried to succeed. The solidarity and persistence of the Chinese people I adored. Nevertheless, after our ambassador reported Mao’s move for the rapid change of allegiance of Mongolia, led to China’s future annexation of it. It initially disgusted me as a democratic leader. The rough ‘coup d’état’, although still maintain the sovereignty of the Mongolian People’s Republic, they concluded with a promise of China’s annexation in 1970. The previous Jamsrangiin Sambuu was pro-Soviet leader, albeit close friends to Mao. He advocated a strong communist alliance with all supporters, but also advocated the reunification of Mongolia’s lost territories, which were held by China. Mao, livid by it, decided to teach Sambuu a lesson, which then overthrew him ‘democratically’ by a Great Khural vote and elected Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal, staunchest pro-Mao. As an act of gratitude, he promised a Mongolian admission to PRC, and bargain with Yumjaagiin’s position for Secretary for Mongolia Autonomous Region (Inner+Outer).
PKI’s allegiance to support the new Chinese expansion was not my deepest concern. We also trialed that cause, with the Aggression War to Australia, and the Treaty of Darwin confirmed it. I before dreamt for a united Austronesia, from Madagascar to Easter Island, from Taiwan to Tasmania. However, as the circumstances had given, my ambitious vision went nowhere. On the contrary, there were two subsequent actions which left me in total frustration for the ideology.
After the success in Mongolia, China decided to abandon Russia’s, her northern ally, and form a similar-but-different communism. For Karl Marx, which application was re-introduced in Khrushchev era, the proletariat were the urban working class, which was determined in the revolution by which the bourgeoisie overthrew feudalism. For Mao Zedong, the proletariat were the millions of peasants, to whom he referred as the popular masses. In other words, while Marxism called for the laborers, Mao called the entire Chinese mass as proletariat, meaning there would be no difference in all of China. So, his actions led to believe that religion was against his views, and that led to the first wave of genocide in Sinkiang.
Yes, since 1962, projected plans of eradication of stubborn Uyghur faithful has been conducted. It was estimated that by 1970, Islam would drastically reduce in the region. Other similar plans, like removing the Dalai Lama from any influence, was also created. In other words, China was communist on front, but extreme fascism on their interior. It is highly disturbing that my so-called comrades were killing beloved believers of Muhammad only to declare them pertinacious on their belief.
Then, not long after the projected plans was leaked, Yugoslavia too, had somewhat similar plans. I yet unconfirmed whether Tito had briefed such plans, but the Serbs planned a discrete eradication of ethnic Albanians from the Kosovo region. For the ethnically diverse European nation, Kosovo was the largest thorn of them all, uttering all means of separation from Yugoslavia, especially from Serbian hands. After that, we would note several killings that have been done, and maybe someday those sin would be exposed.
Since then, I questioned communism. The Soviet Union, famous for seize Poland, a friend and ally of him, was truly a traitor too untrustworthy to partner. China was too greedy to befriend. Yugoslavia was too prudish of their forms of diversity. These nations were all examples of a ‘successful’ Communist nation, and I truly regret of joining as one of them.
I hope you still weren’t mad at me after all this time, and hope for a reconciliation between our older selves. For the end note, I hope your retirement will go as planned.
Sukarno
--------------------------------
After Hatta read the letter, he immediately caught up a plan for his ending. It later was addressed on the Assembly months before the election, and his same address would mark the start of a PUP-PGI drama, which revolved around Indonesia until the 1990s. The plan would affect greatly on one region that was having their greatest crisis, and open up for better tolerance in Indonesian society.
===============
I, having read again my own TL, has decided to finally clear up what had made Sukarno resign. The reasons before then were unspoken, but now, at least this is viable. In other words, he regret having involved in communist policies, the same policies he supported even since post-independence.
For the cliff-hanger on the ending, here's a quick spoiler.
Last edited:
7.3. Blue Revolution: Progressive Union Party/Partai Persatuan Pembangunan
PUP, 28 May Incident, and the Rise of Subandrio
If the Indonesians wanted to determine the start of a new system, the 1969 was a good start. The election would have a three months long duration, from the Legislative Election for the Regional and Representative Council in August, and the Presidential Election in November. Both of those elected officials, legislative and executive, would be inaugurated in January 6. And campaigning was restricted to as long as one year prior until as short as one month prior. Because of that, during those campaigning years, many parties competed in attracting ballots.
The Progressive Union Party was one. As a party essentially ‘crabbed’ by the PGI. The PUP had sworn to change this by the next election. As a party of Hatta, the PUP never actually struggled to gain voters. A strong base for Revolutionary Spirit of 1945 - the one those fired during 10 November 1945 in Surabaya, or Bandung during the Bandung Sea of Fire, and during the General Offensive of 1st March- had been established for five years.
For now, the PGI have introduced the 1965 Generation, a generation where Indonesians felt their proud and prestige in overcoming the United Kingdom in a war, and unifying most of Melayunesia. However, the 1965s would sometimes clash with the 1945s, mainly because of several differences. For once, the 1945s were people of the independence era. They stood up against allied aggression, and made their way towards independence. In other words, they were strictly anti-imperialism, and also non-aligned folks. The 1965s were slightly different, they also hated imperialism, but not nationalism. For them, uniting Austronesia, like what had done in Treaty of Darwin, was a natural act of nationalism. Furthermore, they also advocate a strong centralized government, differ from the 1945s which prefer a decentralized government.
Linguistic Map of Austonesia, in PGI context, Australia and Papua were often included to unite them as one Austronesia Realm. In some devious ways, PGI named their own manifesto Pax Australia (Not to be confused with Australia, an UK Dominion)
Other strong distinction of these two generations was how they treated the little continental bit in South East Asia, Malaya. For the 1965, Malaya must be kept on their own. The former British Malaya was better than Indonesia in all aspects, except race-equality. Nearly everything, infrastructure, administration, industry and even farming was already accommodated by the former colonial government. For instance, that specific reason was why the government, particularly 1965 PGIs, thought that incorporating Malaya roundly into the Indonesian realm would contribute great consequences, one of them was shifting the power to Malaya, rather than Java. For the PGIs, Java was a sacred symbol for Indonesia. They would do everything to stop asserting Outer-Java influence from the government, that also included Hatta’s presence as Premier. As a result, PGI’s main policy towards incorporating the region, was ‘give them space, until we can out-pace them’.
For the PUPs, they had a different drastic approach. The reason why we should avoid Malaya was the same reason why we should hurry in incorporating it. Malaya’s resources were sufficient enough to run their own, but that could be diverted to assist Indonesia’s growth as a whole. As one example, the rubber and oil industry in Malaya was already developed to actually sustain US foreign demands in constructing Papua. So, what PUP had thought of was giving in some places for Malayan public figures, which Hatta would later on… The 1945 Spirit was thought to be reclining, Hatta thought. The 1965 had nearly swept the whole archipelago, mainly increasing an expansion view to a certain place in Africa. In addition to it, the whole Java was seemingly ‘sanctified’ by the PGI. No other islands combined were much importance than Java itself. For Hatta, a new discrimination was getting out of hand, and it must be contained. Luckily, he knew exactly how because of a certain crisis.
The crisis of Malaya, had already happened back from the colonial years. For some time, a general gap between ethnic Malays and Chinese had taken place. Ethnic Chinese lived majorly in the small islands south of the Peninsula, Singapore Islands. Ethnic Malays dwelt everywhere else, in the mainland Peninsula, or even the Borneo portion. Chinese were extremely crowded in the island, not like the sparse Malays. Therefore, the population proportion in total was quite equal. Indeed, the Chinese had traditionally better economic affluence and the Malays tended to be poorer.
The plan on granting a Federal Malaya from the British really scared these two ethnics. However, those were scrapped after the Indonesian had acquired them. As a compromise between these two ethnics, Malaya and Singapore was split apart. However, what the Malays unable to accept was the status of Singapore as SEZ, while in Malaysia, only Penang and Malacca were given. Even Penang, located north-east of the peninsula, were also had high Chinese diaspora. In Singapore, groups of Malays living there had growing tension with them now as the minority. Lee Kuan Yew, a Singaporean political activist, adopted non-communal politics whereby it called for equality for all regardless of race or religion. However, the Malays demanded the provision of exclusive privileges for the bumiputeras (indigenous Malays in Malaya). For provocative purposes, these ethnic bubbles were supported by those in State of Malaya, where led by Governor Abdul Rahman. Then, not long, the riots began.
The 28 May Incident, happened after the celebration of Mawlid (Birth) of the Prophet.
Not long, the entire region turned into chaos. Police forces were deployed to Singapore and a state of emergency was being given. Hatta, Premier at that moment, was already knew how to handle the situation, and he gave to his party associate Subandrio.
Subandrio was born in Malang, East Java, and educated at the Sekolah Tinggi Kedokteran Jakarta (GHS) in Jakarta. As a medical student he was active in the movement for independence. During World War II, while practicing medicine, he worked with anti-Japanese resistance forces. After the war he was appointed secretary-general of the information ministry.
After 1945 Subandrio became a supporter of Sukarno, and was sent as Sukarno's special envoy in Europe, establishing an information office in London in 1947. From 1954 to 1956, he was ambassador to the Soviet Union. During this time, he developed strong left wing views, although he was never a Communist as later alleged. After 1956, he was immediately sent home to manage Indonesia’s war effort against UK. During that time, he met Hatta, and quickly became great companions. After 1963, he joined the PUP, and mostly become Hatta’s right-hand man in every occasion. He rallied the people on encouraging socialism, civic nationalism, and social conservatism in his later years. After the war, Subandrio would stay in Indonesia longer, becoming a Malang Senator, or Regional Representative.
He was given a simple but troubling task by Hatta, settle a compromise in Singapore. For him, this was not an easy task, especially involving two ethnic groups that before had clashed against each other. For three days, he was given time to think about the crisis. For every day he delayed, the crisis spewed even broader. In 4th of June, he given a negotiable peace concession from those battling factions. For the Malays he offered a special treatment from the Indonesian government itself by giving money and regulation subsidies especially for Malay merchants. As a counter-balance, the Singaporean Chinese-descendants were given increasing political rights. Although the Malays refused to accept, they ultimately decided for in the end, and finally peace returned to Singapore.
For several years, the little Malayan diaspora in the region was slightly funded by the government, called the Bumiputera exclusive rights. However, this was only given in five-year’s time. For the Chinese, their struggle for equality was halted, but by this they also promoted a rising star into Indonesian politics, none other than Lee Kuan Yew.
Lee Kuan Yew, already an established politician with a conservative view, would join as a PUP member in 1969. An even after just his brief entrance, he would become PUP’s golden boy, by placing him an extremely strategic position in Indonesia, one seat that would cause extensive dramas to the PGI. By the end of the conflict, Subandrio was enacted as national hero of equality, showing the true vigor of just and equal judgement towards the two disputable ethnics.
Lee Kuan Yew during a short speech about Singaporean's future in Indonesia
If the Indonesians wanted to determine the start of a new system, the 1969 was a good start. The election would have a three months long duration, from the Legislative Election for the Regional and Representative Council in August, and the Presidential Election in November. Both of those elected officials, legislative and executive, would be inaugurated in January 6. And campaigning was restricted to as long as one year prior until as short as one month prior. Because of that, during those campaigning years, many parties competed in attracting ballots.
The Progressive Union Party was one. As a party essentially ‘crabbed’ by the PGI. The PUP had sworn to change this by the next election. As a party of Hatta, the PUP never actually struggled to gain voters. A strong base for Revolutionary Spirit of 1945 - the one those fired during 10 November 1945 in Surabaya, or Bandung during the Bandung Sea of Fire, and during the General Offensive of 1st March- had been established for five years.
For now, the PGI have introduced the 1965 Generation, a generation where Indonesians felt their proud and prestige in overcoming the United Kingdom in a war, and unifying most of Melayunesia. However, the 1965s would sometimes clash with the 1945s, mainly because of several differences. For once, the 1945s were people of the independence era. They stood up against allied aggression, and made their way towards independence. In other words, they were strictly anti-imperialism, and also non-aligned folks. The 1965s were slightly different, they also hated imperialism, but not nationalism. For them, uniting Austronesia, like what had done in Treaty of Darwin, was a natural act of nationalism. Furthermore, they also advocate a strong centralized government, differ from the 1945s which prefer a decentralized government.
Linguistic Map of Austonesia, in PGI context, Australia and Papua were often included to unite them as one Austronesia Realm. In some devious ways, PGI named their own manifesto Pax Australia (Not to be confused with Australia, an UK Dominion)
For the PUPs, they had a different drastic approach. The reason why we should avoid Malaya was the same reason why we should hurry in incorporating it. Malaya’s resources were sufficient enough to run their own, but that could be diverted to assist Indonesia’s growth as a whole. As one example, the rubber and oil industry in Malaya was already developed to actually sustain US foreign demands in constructing Papua. So, what PUP had thought of was giving in some places for Malayan public figures, which Hatta would later on… The 1945 Spirit was thought to be reclining, Hatta thought. The 1965 had nearly swept the whole archipelago, mainly increasing an expansion view to a certain place in Africa. In addition to it, the whole Java was seemingly ‘sanctified’ by the PGI. No other islands combined were much importance than Java itself. For Hatta, a new discrimination was getting out of hand, and it must be contained. Luckily, he knew exactly how because of a certain crisis.
The crisis of Malaya, had already happened back from the colonial years. For some time, a general gap between ethnic Malays and Chinese had taken place. Ethnic Chinese lived majorly in the small islands south of the Peninsula, Singapore Islands. Ethnic Malays dwelt everywhere else, in the mainland Peninsula, or even the Borneo portion. Chinese were extremely crowded in the island, not like the sparse Malays. Therefore, the population proportion in total was quite equal. Indeed, the Chinese had traditionally better economic affluence and the Malays tended to be poorer.
The plan on granting a Federal Malaya from the British really scared these two ethnics. However, those were scrapped after the Indonesian had acquired them. As a compromise between these two ethnics, Malaya and Singapore was split apart. However, what the Malays unable to accept was the status of Singapore as SEZ, while in Malaysia, only Penang and Malacca were given. Even Penang, located north-east of the peninsula, were also had high Chinese diaspora. In Singapore, groups of Malays living there had growing tension with them now as the minority. Lee Kuan Yew, a Singaporean political activist, adopted non-communal politics whereby it called for equality for all regardless of race or religion. However, the Malays demanded the provision of exclusive privileges for the bumiputeras (indigenous Malays in Malaya). For provocative purposes, these ethnic bubbles were supported by those in State of Malaya, where led by Governor Abdul Rahman. Then, not long, the riots began.
The 28 May Incident, happened after the celebration of Mawlid (Birth) of the Prophet.
Not long, the entire region turned into chaos. Police forces were deployed to Singapore and a state of emergency was being given. Hatta, Premier at that moment, was already knew how to handle the situation, and he gave to his party associate Subandrio.
After 1945 Subandrio became a supporter of Sukarno, and was sent as Sukarno's special envoy in Europe, establishing an information office in London in 1947. From 1954 to 1956, he was ambassador to the Soviet Union. During this time, he developed strong left wing views, although he was never a Communist as later alleged. After 1956, he was immediately sent home to manage Indonesia’s war effort against UK. During that time, he met Hatta, and quickly became great companions. After 1963, he joined the PUP, and mostly become Hatta’s right-hand man in every occasion. He rallied the people on encouraging socialism, civic nationalism, and social conservatism in his later years. After the war, Subandrio would stay in Indonesia longer, becoming a Malang Senator, or Regional Representative.
He was given a simple but troubling task by Hatta, settle a compromise in Singapore. For him, this was not an easy task, especially involving two ethnic groups that before had clashed against each other. For three days, he was given time to think about the crisis. For every day he delayed, the crisis spewed even broader. In 4th of June, he given a negotiable peace concession from those battling factions. For the Malays he offered a special treatment from the Indonesian government itself by giving money and regulation subsidies especially for Malay merchants. As a counter-balance, the Singaporean Chinese-descendants were given increasing political rights. Although the Malays refused to accept, they ultimately decided for in the end, and finally peace returned to Singapore.
For several years, the little Malayan diaspora in the region was slightly funded by the government, called the Bumiputera exclusive rights. However, this was only given in five-year’s time. For the Chinese, their struggle for equality was halted, but by this they also promoted a rising star into Indonesian politics, none other than Lee Kuan Yew.
Lee Kuan Yew, already an established politician with a conservative view, would join as a PUP member in 1969. An even after just his brief entrance, he would become PUP’s golden boy, by placing him an extremely strategic position in Indonesia, one seat that would cause extensive dramas to the PGI. By the end of the conflict, Subandrio was enacted as national hero of equality, showing the true vigor of just and equal judgement towards the two disputable ethnics.
Lee Kuan Yew during a short speech about Singaporean's future in Indonesia
7.4. Blue Revolution: Partai Komunis Indonesia
PKI Reformation
One thing was certain for Indonesia’s politics back then, which was PKI would wrinkle if they kept implementing their same strategy all over again. Although PKI’s had almost a tenth in the Representative Majority, it was a dwarf comparing to the three other parties. In addition to it, PKI’s survival was so dependent on D.N. Aidit, that any controversial issues he had make during speeches, the party’s popularity trembled and fluctuated.
Portrait of Dipa Nusantara Aidit
The other perturbing habits of an Indonesian Communist Party was their revolts. In the course of history, the Communists had revolted two times, in 1926 and in 1948.
In May 1925, the Exec Committee of the Comintern in a plenary meeting ordered communists in Indonesia to form an anti-imperialist front united with non-communist nationalist organizations, but extremist elements dominated by Alimin & Musso called for a revolution to overthrow the Dutch colonial government. At a conference in Prambanan, Central Java, trade unions controlled by the communists decided that the revolution would start with a strike by the railroad workers who would signal a more general and broad strike for the revolution to begin. This will lead to the PKI which will replace the colonial government.
In November 1926 the PKI led a rebellion against colonial rule in West Java and West Sumatra. The PKI announced the formation of a republic. Together with Alimin, Musso who was one of the PKI leaders in that era was not in Indonesia. He is in talks with Tan Malaka who does not agree with the rebellion's move. This rebellion was finally brutally crushed by the colonial authorities. Thousands were killed and around 13,000 detained, 4,500 imprisoned, 1,308 of whom party cadres were largely exiled, and 823 were sent to Boven Digul, a detention camp in Papua. Some people died in custody. Many non-communist political activists were also targeted by the colonial government, citing the suppression of the communist uprisings. In 1927 the PKI was declared banned by the Dutch government. Because of this, the PKI then went underground.
A picture of the First PKI Generation in Batavia/Jakarta months before the revolt
During the signing of the Renville Agreement in 1948, the outcome of the Renville negotiation agreement was seen as favorable to the Dutch position. On the contrary, Indonesia has become a disadvantaged party by the narrower area it has. Many Republican armed units returned from conflict zones. This gave some of Indonesia's right-wing beliefs that they would be able to rival the PKI militarily. Guerrilla units and militias under the influence of the PKI were ordered to disperse. In Madiun the PKI military group refused to go along with the disarmament of members who were killed in September of the same year. The murder sparked a violent uprising. This gave a reason to suppress the PKI. This was claimed by military sources that the PKI had announced the proclamation of the 'Soviet Republic of Indonesia' on September 18 by referring to Musso as president and Amir Syarifuddin as prime minister. At the same time the PKI condemned the rebellion and asked for calm. On 30 September Madiun was taken over by the TNI from the Siliwangi Division. Thousands of party cadres were killed and 36 000 jailed. Among the executed leaders included Musso, who was killed on October 31 while captured in Niten Village, Sumorejo District, Ponorogo. Allegedly when Musso tried to escape from prison. Aidit and Lukman went into exile in the People's Republic of China. However, the PKI was not banned and continued to function. Reconstruction of the party began in 1949.
The Madiun Revolt in 1948
In 1950, the PKI resumed its publishing activities, with its main organs being Harian Rakjat and the Bintang Merah. In the 1950s, the PKI took the position of a nationalist party under the leadership of Aidit, and supported anti-colonialist and anti-Western policies adopted by President Soekarno. Aidit and the surrounding groups, including young leaders such as Sudisman, Lukman, Njoto and Sakirman, gained control of the party leadership in 1951. At that time, none of them was more than 30 years old. However, the slow-and-steady PKI rise must be halted with PGI meteoric rise, nearly wipe out PKI chances of further expansion. The lucky PGI managed to seized the position as a better nationalistic party under the leader of Ignatius Joseph Kasimo Hendrowahyono. Even farther, the insult from this party was duplicated after they promoted pan-nationalism and pro-Western policies, everything the PKI hated. Even with Aidit and his wonderful speeches, PKI must bow to PGI since 1950s, until now.
During the war, PKI’s popularity was gradually increasing. The problems led by a British blockade promote the PKI into discussing several matters against people’s prosperity. As food, money and trade dived low during the war, the PKI had used this opportunity to gain more supporters. Nevertheless, after the war ended, their bases were completely disintegrated as Indonesia deify the PNI as leader of the war, whom which also allied with the PGI. Lost for almost 20 years, and no important seats to ever acclaimed, PKI was anxious. Inner party leaders convened a lot to talk over this situation, and nearly all presented plan ended up with failures. In the eyes of PKI, the PGI party seemed to be indestructible from the outside, and even harder from the inside. The PKI had attempted infiltration to PGI’s base, and no significant results had been given.
As the election day was nearing, D.N. Aidit was nervous enough of his party’s survival that another extraordinary congress must be held. A 35th Extraordinary Congress in Jakarta, March 3 1969, to consider all issues regarding the party. During the congress, thousands members of PKI were present, and none of them was as appealing as Colonel Untung bin Syamsuri.
During the war for independence Kusman joined the Sudigdo Battalion in Wonogiri, Solo. Next Military Governor Col. Gatot Soebroto ordered the Sudigdo Battalion to be moved to Cepogo, on the slopes of Mount Merbabu. Then Kusman went to Madiun and joined his friends. After the Madiun incident, Kusman changed his name to Untung Sutopo and entered the TNI through the Military Academy in Semarang. Before being drawn to the Cakrabirawa Regiment, Untung was once the Commander of Battalion 454 / Banteng Raiders based in Srondol, Semarang. This battalion has the same quality and level of legend as Yonif Linud 330 / Kujang and Yonif Linud 328 / Kujang II. During the Australian Agression, Untung would command his battalion into many fights in Papua. The most famous for Battalion 454 was becoming the first Army to arrive and secure the Christmas Island. After the Battle in Christmas Island, he would later be promoted to Colonel.
After the war ended, he would later gain interests in politics, especially on left politics. He strongly bolstered libertarian-communism, which explains a broad range of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian aspects of Marxism. It was a reaction after the authoritarian measures by Mao and Stalin. Thorez was also one libertarian-communism follower, also idolized Rosa Luxemburg, and Untung seemed to favored him.
Colonel Untung with a Military Police escorting him
During his speech, he also commented that ‘Indo-communism’ will be an upgraded relic for former Sukarno-ism. With his initial Extraordinary Speech, he would rise in the ranks of PKI. This speech also reformed the PKI as a whole. Aidit, completely amazed by his vision, declare a reformation of the party. However, the aftermath of this reformation would start to affect nationally after the PGI’s contentious argument about their post-1969 plan.
One thing was certain for Indonesia’s politics back then, which was PKI would wrinkle if they kept implementing their same strategy all over again. Although PKI’s had almost a tenth in the Representative Majority, it was a dwarf comparing to the three other parties. In addition to it, PKI’s survival was so dependent on D.N. Aidit, that any controversial issues he had make during speeches, the party’s popularity trembled and fluctuated.
Portrait of Dipa Nusantara Aidit
In May 1925, the Exec Committee of the Comintern in a plenary meeting ordered communists in Indonesia to form an anti-imperialist front united with non-communist nationalist organizations, but extremist elements dominated by Alimin & Musso called for a revolution to overthrow the Dutch colonial government. At a conference in Prambanan, Central Java, trade unions controlled by the communists decided that the revolution would start with a strike by the railroad workers who would signal a more general and broad strike for the revolution to begin. This will lead to the PKI which will replace the colonial government.
In November 1926 the PKI led a rebellion against colonial rule in West Java and West Sumatra. The PKI announced the formation of a republic. Together with Alimin, Musso who was one of the PKI leaders in that era was not in Indonesia. He is in talks with Tan Malaka who does not agree with the rebellion's move. This rebellion was finally brutally crushed by the colonial authorities. Thousands were killed and around 13,000 detained, 4,500 imprisoned, 1,308 of whom party cadres were largely exiled, and 823 were sent to Boven Digul, a detention camp in Papua. Some people died in custody. Many non-communist political activists were also targeted by the colonial government, citing the suppression of the communist uprisings. In 1927 the PKI was declared banned by the Dutch government. Because of this, the PKI then went underground.
A picture of the First PKI Generation in Batavia/Jakarta months before the revolt
The Madiun Revolt in 1948
During the war, PKI’s popularity was gradually increasing. The problems led by a British blockade promote the PKI into discussing several matters against people’s prosperity. As food, money and trade dived low during the war, the PKI had used this opportunity to gain more supporters. Nevertheless, after the war ended, their bases were completely disintegrated as Indonesia deify the PNI as leader of the war, whom which also allied with the PGI. Lost for almost 20 years, and no important seats to ever acclaimed, PKI was anxious. Inner party leaders convened a lot to talk over this situation, and nearly all presented plan ended up with failures. In the eyes of PKI, the PGI party seemed to be indestructible from the outside, and even harder from the inside. The PKI had attempted infiltration to PGI’s base, and no significant results had been given.
As the election day was nearing, D.N. Aidit was nervous enough of his party’s survival that another extraordinary congress must be held. A 35th Extraordinary Congress in Jakarta, March 3 1969, to consider all issues regarding the party. During the congress, thousands members of PKI were present, and none of them was as appealing as Colonel Untung bin Syamsuri.
During the war for independence Kusman joined the Sudigdo Battalion in Wonogiri, Solo. Next Military Governor Col. Gatot Soebroto ordered the Sudigdo Battalion to be moved to Cepogo, on the slopes of Mount Merbabu. Then Kusman went to Madiun and joined his friends. After the Madiun incident, Kusman changed his name to Untung Sutopo and entered the TNI through the Military Academy in Semarang. Before being drawn to the Cakrabirawa Regiment, Untung was once the Commander of Battalion 454 / Banteng Raiders based in Srondol, Semarang. This battalion has the same quality and level of legend as Yonif Linud 330 / Kujang and Yonif Linud 328 / Kujang II. During the Australian Agression, Untung would command his battalion into many fights in Papua. The most famous for Battalion 454 was becoming the first Army to arrive and secure the Christmas Island. After the Battle in Christmas Island, he would later be promoted to Colonel.
After the war ended, he would later gain interests in politics, especially on left politics. He strongly bolstered libertarian-communism, which explains a broad range of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian aspects of Marxism. It was a reaction after the authoritarian measures by Mao and Stalin. Thorez was also one libertarian-communism follower, also idolized Rosa Luxemburg, and Untung seemed to favored him.
Colonel Untung with a Military Police escorting him
7.5. Blue Revolution: 1969 Legislative Results
TEMPO 1969 EXCLUSIVE BEFORE AND AFTER
The legislative elections of 1969 is here and hot, as four parties has contested in Indonesia, with once extra local party for Papua. With a divided left and one strong right party, Indonesia is given a hard choice when 1970s is on the stake.
The Party of Greater Indonesia is currently the largest party in Indonesia. Holding nearly two-fifths of the population, the party endorsed a nationalistic stance. If it were established in a fascist era, PGI surely would become one of the largest members of it. Albeit its nationalistic stances, PGI is relatively tolerant to minorities, and actually practices notable socialist economic policies, especially the Golkar faction, which consisted mainly of the military. The radical version of it, the Purple Faction, includes intellectuals and scholars. Many of those people, in fact, react Indonesia’s clear potential greatness as imminent future, and proceed in involving themselves in most ambitious projects nationwide. In spite of the party’s, solid pseudo-secular stance, there is a tiny portion of it, called the ‘Ulamas’ which advocates religious values.
PGI’s junior partner, the PNI, is another nationalistic party. However, rather than the capitalist, less regulation PGI, PNI strongly views regulation and government control in economic sectors. On the other hand, the PNI favors federalizing more of the nation rather than PGI’s centralizing attitude. In foreign policy, PNI has the greatest advantage as a non-aligned party, something the founding fathers of Indonesia had keen on. So far, PNI still cooperate with the PGI. Within the PNI, there are some factions growing within. The “New Faction” led by Fajar Lubis, is a democratic faction. The faction’s staunch opposition towards Indonesia’s leaning towards the US has make them famous. This faction believes that democracy is not meant to lean only one side of the world, albeit represent the whole world. Therefore, France, Germany and many of South American nations (which were democratically elected until ‘American junta’ arrives) are all a valid nation of democracy and must not be hated. Meanwhile, Wilopo’s bases sticks to pragmatism and instead to real-politics. There is no distinct policy when it comes to Wilopo, it is only maneuvers on opportunist stances.
PUP is a splinter party from the government, dissatisfied with PGI’s authoritarian behavior and even meddle in domestic policy, when it was actually PUP’s responsible. A center left party, this Hatta party is also a neutral party, uninvolved to any political affiliation happening outside. This party grew up to own a different character of socialism, which is in Indonesian characteristics. The slogan ‘Gotong Royong’ have become somewhat a god spoken symbol and motto for supporters. Nevertheless, this party is nicknamed to be the most ‘racist’ ones, as they are reluctant to appeal Javan and Papuan voters and attract more in Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and Lesser Sundas. This strategy still is not a problem because of Hatta’s proclamator status that is widely known in Java. Interestingly, there were no tangible differences that may differ PUP from PNI. Because of that, usually these two parties are considered as half brothers, only to separated with how their relationship with PGI. The party is united under Hatta, and there are no factions forming inside the party.
PKI, the largest sole communist party in Indonesia, is clinging on for its survival. The Second Phase of the Cold War, which the communist is deeply divided, also gives an effect to the platform. There are three types of Communism, Maoist, Thorezians and Marxist-Stalinist, all of them create the factions in Indonesia. In order of authoritarian measures, Thorezians are definitely the last, because of its libertarian components. Maoist and Soviet’s Marxist-Stalinist, are difficult to distinguish. Nevertheless, both of them compromise between a total government control on political matters, or economic and social matters. The former is worryingly progressed, as their ‘Great Leap Forward’ continue to inspire people.
After the election night, there are no surprises to contain inside those ballots. But, because of PGI’s contentious declaration about the status of Amir Syariffudin, the party is the one who declined in votes. During the independence wars, Amir Syariffudin was a national hero who became the Second Prime Minister for Indonesia. However, after the disastrous Renville Agreement, he decided to left the government and build a new one in Madiun. This movement is now widely known as “Madiun ’48 Revolt”, a communist movement destined to established a red regime opposed to any Allied negotiations. When the party was asked for its opinion, Lieutenant General Suharto misspoke his words, saying that Amir Syariffudin is a ‘hero turned villain’ and yet we still must remember him.
The reactions about what had he spoken was dire, as the party convened itself to have a minor ruckus. In one moment, the Purple Faction, had thought of expelling him. But surely, expelling him would he the end of PGI. Suharto was on par as Nasution, or even stronger. His connections inside the Army, and his lobbying effort was efficient indeed. Therefore, party’s unity was shaken a bit, and it affect the popularity as well.
In 1969, there are two councils to contest. The first one, proportionally elected, was the People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat). The body was so far the largest among three. There are three different councils, Indonesia, Papua and Melanesian councils. Indonesia had 320 seats, Papua 100 and Melanesia 50. Each of those council were eligible for nationally ratified parties, except Eastern Coalition Front, which owned Papua specially. The DPR would become the stem for a Premier’s Cabinet, holding the power to rule the government. The winning coalition or party shall elect a leader, which will become the Premier. The Premier, according to 1959 Constitution, will control domestic issues within the government. The councils are limited each of the Republics, therefore Indonesia ‘s Council should not interfere Papua’s ones, or Melanesia’s ones, or vice versa. For SAR Councils (Papua and Melanesia), their leaders are called not a Premier, but a Deputy Premier. Still, a Deputy Premier still owns a special cabinet and administration.
The other one, was the People Regional Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah). This body however has only one body different from the former. For each regional states will have four representatives, each Special Economic Zones will have five representatives, and each Special Administrative Zones’s regional states will have six representatives. This body is on par to the President, although holds also as part of legislative council. Therefore, this body mainly convenes on foreign issues, and oftenly discuss with the President instead of the Premier. There are 34 regional states in Indonesia, 5 regional kingdoms in Indonesia, 5 SEZs in Indonesia, and 6 regional states incorporated to SARs. That makes a total of 217 seats. This seats were permanent, rather than growing DPR, and would mainly stayed up that way even until the 21st century ends, except there would be more expansion.
When the night had finished, the election was hardly amusing, because the results were extremely close to what had predicted. The one that intrigued political experts was the factions within the parties. The PGI, for instance, were dominantly ruled by Golkar faction. After the 1969 election, the Purple Lists had a growing percentage, even matching with the Golkar. The PKI, secondly, now had a Untung owning half of the party, along with his communism with Indonesian characteristics akin to Thorezian in France. However, in the DPD we would see a decline in PGI's power, and that should also affect the Presidential Election up next.
Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 110 Seats, 34.38% (-14)
Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 71 Seats, 22.19% (+5)
Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 105 Seats, 32.81% (+6)
Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 34 Seats, 10.62% (+3)
Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 55 Seats
Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 7 Seats
Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 1 Seat
Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 2 Seats
Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 35 Seats
Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 1 Seats
Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 0 Seats
Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 1 Seat
Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 8 Seats
Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 77 Seats, 35.48%
Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 46 Seats, 21.20%
Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 62 Seats, 28.57%
Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 26 Seats, 11.98%
Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 6 Seats, 2.77%
The legislative elections of 1969 is here and hot, as four parties has contested in Indonesia, with once extra local party for Papua. With a divided left and one strong right party, Indonesia is given a hard choice when 1970s is on the stake.
The Party of Greater Indonesia is currently the largest party in Indonesia. Holding nearly two-fifths of the population, the party endorsed a nationalistic stance. If it were established in a fascist era, PGI surely would become one of the largest members of it. Albeit its nationalistic stances, PGI is relatively tolerant to minorities, and actually practices notable socialist economic policies, especially the Golkar faction, which consisted mainly of the military. The radical version of it, the Purple Faction, includes intellectuals and scholars. Many of those people, in fact, react Indonesia’s clear potential greatness as imminent future, and proceed in involving themselves in most ambitious projects nationwide. In spite of the party’s, solid pseudo-secular stance, there is a tiny portion of it, called the ‘Ulamas’ which advocates religious values.
PGI’s junior partner, the PNI, is another nationalistic party. However, rather than the capitalist, less regulation PGI, PNI strongly views regulation and government control in economic sectors. On the other hand, the PNI favors federalizing more of the nation rather than PGI’s centralizing attitude. In foreign policy, PNI has the greatest advantage as a non-aligned party, something the founding fathers of Indonesia had keen on. So far, PNI still cooperate with the PGI. Within the PNI, there are some factions growing within. The “New Faction” led by Fajar Lubis, is a democratic faction. The faction’s staunch opposition towards Indonesia’s leaning towards the US has make them famous. This faction believes that democracy is not meant to lean only one side of the world, albeit represent the whole world. Therefore, France, Germany and many of South American nations (which were democratically elected until ‘American junta’ arrives) are all a valid nation of democracy and must not be hated. Meanwhile, Wilopo’s bases sticks to pragmatism and instead to real-politics. There is no distinct policy when it comes to Wilopo, it is only maneuvers on opportunist stances.
PUP is a splinter party from the government, dissatisfied with PGI’s authoritarian behavior and even meddle in domestic policy, when it was actually PUP’s responsible. A center left party, this Hatta party is also a neutral party, uninvolved to any political affiliation happening outside. This party grew up to own a different character of socialism, which is in Indonesian characteristics. The slogan ‘Gotong Royong’ have become somewhat a god spoken symbol and motto for supporters. Nevertheless, this party is nicknamed to be the most ‘racist’ ones, as they are reluctant to appeal Javan and Papuan voters and attract more in Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and Lesser Sundas. This strategy still is not a problem because of Hatta’s proclamator status that is widely known in Java. Interestingly, there were no tangible differences that may differ PUP from PNI. Because of that, usually these two parties are considered as half brothers, only to separated with how their relationship with PGI. The party is united under Hatta, and there are no factions forming inside the party.
PKI, the largest sole communist party in Indonesia, is clinging on for its survival. The Second Phase of the Cold War, which the communist is deeply divided, also gives an effect to the platform. There are three types of Communism, Maoist, Thorezians and Marxist-Stalinist, all of them create the factions in Indonesia. In order of authoritarian measures, Thorezians are definitely the last, because of its libertarian components. Maoist and Soviet’s Marxist-Stalinist, are difficult to distinguish. Nevertheless, both of them compromise between a total government control on political matters, or economic and social matters. The former is worryingly progressed, as their ‘Great Leap Forward’ continue to inspire people.
After the election night, there are no surprises to contain inside those ballots. But, because of PGI’s contentious declaration about the status of Amir Syariffudin, the party is the one who declined in votes. During the independence wars, Amir Syariffudin was a national hero who became the Second Prime Minister for Indonesia. However, after the disastrous Renville Agreement, he decided to left the government and build a new one in Madiun. This movement is now widely known as “Madiun ’48 Revolt”, a communist movement destined to established a red regime opposed to any Allied negotiations. When the party was asked for its opinion, Lieutenant General Suharto misspoke his words, saying that Amir Syariffudin is a ‘hero turned villain’ and yet we still must remember him.
The reactions about what had he spoken was dire, as the party convened itself to have a minor ruckus. In one moment, the Purple Faction, had thought of expelling him. But surely, expelling him would he the end of PGI. Suharto was on par as Nasution, or even stronger. His connections inside the Army, and his lobbying effort was efficient indeed. Therefore, party’s unity was shaken a bit, and it affect the popularity as well.
In 1969, there are two councils to contest. The first one, proportionally elected, was the People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat). The body was so far the largest among three. There are three different councils, Indonesia, Papua and Melanesian councils. Indonesia had 320 seats, Papua 100 and Melanesia 50. Each of those council were eligible for nationally ratified parties, except Eastern Coalition Front, which owned Papua specially. The DPR would become the stem for a Premier’s Cabinet, holding the power to rule the government. The winning coalition or party shall elect a leader, which will become the Premier. The Premier, according to 1959 Constitution, will control domestic issues within the government. The councils are limited each of the Republics, therefore Indonesia ‘s Council should not interfere Papua’s ones, or Melanesia’s ones, or vice versa. For SAR Councils (Papua and Melanesia), their leaders are called not a Premier, but a Deputy Premier. Still, a Deputy Premier still owns a special cabinet and administration.
The other one, was the People Regional Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah). This body however has only one body different from the former. For each regional states will have four representatives, each Special Economic Zones will have five representatives, and each Special Administrative Zones’s regional states will have six representatives. This body is on par to the President, although holds also as part of legislative council. Therefore, this body mainly convenes on foreign issues, and oftenly discuss with the President instead of the Premier. There are 34 regional states in Indonesia, 5 regional kingdoms in Indonesia, 5 SEZs in Indonesia, and 6 regional states incorporated to SARs. That makes a total of 217 seats. This seats were permanent, rather than growing DPR, and would mainly stayed up that way even until the 21st century ends, except there would be more expansion.
When the night had finished, the election was hardly amusing, because the results were extremely close to what had predicted. The one that intrigued political experts was the factions within the parties. The PGI, for instance, were dominantly ruled by Golkar faction. After the 1969 election, the Purple Lists had a growing percentage, even matching with the Golkar. The PKI, secondly, now had a Untung owning half of the party, along with his communism with Indonesian characteristics akin to Thorezian in France. However, in the DPD we would see a decline in PGI's power, and that should also affect the Presidential Election up next.
People's Representative Council of Indonesia (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Indonesia)
320 Seats
320 Seats
Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 110 Seats, 34.38% (-14)
- Golkar Faction - 57 seats
- Purple Faction - 41 seats
- Ulamas - 12 seats
Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 71 Seats, 22.19% (+5)
- Old Faction 'Wilopo' - 52 seats
- New Faction 'Fajar Lubis' - 19 seats
Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 105 Seats, 32.81% (+6)
Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 34 Seats, 10.62% (+3)
- Pro-Mao - 15 seats
- Pro-Soviet - 7 seats
- Unique Communism "Untung" - 12 seats
---------------------------
People's Representative Council of Papua Special Administrative Region (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Admnistrasi Khusus Papua)
100 Seats
People's Representative Council of Papua Special Administrative Region (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Admnistrasi Khusus Papua)
100 Seats
Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 55 Seats
- Golkar Faction - 45 seats
- Purple Faction - 3 seats
- Ulamas - 7 seats
Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 7 Seats
- Old Faction 'Wilopo' - 4 seats
- New Faction 'Fajar Lubis' - 3 seats
Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 1 Seat
Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 2 Seats
- Pro-Mao - 0 seats
- Pro-Soviet - 1 seat
- Unique Communism "Untung" - 1 seat
Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 35 Seats
---------------------------
People's Representative Council of Melanesia Special Administrative Region (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Admnistrasi Khusus Melanesia)
50 Seats
Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 40 SeatsPeople's Representative Council of Melanesia Special Administrative Region (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Admnistrasi Khusus Melanesia)
50 Seats
- Golkar Faction - 38 seats
- Purple Faction - 1 seat
- Ulamas - 1 seat
Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 1 Seats
- Old Faction 'Wilopo' - 1 seat
- New Faction 'Fajar Lubis' - 0 seats
Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 0 Seats
Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 1 Seat
- Pro-Mao - 0 seats
- Pro-Soviet - 0 seats
- Unique Communism "Untung" - 1 seat
Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 8 Seats
---------------------------
People's Regional Council of Indonesia Federal Republic (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Republik Federal Indonesia)
217 Seats
People's Regional Council of Indonesia Federal Republic (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Republik Federal Indonesia)
217 Seats
Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 77 Seats, 35.48%
- Golkar Faction - 51 seats
- Purple Faction - 18 seats
- Ulamas - 2 seats
Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 46 Seats, 21.20%
- Old Faction 'Wilopo' - 29 seats
- New Faction 'Fajar Lubis' - 17 seats
Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 62 Seats, 28.57%
Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 26 Seats, 11.98%
- Pro-Mao - 13 seats
- Pro-Soviet - 9 seats
- Unique Communism "Untung" - 4 seats
Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 6 Seats, 2.77%
I'll give a post about this after part 7. Definitely not good, as per say.
7.6. Blue Revolution: 1969 Presidential Election
When the Legislative Elections had secured the PGI-PNI in a majority, although how slim it is, Nasution was finally had the green light to go for the election. But, since Lieutenant General Tahi Bonar Simatupang was redirected as the leader for the DPR, Nasution needed to find another successor. General Suharto was one option, but then declined due to strategic party purposes. PGI wanted, needed, General Suharto as the Premier. His strong stance for his policy, and the extensive stubbornness of his may enforce PGI’s influence over Indonesia, and for decades to come. Suharto also was cooperative with businessmen, suitable for Indonesia to boost its economy from business.
Therefore, Nasution decided he would accept a Vice-President from PNI. To be fair, PNI had been a keen follower for PGI, and rarely express much squabbling about any of the PGI’s policy. In truth, PNI was still Wilopo-affiliated, which were largely pragmatic and realpolitik politicians, so the lack of opposition. Suharto would call Wilopo into politics again, as Ministry of Interior, so he would not become Vice President. Choosing a person for such seat was hard. Nasution wanted a person to be PNI, but was moderate enough to not block him about his actions. He would seek his second-man to be helpful for him, while also giving reasonable critics in case his judgement was so slanted. Interestingly, he would find a man in PNI. He was called Idham Chald.
Since childhood, Idham was known to be very intelligent and brave. When he entered school he immediately sat in second grade and his speech talent began to be seen and honed. His oration skills will become Idham Chalid's main asset in pursuing a career in the political platform.
After school, Idham continued his education to Madrasah Ar-Rasyidiyyah in 1922. Idham, who was growing and infatuated with knowledge, had many opportunities to explore Arabic, English, and general science. Then Idham continued his education to the Gontor Islamic Boarding School located in Ponorogo, East Java. The opportunity to study at Gontor was also used by Idham to deepen Japanese, German and French.
Graduating from Gontor, 1943, Idham continued his education in Jakarta. In the capital, Idham's fluency in Japanese made Dai-Nipon invaders very impressed. The Japanese also often asked him to become a translator in several meetings with religious scholars. It was during these meetings that Idham became familiar with the main figures of NU.
When Japan lost the war and the Allies entered Indonesia, Idham Chalid joined the struggle bodies. Towards independence, he was active in the Regional Indonesian Independence Committee in the city of Amuntai. After the Proclamation of Independence, he joined the Indonesian People's Union, a local party, then moved to the Indonesian Muslim Union.
In 1947 he joined the Central Kalimantan Indonesian Rebels Organization, led by Hasan Basry who was also his student at Gontor. After the war for independence, Idham was appointed as a member of the Indonesian Provisional Parliament representing Kalimantan. In 1950 he was re-elected as a member of the DPRS on behalf of Masyumi. However, after the Masyumi loss in 1950, and what had become of it disintegrates. Most Masyumi members split and spread out, although most of them return as PGI’s Ulamas. But, Idham was not one of them. He joined the PNI in 1954, and continued to be fond of Indonesia’s struggle into the world stage. He once also criticizes Wilopo’s Asia-Africa Agreement, saying that it was utterly ‘racial’ and increase Western-homophobia. But, since he mastered in foreign policy, especially during the Australian Aggression years, when he would three times become acting foreign minister, 1956-1957, 1959-1962 and 1964-1965. After the war, he would remain a critic for Wilopo’s base, also not supported Fajar Lubis’ base, a suitable companion for a PGI.
By 21 September, Nasution would announce Idham as his running mate. And the ticket of PGI-PGI was officialy announced.
The PUP and PKI on the other hand, had difficulties on each own. For PUP, Hatta was retiring, and he would not budge to nominated himself as a 1969 candidate. He had explicitly stated his age was consuming his energy, and being as a government official for another 5 years was already too much for him. Subandrio, his announced successor, was having another trouble, as he urged PUP to cooperate with the PKI, something the former members were not happy upon. Chairul Saleh, was one oppose, stating that ‘we would not once cooperate with those bastards who abandon us at war!’.
Subandrio, after his initial candidacy, was taken down by its party members. He also thought that maybe after Untung took over PKI, maybe he would retry it again. Instead, the party gave Adam Malik a chance, along with Sjam Kamaruzan, a fellow PKI defected to PUP. This was said to be the weakest candidacy of them all, as neither of the pair could even cooperate itself. Adam Malik was keen on improving Indonesia’s relations to European nations, while Sjam Kamaruzan opted for increasing rebellions in Africa and Asia, thus damaging the European relations.
PKI, voted for a more popular approach, they would bring forth Aidit and Untung as a pair, hoping that maybe a miracle would come. Sadly, it did not.
BONUS:
Guess what will happen based on this quote:
Therefore, Nasution decided he would accept a Vice-President from PNI. To be fair, PNI had been a keen follower for PGI, and rarely express much squabbling about any of the PGI’s policy. In truth, PNI was still Wilopo-affiliated, which were largely pragmatic and realpolitik politicians, so the lack of opposition. Suharto would call Wilopo into politics again, as Ministry of Interior, so he would not become Vice President. Choosing a person for such seat was hard. Nasution wanted a person to be PNI, but was moderate enough to not block him about his actions. He would seek his second-man to be helpful for him, while also giving reasonable critics in case his judgement was so slanted. Interestingly, he would find a man in PNI. He was called Idham Chald.
Since childhood, Idham was known to be very intelligent and brave. When he entered school he immediately sat in second grade and his speech talent began to be seen and honed. His oration skills will become Idham Chalid's main asset in pursuing a career in the political platform.
After school, Idham continued his education to Madrasah Ar-Rasyidiyyah in 1922. Idham, who was growing and infatuated with knowledge, had many opportunities to explore Arabic, English, and general science. Then Idham continued his education to the Gontor Islamic Boarding School located in Ponorogo, East Java. The opportunity to study at Gontor was also used by Idham to deepen Japanese, German and French.
Graduating from Gontor, 1943, Idham continued his education in Jakarta. In the capital, Idham's fluency in Japanese made Dai-Nipon invaders very impressed. The Japanese also often asked him to become a translator in several meetings with religious scholars. It was during these meetings that Idham became familiar with the main figures of NU.
When Japan lost the war and the Allies entered Indonesia, Idham Chalid joined the struggle bodies. Towards independence, he was active in the Regional Indonesian Independence Committee in the city of Amuntai. After the Proclamation of Independence, he joined the Indonesian People's Union, a local party, then moved to the Indonesian Muslim Union.
In 1947 he joined the Central Kalimantan Indonesian Rebels Organization, led by Hasan Basry who was also his student at Gontor. After the war for independence, Idham was appointed as a member of the Indonesian Provisional Parliament representing Kalimantan. In 1950 he was re-elected as a member of the DPRS on behalf of Masyumi. However, after the Masyumi loss in 1950, and what had become of it disintegrates. Most Masyumi members split and spread out, although most of them return as PGI’s Ulamas. But, Idham was not one of them. He joined the PNI in 1954, and continued to be fond of Indonesia’s struggle into the world stage. He once also criticizes Wilopo’s Asia-Africa Agreement, saying that it was utterly ‘racial’ and increase Western-homophobia. But, since he mastered in foreign policy, especially during the Australian Aggression years, when he would three times become acting foreign minister, 1956-1957, 1959-1962 and 1964-1965. After the war, he would remain a critic for Wilopo’s base, also not supported Fajar Lubis’ base, a suitable companion for a PGI.
By 21 September, Nasution would announce Idham as his running mate. And the ticket of PGI-PGI was officialy announced.
The PUP and PKI on the other hand, had difficulties on each own. For PUP, Hatta was retiring, and he would not budge to nominated himself as a 1969 candidate. He had explicitly stated his age was consuming his energy, and being as a government official for another 5 years was already too much for him. Subandrio, his announced successor, was having another trouble, as he urged PUP to cooperate with the PKI, something the former members were not happy upon. Chairul Saleh, was one oppose, stating that ‘we would not once cooperate with those bastards who abandon us at war!’.
Subandrio, after his initial candidacy, was taken down by its party members. He also thought that maybe after Untung took over PKI, maybe he would retry it again. Instead, the party gave Adam Malik a chance, along with Sjam Kamaruzan, a fellow PKI defected to PUP. This was said to be the weakest candidacy of them all, as neither of the pair could even cooperate itself. Adam Malik was keen on improving Indonesia’s relations to European nations, while Sjam Kamaruzan opted for increasing rebellions in Africa and Asia, thus damaging the European relations.
PKI, voted for a more popular approach, they would bring forth Aidit and Untung as a pair, hoping that maybe a miracle would come. Sadly, it did not.
----------------------------------------------------
1969 Presidential Elections
Total Population 111,8 million
Eligible Votes 66,753,315
1 Nasution-Chalid - 37,676,285 - 56,44%
2 Malik-Kamaruzan - 4,513,164 - 6,76%
3 Aidit-Untung - 24,563,833 - 36,80%
----------------------------------------------------
PUP was torn to shreds after the election, and seek immediate changes from the party. Yet, much of the changes would be better effects after 1973, especially after a certain acquisition.1969 Presidential Elections
Total Population 111,8 million
Eligible Votes 66,753,315
1 Nasution-Chalid - 37,676,285 - 56,44%
2 Malik-Kamaruzan - 4,513,164 - 6,76%
3 Aidit-Untung - 24,563,833 - 36,80%
----------------------------------------------------
BONUS:
Guess what will happen based on this quote:
Last edited:
7.7. Blue Revolution: Order '65
General Suharto folded his arms. Truly, becoming a Premier was always his dream, along with Golkars’. However, observing the slim majority PGI-PNI had for the Fifth Congress, he knew that one way or another, he must back down several policies to not angry them.
“It’s actually your fault Suharto, you make the mess because of your hasty declaration against Amir. You could have just ignored it!” Nasution remarked with a higher tone.
“It’s not my fault that a traitor ever ran our government. It is history, who are we to rewrite it!” Suharto replied back with his arms.
“Just find something that can solidify our party and I will have your support.” Nasution said and then sat harshly on the chair.
For nearly weeks after inauguration, Suharto and Nasution had been, well, in a dispute. Nasution only wanted to maintain his Presidency, which was already seemingly well during his first term. His Pax Nusantara was like his best work for Indonesia. In five years, Indonesia had become from scratch to a decent infrastructure stage. It is so outstanding that, Trans-Java is almost done with all the railways and road maps. Even in Jakarta and Singapore, plans for digging a metro have already been planned. However, all of this was actually assisted by the help of the super-majority Indonesia had during his first term. Even with the super coalition, the PKI also gave in some support in some of Pax Nusantara, which ended up nearly total assembly support.
Since the entrance of Suharto, however, things were not so good. Indeed, the PUP had always wanted to left the coalition. But if it was not Suharto’s provocation against one of the members, we would still have them in our pockets. Suharto was one strong folk, he aimed to rule with iron fists. For him, it was time for Indonesia to enter a higher stage, not just as a mere junior for the US. If there was an embodiment of power hunger, Suharto was the one. In the minds of Suharto, cooperation on all sides was not an option. He wanted his government policy to be as purely right as possible. Grant business subsidies to increase capitalism and corporatism, give more lenience to investors, both domestic and foreign. And also, one controversial, is expanding the armed forces again. The last bit had become a problem in the Assembly, because of the existent influence.
After the initial expansion of the armed forces during the Australian Aggression, a significant increase in armed force that influence Indonesia’s politics. With PGI as the outright platform for them, more and more personnel had joined in as government officials. For several people, especially those inside the PUP, the government was going dangerously towards ‘military junta’, with just a little bit of push. The populace also afraid of such futures, therefore there was a little disturbance in the PGI base when Suharto was appointed Premier. Nasution thought that Suharto must not be chosen. His hard idealism about ultra-nationalism and militarism was a threat to the upcoming term. He even directly stated his support for the Chilean and Brazilian junta, both of those created after Nixon’s aggressive policy about Pax Americana, and the increasing military presence in Argentinian and Nicaraguan politics. Nasution, an army himself, never liked Indonesia to become another Chile or Brazil. For Nasution, democracy isn’t a disease, it was Pancasila’s dream, and so be ours. In the other hand, he was needed by the party to express a strong government. His strong will was similar to what the haram Hitler, but the difference was there was no genocide in planning, only militaristic society.
“This Green Revolution you proposed, indirectly rose military presence in the government. We have already caused problems with us as government officials, now you are seemingly created a junta.”, Nasution sighed.
“This is necessary for strengthening our government Nasution. I have seen the troubles of parliamentary democracy. You give them too much, up until one point that you can’t. Since then, I guarantee you, nothing can ever be passed.” Suharto fired back.
“No, this path is not what Pancasila had wanted. And even what we all wanted. I’m warning you, Suharto, find something better than increasing the military. If not, just follow one of my initial orders, and start from there.” Nasution replied.
Nasution was just leaving the Premier’s office when Manai Sophian, the elected foreign minister entered the office.
“Mr. President, and Mr. Premier, I think we have a huge problem.” Sophian said while immediately closed the door Nasution had opened. “Pardon me for my rude manners, gentlemen, but seriously, this is very dire.”
Nasution perplexed for a moment. Sophian were never as anxious as this. At one moment when during his years as PNI-representative for South Sulawesi, he ever got nervous after being alleged of attacking Wilopo’s foreign policy, but never this magnitude.
“Sit down, Sophian. Calm yourself. Give it a moment before you said this news.”
Suharto also sat in his chair, now with both eyes directing to Sophian. He catches a few inhales, and finally spoke up.
“It’s about Malagasy, and it was extremely serious.”
Nasution was taken aback. Malagasy, the largest island across Mozambique, was one strategical importance to Indonesia. As part of the Austronesia lingua-sphere, Indonesia was intrigued of having them in a close relationship, but always ended the same due to the French presence. In 1950, a French Protectorate of Malagasy has been established, as a compromise with the Malagasy rebels. Philibert Tsiranana was appointed by the French, and always ruled there for years. We had a friendly attitude towards him, hoping that someday he would leave the French. But that days never came because of French new government. There was no way the French would relieve us into Malagasy, except…
“Did they declared independence?”, Suharto shot first. Damn he was more quick-thinker.
“Yes, Premier, but actually no. The situation was not that simple. Just a few days ago, the Fifth Republic has a rebellion, the one with National Front with Jean-Marie Le Pen. The right wing party held a number of seats in Southern France, and when Thorez enacted the ‘Equality Act’, Le Pen had enough. By the first 24-hours, Marseille, Lyon and Nice had already taken as strongholds. The French Civil War had begun.”
Sophian stood up to take a tea in the far left side of the office.
“The Americans, had already predicted this, and enacted their long planned Operation Joan D’Arc. The operation consisted of giving all insurgent camps all around French Africa. When the time comes, all of these camps had already prepared to attack, and now an African Implosion had begun. Benin, Togo, Niger, Mali, Gabon, much of them revolted. Although most of them satisfied with the Thorezian government, instead counter-attack those insurgents.”
“That probably Senegal, Ivory Coast, and also Mauritania, yes?” Suharto asked. In the 1950s, a specific French Migration Act had pushed several natives away from these regions. However, after the communist regime, these secluded natives had given rights. As a result, it created a unique stability within the region, with enough number of French to erased the thoughts of leaving France, and also enough number of natives to maintain less aggressive segregation like those in South Africa. Now, it became of those French strongholds.
“Yes. They issued a war against these people. Meanwhile, those insurgents also crossed into British colonies, like in Nigeria, Ghana, and most of West Africa, convulsing Britain deeper into chaos. The Americans never thought of such possibility, and the pro-Britain Nixon opted to remain their lease or just assisting Britain against the rebels. Gentlemen, I believe we witness the African decade now.” He then sat down.
“I’m sorry,” Nasution cut, “But what is this have to do with Malagasy? I thought there were pretty distant on everything the chaos?”
“Malagasy, just yesterday, was given with an ultimatum by three parties, confusing eh? The first one, the Communist, was just saying that Malagasy would not interfere anything troublesome that had erupted in Africa and just stayed on as Protectorate. Le Pen urged the Malagasy government to just follow his cause. The Americans meanwhile, urged them to just declared themselves independent. None of these was viable for Tsiranana. He would not want to being in any of those aggressing parties, but also not strong enough to construct their own government.”
“So?” Nasution stressed again about the relations.
“Just last night, that same man, Philibert Tsiranana, had given to Thorez that he wanted to have a green light of leaving France peacefully. Thorez knew Malagasy wasn’t ready for independence, and so Thorez asked the question ‘Who is it?’ and he replied ‘Indonesia’”
“What? ‘Who is it?’ What does that mean?” Suharto said.
“Gentlemen, don’t you get it. The Malagasy people had requested to join Indonesia. Well, actually the French requested Malagasy on joining to Indonesia, with the request of one, not interfering on this war in Africa” Sophian said. “They demanded an answer by the morning”
With those words had spewed out of Sophian’s mouth. Both figures silenced themselves, yet unable to speak for a moment, until Suharto broke the silence.
“Astagfirullah”
“Suharto”, Nasution called.
“Yes, Sir.” Suharto replied.
“I believe it’s time to execute Order 65.” he instructed, ”and maybe insert that Green Revolution of yours to construct an address to the Assembly.”
With that, the entire office turned into hustle and bustle. Leaving the Foreign Minister alone in the Premier’s office.
What do you think about this?
Can anyone guess about Order 65?
“It’s actually your fault Suharto, you make the mess because of your hasty declaration against Amir. You could have just ignored it!” Nasution remarked with a higher tone.
“It’s not my fault that a traitor ever ran our government. It is history, who are we to rewrite it!” Suharto replied back with his arms.
“Just find something that can solidify our party and I will have your support.” Nasution said and then sat harshly on the chair.
For nearly weeks after inauguration, Suharto and Nasution had been, well, in a dispute. Nasution only wanted to maintain his Presidency, which was already seemingly well during his first term. His Pax Nusantara was like his best work for Indonesia. In five years, Indonesia had become from scratch to a decent infrastructure stage. It is so outstanding that, Trans-Java is almost done with all the railways and road maps. Even in Jakarta and Singapore, plans for digging a metro have already been planned. However, all of this was actually assisted by the help of the super-majority Indonesia had during his first term. Even with the super coalition, the PKI also gave in some support in some of Pax Nusantara, which ended up nearly total assembly support.
Since the entrance of Suharto, however, things were not so good. Indeed, the PUP had always wanted to left the coalition. But if it was not Suharto’s provocation against one of the members, we would still have them in our pockets. Suharto was one strong folk, he aimed to rule with iron fists. For him, it was time for Indonesia to enter a higher stage, not just as a mere junior for the US. If there was an embodiment of power hunger, Suharto was the one. In the minds of Suharto, cooperation on all sides was not an option. He wanted his government policy to be as purely right as possible. Grant business subsidies to increase capitalism and corporatism, give more lenience to investors, both domestic and foreign. And also, one controversial, is expanding the armed forces again. The last bit had become a problem in the Assembly, because of the existent influence.
After the initial expansion of the armed forces during the Australian Aggression, a significant increase in armed force that influence Indonesia’s politics. With PGI as the outright platform for them, more and more personnel had joined in as government officials. For several people, especially those inside the PUP, the government was going dangerously towards ‘military junta’, with just a little bit of push. The populace also afraid of such futures, therefore there was a little disturbance in the PGI base when Suharto was appointed Premier. Nasution thought that Suharto must not be chosen. His hard idealism about ultra-nationalism and militarism was a threat to the upcoming term. He even directly stated his support for the Chilean and Brazilian junta, both of those created after Nixon’s aggressive policy about Pax Americana, and the increasing military presence in Argentinian and Nicaraguan politics. Nasution, an army himself, never liked Indonesia to become another Chile or Brazil. For Nasution, democracy isn’t a disease, it was Pancasila’s dream, and so be ours. In the other hand, he was needed by the party to express a strong government. His strong will was similar to what the haram Hitler, but the difference was there was no genocide in planning, only militaristic society.
“This Green Revolution you proposed, indirectly rose military presence in the government. We have already caused problems with us as government officials, now you are seemingly created a junta.”, Nasution sighed.
“This is necessary for strengthening our government Nasution. I have seen the troubles of parliamentary democracy. You give them too much, up until one point that you can’t. Since then, I guarantee you, nothing can ever be passed.” Suharto fired back.
“No, this path is not what Pancasila had wanted. And even what we all wanted. I’m warning you, Suharto, find something better than increasing the military. If not, just follow one of my initial orders, and start from there.” Nasution replied.
Nasution was just leaving the Premier’s office when Manai Sophian, the elected foreign minister entered the office.
“Mr. President, and Mr. Premier, I think we have a huge problem.” Sophian said while immediately closed the door Nasution had opened. “Pardon me for my rude manners, gentlemen, but seriously, this is very dire.”
Nasution perplexed for a moment. Sophian were never as anxious as this. At one moment when during his years as PNI-representative for South Sulawesi, he ever got nervous after being alleged of attacking Wilopo’s foreign policy, but never this magnitude.
“Sit down, Sophian. Calm yourself. Give it a moment before you said this news.”
Suharto also sat in his chair, now with both eyes directing to Sophian. He catches a few inhales, and finally spoke up.
“It’s about Malagasy, and it was extremely serious.”
Nasution was taken aback. Malagasy, the largest island across Mozambique, was one strategical importance to Indonesia. As part of the Austronesia lingua-sphere, Indonesia was intrigued of having them in a close relationship, but always ended the same due to the French presence. In 1950, a French Protectorate of Malagasy has been established, as a compromise with the Malagasy rebels. Philibert Tsiranana was appointed by the French, and always ruled there for years. We had a friendly attitude towards him, hoping that someday he would leave the French. But that days never came because of French new government. There was no way the French would relieve us into Malagasy, except…
“Did they declared independence?”, Suharto shot first. Damn he was more quick-thinker.
“Yes, Premier, but actually no. The situation was not that simple. Just a few days ago, the Fifth Republic has a rebellion, the one with National Front with Jean-Marie Le Pen. The right wing party held a number of seats in Southern France, and when Thorez enacted the ‘Equality Act’, Le Pen had enough. By the first 24-hours, Marseille, Lyon and Nice had already taken as strongholds. The French Civil War had begun.”
Sophian stood up to take a tea in the far left side of the office.
“The Americans, had already predicted this, and enacted their long planned Operation Joan D’Arc. The operation consisted of giving all insurgent camps all around French Africa. When the time comes, all of these camps had already prepared to attack, and now an African Implosion had begun. Benin, Togo, Niger, Mali, Gabon, much of them revolted. Although most of them satisfied with the Thorezian government, instead counter-attack those insurgents.”
“That probably Senegal, Ivory Coast, and also Mauritania, yes?” Suharto asked. In the 1950s, a specific French Migration Act had pushed several natives away from these regions. However, after the communist regime, these secluded natives had given rights. As a result, it created a unique stability within the region, with enough number of French to erased the thoughts of leaving France, and also enough number of natives to maintain less aggressive segregation like those in South Africa. Now, it became of those French strongholds.
“Yes. They issued a war against these people. Meanwhile, those insurgents also crossed into British colonies, like in Nigeria, Ghana, and most of West Africa, convulsing Britain deeper into chaos. The Americans never thought of such possibility, and the pro-Britain Nixon opted to remain their lease or just assisting Britain against the rebels. Gentlemen, I believe we witness the African decade now.” He then sat down.
“I’m sorry,” Nasution cut, “But what is this have to do with Malagasy? I thought there were pretty distant on everything the chaos?”
“Malagasy, just yesterday, was given with an ultimatum by three parties, confusing eh? The first one, the Communist, was just saying that Malagasy would not interfere anything troublesome that had erupted in Africa and just stayed on as Protectorate. Le Pen urged the Malagasy government to just follow his cause. The Americans meanwhile, urged them to just declared themselves independent. None of these was viable for Tsiranana. He would not want to being in any of those aggressing parties, but also not strong enough to construct their own government.”
“So?” Nasution stressed again about the relations.
“Just last night, that same man, Philibert Tsiranana, had given to Thorez that he wanted to have a green light of leaving France peacefully. Thorez knew Malagasy wasn’t ready for independence, and so Thorez asked the question ‘Who is it?’ and he replied ‘Indonesia’”
“What? ‘Who is it?’ What does that mean?” Suharto said.
“Gentlemen, don’t you get it. The Malagasy people had requested to join Indonesia. Well, actually the French requested Malagasy on joining to Indonesia, with the request of one, not interfering on this war in Africa” Sophian said. “They demanded an answer by the morning”
With those words had spewed out of Sophian’s mouth. Both figures silenced themselves, yet unable to speak for a moment, until Suharto broke the silence.
“Astagfirullah”
“Suharto”, Nasution called.
“Yes, Sir.” Suharto replied.
“I believe it’s time to execute Order 65.” he instructed, ”and maybe insert that Green Revolution of yours to construct an address to the Assembly.”
With that, the entire office turned into hustle and bustle. Leaving the Foreign Minister alone in the Premier’s office.
--------------------
I was trying to have a different point of view about my TL. And this is what I came up. Hope y'all like it.What do you think about this?
Can anyone guess about Order 65?