Ah so the mafia has an even more big role ittl italy? Man couldnt wait for a dedicated year of lead update for italy ittl
Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL
- Thread starter SkylineDreamer
- Start date
19.3. The Decay of Stability: A Temporary Compromise
The Jakarta Conference Week
Premier Musa Hitam on Thursday, 18 December 1986
The Indonesian economy was almost ended abruptly, the protest had grown and the socio-cultural dynamics of the nation seemingly had turned for the worst. Manifest from the national perspective, Indonesia ought to reflect within and amend herself. The vertical relationship of bureaucracy had been destructed by the Nusantaran State Republic with the Federal Republic of Indonesia. Fortunately, both parties had decided on a negotiation. It took a week, nearing the end of the year holidays, but the government officials compromised on talking about this pressing issue.
The Jakarta Conference Week was, as stated, a week of talks by both conflicting sides regarding the Nusantara Republic’s Labour Law of 1986. The Labour Law had been extremely controversial, not only it took harsh measures on companies, it discouraged them from effectively working. However, it also encompassed the dire issues most craftsmen, labourers and farmers needed the most; insurance for their hard work. The idea of business relaxations against the protection of the proletariat had become the dividing opinion of the Republic, it would continue to do so for the upcoming decades. This conference, unfortunately, was the background of why it evolved into a nationally political declaration for parties to proclaim.
The location was selected from the proposal of then-District Secretary Sudomo Hendarto. The common perception of that time was Hendarto was supportive of the federal government. Yet, he had a cordial relationship with the State Deputy President Aang Kunaefi Kartawiria. Kartawiria was a local Bandung resident who was appointed as Mohamed Rahmat’s Deputy President. He was from the PRD, the militarist party who had been leaning towards the Melayu Bersatu Faction of the PPP. As for the perks of being a close companion, Hendarto had been defended by beret bodyguards. As a result, he was a proper mediator for this current predicament. His building was later chosen to be the place for the negotiation to be commenced.
The first day of the conference was opened with a slightly less heated debate about the corporate regulation regarding any of the workmen’s insurance. However, the negotiation was slightly unexpected as the debate had turned into undismayed slander from both parties that opposed each other. The federal government opposed the local jurisdiction to hold the power of indicting corporates and sentencing them. Meanwhile, the State Republic of Nusantara expressed insecurity which the worker’s protection would be simply just like in before, unmanageable and entirely on the hands of the corporate’s grace. The example of the growing forest fire, the Kampar Incident [1], burned almost 15 hectares of reserved forest illegally as incidental, or the Pawan River Conflict [2] that the corporate bulldoze native land for the forest they lived. At the end of the day, the negotiation fruited bitterness for both sides. They evaded reporters when exited the building, both sides neither gave comments nor body language for the conference.
In the night, the condition and this conference’s urgency worsened as the United States’ market value was hit by the ongoing national malaise. When the stocks were opened on the morning, the shares in Dow Jones immediately shrank by 15%. Public panic ensued and businesses declared an emergency. Meanwhile, due to the high printing rate, the dollar also lost value significantly, weakened by almost 10% of its initial value. As Indonesians slumbered on their beds, the Americans rushed for immediate solutions for this impending downturn.
This may seem sudden, but the crisis had been anticipated by many economists since the early 1980s. Under the Carter Presidency, public spending had been extremely high and offices were heavily controlled under numerous laws and rules, both at the state and federal levels. In addition to the pension benefits and unemployment grants, the government had been giving more money by printing more, thus gradually losing value in the currency. Also, business was discouraged and one by one they were closing. Small business, which was Carter’s main campaign target, was ironically damaged the most in this economic initiative. In 1981, a dollar devaluation had occurred to boost business as export would be better. Although inconsequential unlike 1973 that had damaged the economies of other countries, this devaluation was a warning sign to most scholars that the government will continuously do so.
In the night, the condition and this conference’s urgency worsened as the United States’ market value was hit by the ongoing national malaise. When the stocks were opened on the morning, the shares in Dow Jones immediately shrank by 15%. Public panic ensued and businesses declared an emergency. Meanwhile, due to the high printing rate, the dollar also lost value significantly, weakened by almost 10% of its initial value. As Indonesians slumbered on their beds, the Americans rushed for immediate solutions for this impending downturn.
This may seem sudden, but the crisis had been anticipated by many economists since the early 1980s. Under the Carter Presidency, public spending had been extremely high and offices were heavily controlled under numerous laws and rules, both at the state and federal levels. In addition to the pension benefits and unemployment grants, the government had been giving more money by printing more, thus gradually losing value in the currency. Also, business was discouraged and one by one they were closing. Small business, which was Carter’s main campaign target, was ironically damaged the most in this economic initiative. In 1981, a dollar devaluation had occurred to boost business as export would be better. Although inconsequential unlike 1973 that had damaged the economies of other countries, this devaluation was a warning sign to most scholars that the government will continuously do so.
A photo of poverty in California, dubbed to be one of the most 'liberal' regions after Reagan's gubernatorial career.
For months, the American economy had been reliant on exports to the outer nations. In reality, the situation domestically was terrible that unemployment slowly rose. In addition to it, the unemployment grants were entitled to have better long-term credits than usual occupation does, the poor then deliberately exited work to have those grants. Glenn’s pensions started in 1985 had been the final strain of the American economy. Since then, America had weakened significantly with the Presidency announcing a second devaluation in the 80s.
The special fuse that began the cycle of downturn occurred with Indonesia taking a drastic hit from defaulting companies. While American imports were halted from lack of corporate demands, American exports slightly struggled. Quotas, which shrank a mere 4% of normal circumstances, was enough to propel the snowball of economic downturn.
At this turn of events, the federal government, who had panicked, dreaded with no hopes of resurrecting the growth. Still, the regional government also suffered as less capital meant any subsidies, insurance, or supplementary cost by the implementation of the 1986 Labour Law will definitely ruin the locals. They progressed slowly on Tuesday, opening a friendly relay between each other. As Wednesday confirmed the American malaise, the urgent necessity of communication was apparent.
Ir. Soesmono Martosiswojo, the state treasurer of Nusantara, drafted an outline of proposals for the first compromise between the federal government and Nusantara. Initially, Soesmono wrote a memorandum for the previous discussion regarding the state of law for corporate mismanagements. In his memorandum, the federal government shall hold the power to held charged business but the local jurisdiction, the related region where transgression was committed, shall oversight and consult with the federal court regarding how to proceed. Soesmono constructed this appease on Tuesday morning, and both Mohamed Rahmat and Musa Hitam declared agreement on this understanding.
State Treasurer of the State Republic of Nusantara Ir. Soesmono Martosiswojo, 1987
Truthfully, the regional government were also losing supporters as the economy drastically worsened. In fact, while the DPR Building had been filled with protestors (PPNU, SOBSI and FPI) arrived, more protestors had arrived in the Nusantara government complex in Surabaya. As they testified in national news, they assumed both local and federal government had wasted too much time on this issue and they demanded rapid change for the better. Eventually, Nusantara’s official cabinet announced that it would relent other points of negotiation to the federal government, declaring farmer’s livelihood to be their priority. This would hurt popularity in craftsmen, labourers and other industrial-focused works, but the farmer’s adversity was what Mohamed Rahmat prioritized after.
On Monday next week, the memorandum of Soesmono had evolved into a Soesmono proposal, a myriad of trade-offs between the federal government and local government to solve the pressing issue. The Soesmono proposal was interim, it would resolve several issues while a committee shall be established for revision of the 1986 Labour Law.
The Soesmono proposal encompassed fifteen main points. These points were then ratified as Government Regulation in Lieu of Law [3] of 1986. These fifteen points are as follow:
On Monday next week, the memorandum of Soesmono had evolved into a Soesmono proposal, a myriad of trade-offs between the federal government and local government to solve the pressing issue. The Soesmono proposal was interim, it would resolve several issues while a committee shall be established for revision of the 1986 Labour Law.
The Soesmono proposal encompassed fifteen main points. These points were then ratified as Government Regulation in Lieu of Law [3] of 1986. These fifteen points are as follow:
The first three points solved the judiciary issue of any misdemeanours. Capital exploitation, unfair inside the corporates would be treated as lawfully as possible. The next seven points, contributed to the ailing farmers who had been suffering from a lack of manpower and money to sustain production. The State Republic were also worried that they lose population towards Federal Districts, therefore losing power gradually. An additional statement was given to balance the State Republic’s needs.
Mohamed Rahmat reluctantly agreed on 4 points to momentarily stop this freeze in the economy for the workers in the factories. From slightly increasing the minimum wage for the regional state (as opposed to no raising by the Premier), supplement several protections for the labours, a balancing proposal to soothe the business and further guidelines for future changes.
Mohamed Rahmat reluctantly agreed on 4 points to momentarily stop this freeze in the economy for the workers in the factories. From slightly increasing the minimum wage for the regional state (as opposed to no raising by the Premier), supplement several protections for the labours, a balancing proposal to soothe the business and further guidelines for future changes.
Musa Hitam and his family celebrated the Jakarta Conference Week as a success
28 December 1986
Myrtle Beach, South Carolina, USA
Deputy Ambassador Ganjar Kartasaswita has just returned his American home in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina. Ganjar, a distant noble of Surakarta descent, was able to find an affordable house near the coast of South Carolina. Mr Ali Alatas, his superior, decided to stay at the embassy as many should do, but Ganjar was determined to at least experience what an American dream feels like.
South Carolina, as far as Ganjar remembers, was a deeply conservative state with extremely relaxing economic laws. That has caused many benefits, one of them being outstandingly low house prices. Strangely, the economic prospect of this state contributed a lot to the rising immigrants and migrants. This movement is obvious in the many Southern States, even newly admitted Caribbean States, as the land value was still low. Ganjar noticed, by the early 2000s, there would be a massive power transition from the northern states to southern states. If the Democrats continued to control the predictable political path, they would waste the Southern States new population growth that the Conservatives will benefit from.
Public approval for John Glenn plummeted as the Christmas Panic [4] of 1986, as they called it, destructed many of the economic strength of the States. Their national currency was also weakened more, despite already being lower in value than the Deutsche Mark. Unemployment rose to 10%, the highest since the Great Depression, caused the administration to lose public confidence.
The Conservative Party, as one opposition could be, has started to prepare for the ascension. As a newly made party based on conservative principles of its founders, the party revolved mainly around the personification of Nixon-Reagan staunch extreme American patriotism. The high demand for conservative morality and family views. The idea of rollback policy of Communism, instead of containment. Deregulation and strong law and order. However, the Conservative Party, as it has become the substitute for the GOP, would grow too big to unify as one faction. In response, three new factions emerged from the party.
Myrtle Beach, South Carolina, USA
Deputy Ambassador Ganjar Kartasaswita has just returned his American home in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina. Ganjar, a distant noble of Surakarta descent, was able to find an affordable house near the coast of South Carolina. Mr Ali Alatas, his superior, decided to stay at the embassy as many should do, but Ganjar was determined to at least experience what an American dream feels like.
South Carolina, as far as Ganjar remembers, was a deeply conservative state with extremely relaxing economic laws. That has caused many benefits, one of them being outstandingly low house prices. Strangely, the economic prospect of this state contributed a lot to the rising immigrants and migrants. This movement is obvious in the many Southern States, even newly admitted Caribbean States, as the land value was still low. Ganjar noticed, by the early 2000s, there would be a massive power transition from the northern states to southern states. If the Democrats continued to control the predictable political path, they would waste the Southern States new population growth that the Conservatives will benefit from.
Public approval for John Glenn plummeted as the Christmas Panic [4] of 1986, as they called it, destructed many of the economic strength of the States. Their national currency was also weakened more, despite already being lower in value than the Deutsche Mark. Unemployment rose to 10%, the highest since the Great Depression, caused the administration to lose public confidence.
The Conservative Party, as one opposition could be, has started to prepare for the ascension. As a newly made party based on conservative principles of its founders, the party revolved mainly around the personification of Nixon-Reagan staunch extreme American patriotism. The high demand for conservative morality and family views. The idea of rollback policy of Communism, instead of containment. Deregulation and strong law and order. However, the Conservative Party, as it has become the substitute for the GOP, would grow too big to unify as one faction. In response, three new factions emerged from the party.
The Conservative Party logo symbolized a rhino, 'fierce and brave like a Conservative'.
The Old Guard was the first and currently the largest faction in the Conservative Party. As named, the Old Guard basically originated and was the forefathers of the party. From Senator Barry Goldwater, Governor Richard Nixon and Governor Ronald Reagan [5] to Senator Nicholas F. Brady, Economist Donald Regan and Diplomat George P. Shultz. The Old Guards were criticisms of the liberal Shafer's Republican Party which was deemed ‘divisible’ for the party that later collapsed within. The Old Guard are extremely interventionist, staunch law and order with a slightly nationalistic tendency. However, the idea of the Old Guard being too radical was why they kept losing in 1972, 1976, 1980 and 1984.
The Young Reformers was the aftermath of the Old Guard’s failures despite establishing a new federal party. The Young Fours as their main star, the Reformers stressed one specific issue; the economic struggle of exaggerated government interventionism. With Carter basically regulated policies everywhere, the Young Reformers accused that the economic downturn was caused by too much regulation. However, the Young Fours were quite disunited anywhere else. For example, Congressman Dick Cheney was unopposed to the sexual revolution of the Americans while Congressman Dick Gephardt was extremely conservative on marriage and sexual life. Joe Biden urged the conservatives to push harder against the Soviet Union while Dan Quayle remained strict following Democrat’s containment measure. In essence, the Young Reformers were a broad coalition of young Conservatives who merely rejected economic intervention and regulation.
Lastly, we have the Northern Conservatives. The Northern Conservatives are a satirical response to President Jimmy Carter’s success in Southern conservative states. These politicians determine while Carter’s socialist policies were widely accepted in most Southern States, for what reason can’t the conservatives won in the North. Moreover, these politicians are mostly former Republicans that felt the Democratic Party was not suitable for his political views, especially after the sudden shift to socialized programs at the start of Carter’s 2nd term. Former Michigan Governor George Romney became the creator of the faction. Currently, their faction icon has been Jack Kemp, a New Jersey Representative. The Northern Conservative seemed similar to Young Reformists, but the Northern Conservatives had a more liberal economic and social spending attitude.
Some of this particular type of politicians, notably New Hampshire governor John H. Sununu, adopted an FDR approach in economical spending, yet remained opposed to Carter’s view on government spending. Unlike both Old Guards and Young Reformers who rejected any forms of regulation, Northern Conservatives agreed on little regulation for reducing inequality. All that is, Northern Conservatives had been vague on multiple issues, but mostly they tend for populist characteristics. These typical candidates, notable Real Estate billionaire Donald Trump, thrives under a notion that the Americans are losing to Japan in terms of progress. Julie Belaga, governor of Connecticut, was famous for protecting the coastline and college reform, the latter being one of the Democrat’s main agendas.
Ambassador Ali Alatas, who comprehended enough of American politics, showed optimism for the rise of the Conservative Party. Deputy Ganjar, meanwhile, presented cynicism to the party. For him, the party has three flawed factions, one being too rigid and radical, one being too implausible to unite, and the last being too sporadic to function.
Deputy Ganjar slouched on his newly bought chair. If he wanted to enjoy this Christmas break, he should at best refrain from thinking anything political. Especially to him, he should not think about Indonesian political events, which remained chaotic for this time of being.
The Young Reformers was the aftermath of the Old Guard’s failures despite establishing a new federal party. The Young Fours as their main star, the Reformers stressed one specific issue; the economic struggle of exaggerated government interventionism. With Carter basically regulated policies everywhere, the Young Reformers accused that the economic downturn was caused by too much regulation. However, the Young Fours were quite disunited anywhere else. For example, Congressman Dick Cheney was unopposed to the sexual revolution of the Americans while Congressman Dick Gephardt was extremely conservative on marriage and sexual life. Joe Biden urged the conservatives to push harder against the Soviet Union while Dan Quayle remained strict following Democrat’s containment measure. In essence, the Young Reformers were a broad coalition of young Conservatives who merely rejected economic intervention and regulation.
Lastly, we have the Northern Conservatives. The Northern Conservatives are a satirical response to President Jimmy Carter’s success in Southern conservative states. These politicians determine while Carter’s socialist policies were widely accepted in most Southern States, for what reason can’t the conservatives won in the North. Moreover, these politicians are mostly former Republicans that felt the Democratic Party was not suitable for his political views, especially after the sudden shift to socialized programs at the start of Carter’s 2nd term. Former Michigan Governor George Romney became the creator of the faction. Currently, their faction icon has been Jack Kemp, a New Jersey Representative. The Northern Conservative seemed similar to Young Reformists, but the Northern Conservatives had a more liberal economic and social spending attitude.
Some of this particular type of politicians, notably New Hampshire governor John H. Sununu, adopted an FDR approach in economical spending, yet remained opposed to Carter’s view on government spending. Unlike both Old Guards and Young Reformers who rejected any forms of regulation, Northern Conservatives agreed on little regulation for reducing inequality. All that is, Northern Conservatives had been vague on multiple issues, but mostly they tend for populist characteristics. These typical candidates, notable Real Estate billionaire Donald Trump, thrives under a notion that the Americans are losing to Japan in terms of progress. Julie Belaga, governor of Connecticut, was famous for protecting the coastline and college reform, the latter being one of the Democrat’s main agendas.
Ambassador Ali Alatas, who comprehended enough of American politics, showed optimism for the rise of the Conservative Party. Deputy Ganjar, meanwhile, presented cynicism to the party. For him, the party has three flawed factions, one being too rigid and radical, one being too implausible to unite, and the last being too sporadic to function.
Deputy Ganjar slouched on his newly bought chair. If he wanted to enjoy this Christmas break, he should at best refrain from thinking anything political. Especially to him, he should not think about Indonesian political events, which remained chaotic for this time of being.
[1] and [2] will be discussed somewhere in the future regarding Indonesia's environmental issues, but mostly it derives from capitalism.
[3] In Indonesia, we would call it Perpu. In this context, this was implemented as an addition to the Federal Law and a constituted law in the State Republic of Nusantara
[4] Unlike most panics [mostly on share prices], the Christmas Panic of 1986 was indicated first with a fall of demand in Christmas spending. Certainly, December spending should be high for a majority-Christian denominator of the US, yet high unemployment, less capital gain and weakening currency strength discouraged people to buy things. Then, it caused a fall in stock prices, thus solidifying the fall of the US economy.
[5] ITTL, Richard Nixon became Governor of California after the 1962 gubernatorial elections, reelected in 1966 and resigned in 1968 where he was elected President. His appointee and Lieutenant Governor had been Ronald Reagan (since 1966), who was reelected in 1970 and 1974 but lost [extremely slim margin] in the 1978 gubernatorial election to Jerry Brown.
The next chapter would discuss the situations outside Indonesia, mainly this map that I have not discussed.
Last edited:
I have been reading this timeline; and I have realized something.
Given the size of Indonesia, including Singapore Malaysia and even Madagascar, and the fact you have stated TTL modern Indonesia will be quiet developed…
Indonesia will probably be at the very least a “great power.”
How is the arms industry going?
In OTL Asian tigers (Korea, Taiwan) a fairly extensive arms industry was developed and I think given its size and aspirations TTLs Indonesia will aim to create a modern arms industry to be self sufficient
Given the size of Indonesia, including Singapore Malaysia and even Madagascar, and the fact you have stated TTL modern Indonesia will be quiet developed…
Indonesia will probably be at the very least a “great power.”
How is the arms industry going?
In OTL Asian tigers (Korea, Taiwan) a fairly extensive arms industry was developed and I think given its size and aspirations TTLs Indonesia will aim to create a modern arms industry to be self sufficient
Interesting i wonder will the drug cartels take advantages of the situation as well during the 80s they are on a rise
Still struggling, but we're getting there.
But yes, this Indonesia should certainly crank up in military to control its teritorial extent.
Huh, given this Indonesia will be quite developed (I think you said somewhere around Italy, maybe a bit less, maybe around the same) I would think there would exist a lot of immigration to the different isles, especially among Muslims from poorer countries (OTL Malaysia already has this a lot.)
Certainly, I have briefed some immigration (notably Vietnamese from the War, Jews in Madagascar and some white folks in Papua)
For now, Muslim immigrants moves on two factors i believe: the stability of the Islamic world and Indonesia's appeal to those countries.
At this moment of speaking, UASR (Nasser Egypt) remained stable and quite rich, while Iran grows but Saudi Arabia staggered. In my opinion, until we have the OTL mess-level of Middle East, I can safely assume immigrants from here is quite low.
In currently war torn places (Pakistan, Afghanistan, Somalia). I can say they are substantial refugees to Indonesia, although pro-Western folks would rather move for Uncle Sam. Maybe they structured a temporary camp to Iran (for Pakistan, Afghanistan) and Kenya (Somalia) and then demand assylum to Western states. It also depends on political preferences to, say that hard left/right Somalian refugees could move to UASR or Saudi Arabia. Who knows, migratory paths are convoluted.
For the rest of the Islamic world (i.e Sudan, Somalia, Comoros [yes, they're independent], Bangladesh), I can safely assume thousand have already migrated to Indonesia via Madagascar or all the way to Sumatra. Yet, for the time being, I assume the population of these settlers would be quite low comparing to what I've mentioned in the early paragraphs.
The 2nd factor, Indonesia, although quite a nation, does not have the 'utopia' effect as Latin American does to US OTL. But, we certainly can be *the* regional power by the 90s, and probably *the* Islamic power by the 00s. From that, your arguments of high immigration will present itself ITTL. In 2000s or more, I can safely tell you that Islamic refugees are certainly will become well-debated in Indonesia.
The French tried to sell those to Indonesia. But Indonesia rejected the offer. Thus, the French decided to just ... grant them independence. They prefer securing their Western African holdings rather than wasting money and resources on other colonial places potent for native separatism. Besides, the communist government thought that even with native appeasement, the distance of Comoros to the Mainland is too costly to govern.
Comoros was liberated in the 70s, Like in OTL, they should have a series of back-and-forth government changes. Coups and instability will happen just like any post-colonial African nation. Pro-French or isolationist policies may be the root of those problems.
19.4. The Decay of Stability: Frenemies?
The Great Counter-Offensive and The Crumbling State of Myanmar
In the 60s, the military junta of Thailand and Myanmar successfully turned their monarchist nation into a pro-militaristic regime that endorsed a Third-Superpower trend which the French Republic had decided to do that decade. In the 70s, both Thailand and Myanmar was trying to strengthen this third faction against both the rising US and USSR sphere, only to ruin French’s current president Mitterrand determined to release tension towards the West. This 80s decade, at least the latter end of the decade was marked by both sides of the superpower section willing to divide these two nations mercilessly.
Starting in 1984, the junta government in both states were conclusive on their choices and agree on one simple principle: if they prefer to survive this ordeal, they should eventually side with the new superpowers that abandon the French. The death of the Kra Canal plan only emboldened the idea which France will not protect nor aid these nations furthermore. Firstly, both nations depicted their fate as inevitably crushed by either power. However, looking at the current circumstances, Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn decided to appease the least enemy; the United States.
At first, the junta government opposed any moves to befriend the United States and its allies as one of them, Indonesia, had her president condemned the militaristic nation on the international stage. Let alone Indonesia’s apparent vision as the dominant power in South East Asia, Thailand was the state’s great menace. However, the Thai situation was in dire straits. Even though the United States has committed to a democratic government of Cambodia, Thailand can compromise on another, maintaining the monarchial system Laos had crippled.
The situation of the Fourth Indochinese War, despite the American military positivism, had turned upside down upon arriving in November. As the season changed from wet to dry, the Americans had thought that the rest of the advances is imminent. The Cambodian capital had been liberated and soon the country. The muddy and difficult jungle terrain would soon regain soil strength and composure by the time dry season arrived, thus motorized vehicles would be easier to plough the jungle. However, it also meant Vietnamese tunnels to be more sturdy and less inundated. Consequentially, Pol Pot and his communist militia had acted swiftly, finding the wedge between the moment of the dry season arriving and American motorized cars entering the jungle. By 15 November 1986, they had pushed the first counter-attack.
In the 60s, the military junta of Thailand and Myanmar successfully turned their monarchist nation into a pro-militaristic regime that endorsed a Third-Superpower trend which the French Republic had decided to do that decade. In the 70s, both Thailand and Myanmar was trying to strengthen this third faction against both the rising US and USSR sphere, only to ruin French’s current president Mitterrand determined to release tension towards the West. This 80s decade, at least the latter end of the decade was marked by both sides of the superpower section willing to divide these two nations mercilessly.
Starting in 1984, the junta government in both states were conclusive on their choices and agree on one simple principle: if they prefer to survive this ordeal, they should eventually side with the new superpowers that abandon the French. The death of the Kra Canal plan only emboldened the idea which France will not protect nor aid these nations furthermore. Firstly, both nations depicted their fate as inevitably crushed by either power. However, looking at the current circumstances, Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn decided to appease the least enemy; the United States.
At first, the junta government opposed any moves to befriend the United States and its allies as one of them, Indonesia, had her president condemned the militaristic nation on the international stage. Let alone Indonesia’s apparent vision as the dominant power in South East Asia, Thailand was the state’s great menace. However, the Thai situation was in dire straits. Even though the United States has committed to a democratic government of Cambodia, Thailand can compromise on another, maintaining the monarchial system Laos had crippled.
The situation of the Fourth Indochinese War, despite the American military positivism, had turned upside down upon arriving in November. As the season changed from wet to dry, the Americans had thought that the rest of the advances is imminent. The Cambodian capital had been liberated and soon the country. The muddy and difficult jungle terrain would soon regain soil strength and composure by the time dry season arrived, thus motorized vehicles would be easier to plough the jungle. However, it also meant Vietnamese tunnels to be more sturdy and less inundated. Consequentially, Pol Pot and his communist militia had acted swiftly, finding the wedge between the moment of the dry season arriving and American motorized cars entering the jungle. By 15 November 1986, they had pushed the first counter-attack.
Phnom Penh after the counter-attack, 1986
The Mekong Counter-Offensive was a series of sabotages, infiltration and guerilla tactics completed majorly by the Khmer Rouge. Although the Americans had established sustainable bases with adequate tactics, the indecisive measure made by central planning, later blamed on the presidential cabinet, had caused harmful damage to the American presence. It had inflicted so much that, unfortunately, the United States must withdraw from Phnom Penh to regroup.
The Pol Pot regime was ecstatic with its militia advances, it also improved the morale of the communist insurgency in Laos that North Vietnam and China had aided. His western flank was managed with Thailand stretched thinly in Laos, his eastern flank finally securing gains. To add insult to injury, Pol Pot launched another tunnel attack on Saigon in early December, prompting another infuriation from President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu to pass a national decree of state emergency, mobilizing South Vietnams farmers, craftsmen, artisans, even a few clergies, to war.
Prum Neakarech, mere months of leading an unstable nation, must move himself to Saigon so the democratic government will continue safely without the threat of communist encirclement. With South Vietnam now clinging to an ally that currently losing support for helping them, the Khmer Rouge, and ultimately, Indochina, could be witnessing another red tide. If not quenched, that wave of communist government will arrive in Bangkok, losing the monarch and the military control there.
Myanmar Army ready for military patrol, 1983
In Myanmar, the crisis had turned drastically harsh when the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma received the brunt of an action it did decades prior. In the early days of the dictatorship, General Ne Win with his subordinates removed few minorities of the citizenship appeal, two of them being the Shan and Rohingya tribes. Shan and Rohingyas were suppressed under the military junta, especially the Rohingya which was a different religious community towards the majorly Buddhist society. This religious hatred could be rooted in pre-colonial times when the Mughal Empire was known for persecuting Buddhist followers in India. With Burmese Islams widely called ‘Indian Muslims’, they soon felt threatened and an upsurge in anti-Indian sentiments soared in the 20th century.
Howbeit, the Shan State was ethnically close to Tai people, predominant dwell in the Chao Praya basin. But, the location was strategically important to the biggest neighbour of Myanmar, China. In the 1950s, the Shan State was invaded by KMT soldiers until Myanmar successfully negotiated an autonomous status with Prime Minister U Nu. Their right to secede still exist, however, which caused the junta government to attempt revising the agreement. In the 1960s, the Shan State appealed to the stronger China, but then Mao refuses as he intended to solve domestic issues rather than focusing abroad. These plead continued repeatedly throughout the 1970s and 1980s. In the meantime, the Shan State covertly plan a perfect secessionist front against the junta government.
By September 1986, the Shan State had given the opportunity when Premier Jiang Qing passed a green light on full aid for Shan State in return for a pro-Chinese communist government. The Chinese trend was infringing on the Indochinese minds, as both fronts in Laos and Cambodia were winning. Khun Sa from the Shan State Army, despite trained by the KMT in the 50s, officially announced the secession of the Shan State with the backing of the People’s Republic of China. Around the same time, the Rakhine State of Rohingya rebelled after decades of discrimination and neglect, which sources of their military activities were yet to comprehend.
For nearly twenty years, the Indochinese Axis had attempted to constitute a separate alliance of power in South East Asia, formerly thought that with France’s willingness, it would have stood a chance albeit how minuscule. However, the French’s government had opted to return West. The Axis were gradually squeezed between two giant powers.
President Ne Win and Prime Minister Thanom held a secret meeting in Chiang Mai. It was an undisclosed location that decided the fate of the two military dictatorships. They opened for a diplomatic agreement, and their first action was decided when they meet the particular person, a Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Indonesia.
21 December 1986
Singapore, the Federal Republic of Indonesia
Singapore, the Federal Republic of Indonesia
Singapore's Parliament House, in 1986 the Singapore's Federal District Administrative Building
Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim was the state’s youngest yet wisest man in a diplomatic career, especially under international relations. He, albeit external pressure from all sides, had calmed down one at a time of formerly Indonesian menaces. Australia, in particular, successfully opened relations that ended the hostility and resentment from the Aggression. Currently, the Australians agreed on relenting claims in Christmas Island and few others. Still, the national media was not interested in positive achievements, they were interested in the still tense predicament in Jakarta.
Anwar Ibrahim was appointed by President Subandrio in 1985, 38 years of life, as the probably youngest minister in the rough Indonesian era. Firstly, President Subandrio wanted a young, inexperienced minister that would follow his words bit by bit without severe opposition, but Anwar was not as gullible as stated. His youth career helped Indonesia’s annexation of Malaysia without angering the United Nations too much. In 1966, he was involved with a group of young activists to incorporate Malayans into Indonesian dominance, even urged people to speak Indonesian but maintain their old Melayu use. However, President Subandrio is correct with another premonition. Foreign Minister Anwar had been so preoccupied with domestic political affairs that foreign relations had become less focused for him. That, as a result, rest the foreign policymakers solely on the hands of Subandrio with Anwar acted as the executor.
This was since Anwar had other motives and ambitions. His supporters, Islamic-liberal youths from Malaya, did not like both Musa Hitam’s lenience to the Singaporean clique or Mahathir’s conservative opposition ready to overthrew remnants of LKY’s leadership. Surprisingly, Anwar Ibrahim had been contacting the Javanese Islamic bloc, the Muhammadiyah and NU, should they opted for a unified pact. Still, NU traced steps carefully and watching the situation unveils while the Muhammadiyah focused on the technological advances the republic had been receiving.
The Conference in Jakarta was beneficial to Anwar in that it had ended sooner and better than expected. Due to external events, he added to himself, which purely luck and grace by the higher being. He can easily look at foreign issues now, and he is contacted for a delegation meeting in Singapore.
Days before, the Foreign Ministry was briefed that a possible talk will occur with both Burmese and Thai officials. They promised their release of control in Cambodia, but the democratic system should maintain the traditional monarchy it has had, therefore retaining few powers of pro-Thailand officials in the newly proposed state. Laos, they determined, should be entirely on their military sphere. The return of this, as Anwar somewhat delighted, was military assistance and joined forces to fight against the Laotians and Cambodian communes. Anwar Ibrahim later comprehended that this message was relayed to the Americans too, Vice McNamara stated an agreement, not sure if that’s President Glenn’s opinion or not.
Nevertheless, a tricky ordeal occurred when Myanmar was in question. Myanmar wished for military assistance on squashing the insurgency, both Shan and Rakhine. Indonesians would be enraged if they help Myanmar killing off Islamic tribes, more so in the benefits of a dictatorial regime that hated Indonesia prior. The escalation of the Shan conflict would immediately interest China to make the entire Indochinese region one big conflict of struggle instead of small isolated ones. That would have made an unprecedented effect of spiralling, a short straw which is the third world war.
The Indochinese Axis knew that these matters needed thorough negotiation, which was why Anwar Ibrahim is in Singapore. If today’s event goes smoothly, he will schedule a formal talk in late January. For him, this was a nice offer that South Vietnam could benefit from; two military allies and a greater winning chance of this war. This could be an alternative to the US’ bleak interventionist future, where young Democrat activists openly opposed the president on this war.
Sorry for the one day out of schedule. I just had a busy yesterday.
This will be an opening for a mix between Indonesia's neighbour situations while discussing domestic affairs. Soon, the chapter would finally come for the elephant in the room, the 1988 Election campaign.
If you like to comment on this thread in Indonesian, I would gladly respond bilingually.
19.5. The Decay of Stability: A Musa Change?
A New Approach
2:00 PM, January 10, 1987
Parliament Building, Senayan, Jakarta
Premier Musa Hitam conveyed the multiple events that were occurring last year, gathered them up to find congenial solutions without exerting too much government power on the people. The last thing the government would do is telling the angry proletariat orders, it only results in riots and demonstrations. The pressing issues, like the feud with the State Republic of Nusantara, was taken care of by him and his cabinet members for a week by now. The opening Parliament Session bear optimistic views because of the American trouble. Ironic, the Premier thought, only perilous situations successfully united Indonesia. The war with the United Kingdom unilaterally conveyed a united banner to fight and win. This time, the economic recession by the US impacted dearly, especially European countries.
For some time, the European Alliance was an old empire dreaming of its former self. The German Electorship had decided to appeal modernization with the tradition remained intact. The Holy Roman Empire system of Germany gave a sense of Western democracy with slight European characteristics. Although anti-monarchist sentiment still lingered from racist remarks of several royal houses to some ethnic minorities, these rulers wished deeply to reform Europe without losing its identity. [1]
However, the World Wars ruined the continent so greatly that the United States must conduct massive infrastructure reconstruction, the Marshall Plan, to revive the economy back in place. In particular, Germany and the European Economic Commerce traded significantly with the United States, thus the latter had a great influence on the European markets. This caused the European slowdown in economics, and the cease of investments pouring into Indonesia.
The Western economy, or the nations which upheld interest to side with the United States, was deeply affected by the downfall of the US economy. The few regions relatively affected little by the Christmas Panic of 1987, is the Asian countries like Iran and Japan. The good news for Indonesia, the EAC helped mitigate the crisis it would occur in Indonesia. The bad news for Indonesia, the United States was still Indonesia’s largest trading partner. The deepest hit of all was the industrial sector.
Since last week, high-end electronic appliances has skyrocketed in value, some reached quintuple of values comparing last year’s average price. For regular appliances like refrigerators, TV and radios, the Japanese seller controlled the swollen value to two times of former values, decent comparing to the ballooned American products. It impacted heavy industries the most as many electrical and mechanical machinery originated and bought from the United States. Chemical and electrical industries were hit profoundly while textile industries innovatively changed to basic simpler tools.
For Premier Musa Hitam, this change of system would impact the damaged industrial tycoons. They have been financially worsened by the labour sentiment, the economic slowdown would resume and prolong the economic woes Indonesia has been going through lately. Consequentially, it would return to the same sorry state Musa Hitam feared for, the end of economic growth under his leadership. Personally, he loathed the idea for Indonesia to remember him as the man that Indonesia’s economic growth ended. He needed alternatives to combat the depressing events.
“Mr Premier, the nationwide landscape of Indonesia has changed. The economic miracle from increasing industry and workforce was LKY’s era. I believe we should focus on another aspect,” told Elias Jan Bonai.
2:00 PM, January 10, 1987
Parliament Building, Senayan, Jakarta
Premier Musa Hitam conveyed the multiple events that were occurring last year, gathered them up to find congenial solutions without exerting too much government power on the people. The last thing the government would do is telling the angry proletariat orders, it only results in riots and demonstrations. The pressing issues, like the feud with the State Republic of Nusantara, was taken care of by him and his cabinet members for a week by now. The opening Parliament Session bear optimistic views because of the American trouble. Ironic, the Premier thought, only perilous situations successfully united Indonesia. The war with the United Kingdom unilaterally conveyed a united banner to fight and win. This time, the economic recession by the US impacted dearly, especially European countries.
For some time, the European Alliance was an old empire dreaming of its former self. The German Electorship had decided to appeal modernization with the tradition remained intact. The Holy Roman Empire system of Germany gave a sense of Western democracy with slight European characteristics. Although anti-monarchist sentiment still lingered from racist remarks of several royal houses to some ethnic minorities, these rulers wished deeply to reform Europe without losing its identity. [1]
However, the World Wars ruined the continent so greatly that the United States must conduct massive infrastructure reconstruction, the Marshall Plan, to revive the economy back in place. In particular, Germany and the European Economic Commerce traded significantly with the United States, thus the latter had a great influence on the European markets. This caused the European slowdown in economics, and the cease of investments pouring into Indonesia.
The Western economy, or the nations which upheld interest to side with the United States, was deeply affected by the downfall of the US economy. The few regions relatively affected little by the Christmas Panic of 1987, is the Asian countries like Iran and Japan. The good news for Indonesia, the EAC helped mitigate the crisis it would occur in Indonesia. The bad news for Indonesia, the United States was still Indonesia’s largest trading partner. The deepest hit of all was the industrial sector.
Since last week, high-end electronic appliances has skyrocketed in value, some reached quintuple of values comparing last year’s average price. For regular appliances like refrigerators, TV and radios, the Japanese seller controlled the swollen value to two times of former values, decent comparing to the ballooned American products. It impacted heavy industries the most as many electrical and mechanical machinery originated and bought from the United States. Chemical and electrical industries were hit profoundly while textile industries innovatively changed to basic simpler tools.
For Premier Musa Hitam, this change of system would impact the damaged industrial tycoons. They have been financially worsened by the labour sentiment, the economic slowdown would resume and prolong the economic woes Indonesia has been going through lately. Consequentially, it would return to the same sorry state Musa Hitam feared for, the end of economic growth under his leadership. Personally, he loathed the idea for Indonesia to remember him as the man that Indonesia’s economic growth ended. He needed alternatives to combat the depressing events.
“Mr Premier, the nationwide landscape of Indonesia has changed. The economic miracle from increasing industry and workforce was LKY’s era. I believe we should focus on another aspect,” told Elias Jan Bonai.
Elias Jan Bonai, 1965
Elias Jan Bonai was former Deputy State President of Papua. Since the enlargement of Papua, Papuan politicians have cheered on reuniting after decades of separation by colonialism. As a member of Papua State Republic under the Indonesian Administration, Elias Jan Bonai [2] with Frans Kaisepo had transformed Papua into a modern, pro-Western society with extreme advancements. Still, some traditionalists opposed the advancements and formed the Freedom of Papua Movement. Yet, much to the ease of the Papuan government, decades of growth and assimilation has halted the separatist movement.
Elias Jan Bonai was the government’s senior advisor in politics, whom Musa Hitam bestowed, for different opinions regarding the multiple predicaments occurring in Indonesia. He, despite being a PNI-R politician, remained friendly to other parties, like the ruling government coalition. Elias currently is under Habibie’s faction, embracing modernity and rapid change for outpacing the world in technology.
“Indonesians had a successful Chinese Premier because of the economic miracle LKY had brought for almost a decade. I still believe an economic miracle was our best path to continue advancing Indonesia, as well as securing votes for further elections.” Musa Hitam defended.
“Yet, Mr Premier, the tides had changed that economic miracle would never be being achieved without a pyrrhic price. We have growing protests against companies and industries, demanding higher wages and better insurance. We also witness growing forest fires by enterprise’s haste measures to quickly transform forests to plantations, that angered a lot of residents as well as college naturalists,” Elias replied.
Indeed, Premier responded with the heart. The air pollution in Sumatra had increased after the companies reviewed forest fires to be the most effective option to gain profit rapidly. There has been a number of them, particularly on the Eastern side of the island, that eventually smoked Malaya and Singapore. Not to mention that police forces have founded opium plantations in Aceh. For now, the Premier had no idea how to respond.
“Mr Premier, as both parties would suggest, I think you should propose a different approach that people can support. No more than an economic promise, find something elsewhere that you can be remembered.”
This time, Premier could only sit in silence. He was LKY’s political machine for the parliament, not the people. Musa Hitam was the LBJ of LKY, rather than being the man that talks those proposals to the people. His charisma definitely outmatched LKY’s vitality and rigour. However, people considered the new premier as politic and composed in contrast to LKY’s confrontational and direct attitude.
Musa’s Strategy: Ending Dual Citizenship Ban
The start of January marked clearing clouds from the unnecessary dispute which is the 1986 Labour Law dilemma. The State Republic of Nusantara had been advocating the Labour Law into effect, proved to be extremely excessive and reduced investors’ confidence towards the Indonesian economy. The new year also marked the rippling effects of both America’s troubles and Indonesia’s slowed-down gears. The Philippines contracted economic growth. Also, the President announced a restriction of foreign influence in many energy-rich companies, like gold, iron, lead, etc, and nationalized some of it that somewhat angered the United States too. In South Vietnam, rice exports to Indonesia shrank slightly. Still, South Vietnam suffered a massive blow on the Indochinese Struggle, especially when the Glenn Administration showed inconsistency on sending troops as negotiated.
Premier Musa Hitam’s this year directive was to increase the innovativeness of the Indonesian society to compete with international platforms in terms of nationwide sectors. Currently fifth in population rank, Indonesia has vast amounts of manpower. Yet, despite the large population, Indonesia strangely struggled on finding agrarian workers, as most of the workforce had gone to industrial factories.
His main concerns partially contributed that the industrial labours have been swooned by PPP Mahathir’s faction since 1985 or the rising Kismayo Crisis. The current Musa’s PPP bloc is situated in Federal Districts, contributing large swaths of the population in small areas of land, gaining the term ‘elite cities’ by countryside dwellers. However, Musa Hitam had noticed the diminishment of attacks from other parties, especially after the Labour Law was revised.
On 15 January 1986, the state government of Nusantara began establishing the 1986 Labour Law Revision Committee consist of 20 representatives from the state republic and 15 representatives from the federal state. Another 5 representatives were accumulated from other state republics that will oversee the general direction and writings of the later 1987 Revised Labour Law. Urgent issues, such as the low prosperity of farmers have been taken care of, and the PPI platform has softened its opposition for some time. The Malayan farmers, a population group for PPP based Melayu Bersatu Faction, still expressed intention to switch Musa Hitam. They used everything negative they could to propel the opposition, one example like the rise of air pollution levels from smoke. Fortunately, farmers in Java did not share similar buttress which later sparked a divide between Malayan and Javanese groups.
Looking at other state republics, the Madagascar State Republic has shown massive boosts made by the state government’s little regulation in factories. Francisque Tsiatosika Ravony, the governor [3] of Madagascar, joked about the Labour Crisis actually boosted investors to establish myriad complexes of factories here just to avoid the minimum wage issue. However, one Madagascar’s concern was lacking in terms of population, as factories, services and places could not reach their full potential solely because job applicants had been scarce. Still, after Madagascar’s incorporation into the PPP’s LKY coalition, the supports have reached an all-time high, climaxing at 75% of voters showed positive stances towards Musa Hitam. Their major concern, in contrast to Nusantara, was the rise in the minimum wage, which was unnecessary in the Madagascar realm. Malagasy people at that time were still satisfied with the federal minimum before the change.
The Papua State Republic, similarly, showed massive support towards the government as they too endure great societal advancements both the natives and coming immigrants. Except, they had no problem with job vacancies because immigrants from all across Indonesia, in addition to few others across the Pacific, has flocked to the island for life. In short, Papua has become California’s Indonesia. Despite the scare of natives been deported out of their homes, Papuan immigrants have fortunately respected few of those native lands, searching for friendlier tribes that wished for modernization from tribal systems.
The Melanesian State Republic was a different case from Papua and Madagascar. They had the industrial appeasement likewise two previous states, yet they lacked the space to do so. Being the smallest of state republics, Melanesia suffered from strategic places assured investors wished their assets to sit on. Accordingly, the Melanesian State Republic relied on the maritime potential, wishing to compete with fishermen from other states. Therefore, success stories seldom originated from this place. Especially after the Tragedy of Poroporo, public confidence in the federal state has been shrinking.
The premier acknowledged that different state republics need different necessities. However, the lack of population has been one great factor circling across much of the nation. The national population growth, wobbling at 2.9% [4]. Others argued public confidence should be prioritized first, Musa Hitam acted the otherwise.
On the 20th of January, Musa Hitam proposed a change in citizenship status. Previously, dual citizenship has been a total ban in Indonesia, thus Dutch and Chinese descendants were forces to relieve their nation’s passports to stay in Indonesia. However, looking at the current migrating forces in Papua and Madagascar, both state republics suffered great lengths on routinely checking their residency status on a period of time (6 months) that had needlessly web federal bureaucracy. Therefore, Premier Musa Hitam urged to withdraw the ban on dual citizenship, encouraging more settlers.
Dual citizenship, surprisingly, was accepted by other parties like PUI and PRD. They expressed no concerns about changing the rule, but they understand many benefits when the rule was implemented. The entire PPP also supported the idea, as the party’s old Malayan’s history had no harsh reinforcement comparing what Sukarno did to Indonesia-proper in the early independence era. The nationalist rhetoric did not engulf the politicians too deeply, hence they agreed wholeheartedly.
Of course, the opposition to the proposal was Sukarno-clique PPI. Guntur has become the de-facto party leader of the communist coalition and he maintained his father’s attitude towards nationalism in Indonesia. He considered the proposal as preposterous and would only increase Indonesian nationality that couldn’t speak Indonesian. He also added that dual citizenship increases the potential of ‘backdoor dealing’ that involved foreign powers by his second nationality. Although judged to be absurd in metropolitan people, the hinterland believed in that offer. Commonly, the farmer has been ‘prejudiced’ as the lowest of the class. Thus, farmers inserted that dual citizenship would only decrease the people’s love for the country, thus dishonour all sectors of society in the nation.
Abstain voters, or parties that had not shown sides was the PNI-R, ironically. Despite the platform being nationalistic, PNI-R has not shown anti-dual citizenship resonance that spread to the populace. Instead, the PNI-R was shown with a new chairman. 1987 marked a new chapter for the PNI-R. Ali Sadikin finally restructured the party after years of internal turmoil, mess and changes within the party. Unlike Nasution’s traditional look of the nation’s Westernization, Ali Sadikin has been quite liberal to the extent. During an election campaign for gubernatorial elections in Jakarta, he retorted that Indonesia’s gambling elites have fled to Macau, later Hong Kong, for gambling. He, when appointed as Governor of Jakarta in the Nasution Era, opted for gambling to be legal in the federal district. He credited Singapore to have ease regulation on this controversial matter, the city had improved rapidly since. As State-Governor, he modernized the State Republic, improving the highway connections and roads, but got criticised with racial violence across Kalimantan. He was also got condemned with Java-centric attitudes, as he focused more on Javanese infrastructures. He steps down to Mohammed Rahmat, a PPP politician who later caused a ruckus to the government, unlike him who was quite friendly.
This one gambling example has been a reason why Ali opted no say in the dual citizenship proposal. He noticed that dual citizenship too could improve national capital, making the nation richer. Just like gambling, this controversial yet intriguing proposal might be a decent sacrifice in rewards for making Indonesia a better, healthier place. Upon the final voting, he finally urged his party to vote yes, leaving the Parliament a substantial margin to revise the dual citizenship law.
The dual citizenship law was first Musa Hitam’s strategy on ‘making his own image’. This was his first personal initiative proven to be successful for decades. Yet, his troubles are not finished when he wanted to pass another plan. He intends to push for intervention with South Vietnam.
The start of January marked clearing clouds from the unnecessary dispute which is the 1986 Labour Law dilemma. The State Republic of Nusantara had been advocating the Labour Law into effect, proved to be extremely excessive and reduced investors’ confidence towards the Indonesian economy. The new year also marked the rippling effects of both America’s troubles and Indonesia’s slowed-down gears. The Philippines contracted economic growth. Also, the President announced a restriction of foreign influence in many energy-rich companies, like gold, iron, lead, etc, and nationalized some of it that somewhat angered the United States too. In South Vietnam, rice exports to Indonesia shrank slightly. Still, South Vietnam suffered a massive blow on the Indochinese Struggle, especially when the Glenn Administration showed inconsistency on sending troops as negotiated.
Premier Musa Hitam’s this year directive was to increase the innovativeness of the Indonesian society to compete with international platforms in terms of nationwide sectors. Currently fifth in population rank, Indonesia has vast amounts of manpower. Yet, despite the large population, Indonesia strangely struggled on finding agrarian workers, as most of the workforce had gone to industrial factories.
His main concerns partially contributed that the industrial labours have been swooned by PPP Mahathir’s faction since 1985 or the rising Kismayo Crisis. The current Musa’s PPP bloc is situated in Federal Districts, contributing large swaths of the population in small areas of land, gaining the term ‘elite cities’ by countryside dwellers. However, Musa Hitam had noticed the diminishment of attacks from other parties, especially after the Labour Law was revised.
On 15 January 1986, the state government of Nusantara began establishing the 1986 Labour Law Revision Committee consist of 20 representatives from the state republic and 15 representatives from the federal state. Another 5 representatives were accumulated from other state republics that will oversee the general direction and writings of the later 1987 Revised Labour Law. Urgent issues, such as the low prosperity of farmers have been taken care of, and the PPI platform has softened its opposition for some time. The Malayan farmers, a population group for PPP based Melayu Bersatu Faction, still expressed intention to switch Musa Hitam. They used everything negative they could to propel the opposition, one example like the rise of air pollution levels from smoke. Fortunately, farmers in Java did not share similar buttress which later sparked a divide between Malayan and Javanese groups.
Looking at other state republics, the Madagascar State Republic has shown massive boosts made by the state government’s little regulation in factories. Francisque Tsiatosika Ravony, the governor [3] of Madagascar, joked about the Labour Crisis actually boosted investors to establish myriad complexes of factories here just to avoid the minimum wage issue. However, one Madagascar’s concern was lacking in terms of population, as factories, services and places could not reach their full potential solely because job applicants had been scarce. Still, after Madagascar’s incorporation into the PPP’s LKY coalition, the supports have reached an all-time high, climaxing at 75% of voters showed positive stances towards Musa Hitam. Their major concern, in contrast to Nusantara, was the rise in the minimum wage, which was unnecessary in the Madagascar realm. Malagasy people at that time were still satisfied with the federal minimum before the change.
The Papua State Republic, similarly, showed massive support towards the government as they too endure great societal advancements both the natives and coming immigrants. Except, they had no problem with job vacancies because immigrants from all across Indonesia, in addition to few others across the Pacific, has flocked to the island for life. In short, Papua has become California’s Indonesia. Despite the scare of natives been deported out of their homes, Papuan immigrants have fortunately respected few of those native lands, searching for friendlier tribes that wished for modernization from tribal systems.
The Melanesian State Republic was a different case from Papua and Madagascar. They had the industrial appeasement likewise two previous states, yet they lacked the space to do so. Being the smallest of state republics, Melanesia suffered from strategic places assured investors wished their assets to sit on. Accordingly, the Melanesian State Republic relied on the maritime potential, wishing to compete with fishermen from other states. Therefore, success stories seldom originated from this place. Especially after the Tragedy of Poroporo, public confidence in the federal state has been shrinking.
The premier acknowledged that different state republics need different necessities. However, the lack of population has been one great factor circling across much of the nation. The national population growth, wobbling at 2.9% [4]. Others argued public confidence should be prioritized first, Musa Hitam acted the otherwise.
On the 20th of January, Musa Hitam proposed a change in citizenship status. Previously, dual citizenship has been a total ban in Indonesia, thus Dutch and Chinese descendants were forces to relieve their nation’s passports to stay in Indonesia. However, looking at the current migrating forces in Papua and Madagascar, both state republics suffered great lengths on routinely checking their residency status on a period of time (6 months) that had needlessly web federal bureaucracy. Therefore, Premier Musa Hitam urged to withdraw the ban on dual citizenship, encouraging more settlers.
Dual citizenship, surprisingly, was accepted by other parties like PUI and PRD. They expressed no concerns about changing the rule, but they understand many benefits when the rule was implemented. The entire PPP also supported the idea, as the party’s old Malayan’s history had no harsh reinforcement comparing what Sukarno did to Indonesia-proper in the early independence era. The nationalist rhetoric did not engulf the politicians too deeply, hence they agreed wholeheartedly.
Of course, the opposition to the proposal was Sukarno-clique PPI. Guntur has become the de-facto party leader of the communist coalition and he maintained his father’s attitude towards nationalism in Indonesia. He considered the proposal as preposterous and would only increase Indonesian nationality that couldn’t speak Indonesian. He also added that dual citizenship increases the potential of ‘backdoor dealing’ that involved foreign powers by his second nationality. Although judged to be absurd in metropolitan people, the hinterland believed in that offer. Commonly, the farmer has been ‘prejudiced’ as the lowest of the class. Thus, farmers inserted that dual citizenship would only decrease the people’s love for the country, thus dishonour all sectors of society in the nation.
Abstain voters, or parties that had not shown sides was the PNI-R, ironically. Despite the platform being nationalistic, PNI-R has not shown anti-dual citizenship resonance that spread to the populace. Instead, the PNI-R was shown with a new chairman. 1987 marked a new chapter for the PNI-R. Ali Sadikin finally restructured the party after years of internal turmoil, mess and changes within the party. Unlike Nasution’s traditional look of the nation’s Westernization, Ali Sadikin has been quite liberal to the extent. During an election campaign for gubernatorial elections in Jakarta, he retorted that Indonesia’s gambling elites have fled to Macau, later Hong Kong, for gambling. He, when appointed as Governor of Jakarta in the Nasution Era, opted for gambling to be legal in the federal district. He credited Singapore to have ease regulation on this controversial matter, the city had improved rapidly since. As State-Governor, he modernized the State Republic, improving the highway connections and roads, but got criticised with racial violence across Kalimantan. He was also got condemned with Java-centric attitudes, as he focused more on Javanese infrastructures. He steps down to Mohammed Rahmat, a PPP politician who later caused a ruckus to the government, unlike him who was quite friendly.
This one gambling example has been a reason why Ali opted no say in the dual citizenship proposal. He noticed that dual citizenship too could improve national capital, making the nation richer. Just like gambling, this controversial yet intriguing proposal might be a decent sacrifice in rewards for making Indonesia a better, healthier place. Upon the final voting, he finally urged his party to vote yes, leaving the Parliament a substantial margin to revise the dual citizenship law.
The dual citizenship law was first Musa Hitam’s strategy on ‘making his own image’. This was his first personal initiative proven to be successful for decades. Yet, his troubles are not finished when he wanted to pass another plan. He intends to push for intervention with South Vietnam.
Edit:
Known characters, or at least mentioned multiple times from the past five chapters, will no longer be hyperlinked. New characters, as ruled by myself, can be directed to a Wikipedia page, or an Indonesian article regarding the man.
[1] Germany was like the young nation that wanted the old values. It was because that the new ones had ruined the identity of Germany, but not trying to remind dark past Germany has. This made Germany into some sort of UK-esque parliamentary system but the election fun shifted to both the crown and the chancellor. Britain actually supported Germany to embrace constitutional monarchy, but not liking the pro-immigrant attitude Britain is leaving.
[2] Elias Jan Bonai was an OPM supporter that angered after the untimely step down of Frans Kaisepo. This had been OTL Suharto's New Order that shifted most governors into appointed military subordinates. ITTL, Frans Kaisepo has all the freedom and the OPM has no big credibility like OTL.
[3] State President/State Governor is the name used for the leader of the State Republic of Nusantara. That is because they are subdivided into provinces, which use Governors as their leader's status. In Madagascar, Papua and Melanesia, they currently subdivide themselves into districts, naming their leader as District Secretary, this contributes no confusion to the term 'Governor' as the leader of the State Republics, thus name stayed.
[4] Directly copied from the website, OTL was heavily influenced by Suharto's Planned Parenthood. ITTL was mainly from an already high population (200 million-ish in 1987), higher prosperity. However, immigration and high birth rates increased the ITTL percentage by 0.9 more than OTL.
PNI-R is trying to resurrect itself, Musa Hitam is capturing the gist of the premiership, and few problems abroad. The next chapter would be Musa Hitam's second initiative, you'll see what.
Last edited:
So germany is becoming like the uk otl? You know since the weimar film industry is such a marvel i think the more liberal actors of the uk could go to germany or maybe america since i bet there would be no restriction there (bar anti communist stuff) who knows it could be an interesting move
Can you make a list for the State Republics, Federal Districts and the area that they encompasses?
I can see each/some of the State Republics and the Federal Districs being mentioned in this post but I just thought it would be helpful to see them in a list just to understand to what extend does the country have for both the State Republics and the Federal Districts. And also I’m curious what system of government you use for the State Republics and in particular the Federal Districts since they are technically part of the Federal Gov do they have a representative in the Federal Parliament or are they just under the control of the Federal Parliament with no representation in the Federal Parliament like how US have the Congress have a direct control to Washington DC?
I can see the European movie industry be more German-centric in the 1980s. Berlin festival could be more significant than OTL. And considering Germany's interesting ATL, we could see some historical movies based on how Germany unified itself.
Done.
The system of governance was stated to be similar to US States relations to the federal state. However, each president adopted different styles of governance on how the state-federal relations were conducted. Similar can be said in the federal district.
Nasution Era:
State Republics: De-facto Province on a unitary state, high government power on State Republics. Representation in the Parliament (both DPR and DPD). Has their rules to the federal district. State Republics paid taxes to the federal government with a designated agreement and a proportion to be spent on infrastructure programs.
Federal Districts: A SEZ city like Shenzhen in China's Deng. The government still control everything. However, appointees (District Secretary) are still available to govern on behalf of the federal government. The remaining of the federal budget, however, goes right to funding these constructions. Taxation fully benefited the federal districts.
Kingdoms: A province with a crowned figure.
Subandrio Era:
State Republics: A more authoritarian relation of US States-Federal, laws can be adopted locally albeit high government surveillance. Better representation with local governments braver to stand up. More percentage of federal funding goes to state republics.
Federal Districts: A proper Federal District, still has no representation in the DPR and DPD but the government established local autonomy granted to these districts. Follow just the federal laws (currently very relax), sort of like microstates under a federation. Especially the relaxing of the federal constitution, the Federal Districts become de-facto federal turf with the taxation of the people slightly transferred to adjacent State Republics. District Secretary are de-facto governors of the city.
Kingdoms: Remained the same.
Overall, both presidents still have not given proper representation of the Federal District in national parliament (DPD only), opposite to the US system. If you thought the constitution is quite flawed, it indeed is. If we progressed further, there will be clearer implications of why I do so.
Indeed, although not pursued as strictly as the Chinese did with the One Child Policy, Indonesia's population is maintained quite well with no severe overpopulation problems like India does. He did other amazing stuff in his era, but his notoriety on criticism and his children's corruption truly marked him controversial.
Well it would be a great time to make the german film industry great again as many probably still tainted by the nazi film era and most youngster doesnt even know what kind of movie marvel that weimar germany produces and also regarding suharto stuff it would be interesting to see where his family goes after his death and not to mention many interesting otl project like the phyton power plant,the attempt in making a national automotive industry (to rival the malaysian one if i remember correctly) and many more perhaps changed or maybe even abandoned in favour of other projects
I just realized by looking on the map also even tho the country based on a pseudo US State-Federal Relations. The population of each State Republics (not looking at each State population within the Provinces/Districts) is essentially should be like double then or even more then each states in US. I mean the State Republic of Nusantara is essentially the combined popultion of Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia. Combined with other States. Indonesia should be like one of the largest populated countries in the world if it’s exist IRL rn. Tbh I always felt impressed seeing this TL and how big this Indonesia ( if its in IRL it’s already the biggest Island/Archipelago country in the world) I remember when the Chapter still talks abt the war with the AUS and british it’s still the Nusantara Archipelago proper but slowly it grows to what it became now.
About system of the Federal Gov. From most chapter when I read it seems it’s like a mix of the Westminster Parliamentary system mixed with the IRL French Presidential Republic isn’t it? In particular abt the Premier focuses on domestic affairs (even tho I saw like LKY in the previous chapter seems have a word in some foreign affairs) and the President have particular focus on foreign affairs (even though some chapter also seems Subandrio have a word in some domestic affairs)