Nice view you've got. That certainly broaden my knowledge as well. Don't worry, I will take notice on this.
Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL
- Thread starter SkylineDreamer
- Start date
Nice view you've got. That certainly broaden my knowledge as well. Don't worry, I will take notice on this.
The US keeps Okinawa. North Korea was so broken by the latest Korean War, that South Korea's Dictatorship just overran the nation with ease. China already noticed that North Korea couldn't be saved so they just abandon their ally.
Wow so china just literally abandoned them what will happen to them now i mean the famine and the brutality doesnt help (before sputh korea attack of course) plus south korea is a dictatorship what happened to the north korean ruling party (and i mean all of them not just the kim family) and uhh do south korea modernized the way it did originally did
On the other hand well okay now that is interesting the us keeping okinawa,who is the governor? (if i would guess it would be native run since with panama you added a native or atleast us alligned native) and do libya still have gaddafi or does it merge with egypt to form the arab states (i wonder does the toyota war still happen if libya joined the arab federation?)
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What is indonesia stance on south africa apartheid policy also do they recognize israel? And oh do the us still support morrocco on the western sahara thing or does spain still kept western sahara, i also wonder how are morrocco doing ittl since they are ussualy western alligned and even aided the israeli occasionaly.
I guess the US keeps Okinawa with a military officer ruling there (mainly due to Okinawa being a strategic military base, possible a General become governor can help).
I wrote chapter before regarding the Middle East. Gaddafi is a socialist-leaning general ruling Libya ITTL, yet no unification to the Arab States (maybe because France wants a strong UASR, but not too strong, just imagine UASR controlling most of the oil in the world).
I have not written a chapter about Spain, so Western Sahara still remained Spanish (for now).
Israel is dead because of UASR, and its citizens causing a migration crisis in Cyprus and Europe. But, considering UASR rises too quickly ITTL, the great powers would attempt on curbing it with Israel back.
Indonesia despised South Africa's apartheid, but not too hostile to them. Madagascar was close to SA, and Indonesia was not having a decent navy and army to protect Madagascar atm.
11.13. Rivalry: Housing Crisis of Jakarta
Housing Crisis: Aftermath of the Short Nixon Embargo
During the second Nasution term, there was an embargo punishing Indonesia because of the United States. Nixon distrusted Indonesia because of their secret agreement with the French, gaining them the entirety of Madagascar for corporation rights in Indonesia’s most valuable mining regions, hence competing with the United States. The embargo, however, was as short-lived as the presidency itself, and Shafer lifted it immediately after his ascension. In Indonesia, however, the effects did not tire out as fast as lifting one embargo.
During that embargo period, Indonesia quickly had an economic stagnation, then almost a ruin. Companies cooled down, and most of the businesses in Java closed. After the embargo was lifted, Indonesia was recovering. However, several policies were dropped because of it, one of them was the housing project. Mostly in the third term, Nasution focused solely on building infrastructure. Networks of roads and rails were being constructed, the growth was pacing on lightning speed. Even with the capacity of an Indonesian economy, $354 in GDP per capita, Trans Java was completed while Trans Sumatra was partly finished. He neglected one program which he had done in the previous term, which was public housing.
After the Australian Aggression War, most of the population in towns became estranged due to extreme bombings by the enemy. Because of that, most of the population migrated back towards their villages. Nevertheless, as cities were portrayed much by citizens as a source of money, most of them remained reluctant of going home, therefore building illegal buildings; shacks that located near strategic places, like rivers or train tracks. They made new lives albeit in inadequate conditions. As the population started growing back into its original status before the war, the housing was still yet unrepaired. Most fixed housed were particularly on Ring 1 or owned by the elites. Everything else was neglected. At first, Nasution thought that construction companies, which had profited from building toll roads, must be obliged on reconstruct most of the people’s homes. Subandrio agreed also, as these companies were extremely rich, and surely making public houses were no big deal.
In a form of Housing Act, Nasution commanded all construction companies that involved in TJIP (Trans-Java Infrastructure Program) and TSIP (Trans Sumatra Infrastructure Program) to contribute at least 10% of their revenue for building public houses in form of stacked buildings. However, these form would be given towards the middle and lower class of the spectrum, which mainly caused the building to be named ‘Rumah Susun’. Starting in 1973, most of the public housing program was given to the enterprises. At first, it was fine, the progress carried on smoothly, but it changed after 1977.
Gelora Senayan, under construction. The only Nasution's prestigious projects finished before the Sixth Amendment. Most of the others, either had their plan revised, or scratched completely.
The difference between a government-led operation and corporation-led was what happens when that work was proven to give shortfalls. Jasamarga Construction Company had been pleased when being part of strategical projects that help to improve the nation. But, when it came towards one of many of Nasution’s prestigious projects, which previously planned by President Sukarno, Jasamarga was starting to find some blunders. These prestigious projects, like Gelora Senayan, a football stadium that was meant to be the largest on Asia, Taman Peringatan Agresi Inggris-Australia, a Central Park-esque in the rubbles of Sawah Besar and Ketapang and Jakarta Landmark, a high-rise complex in Setiabudi that was insanely consumptive.
Gelora Senayan started building since 1976, and Jasamarga took a huge toll on building it. As the TJIP and TSIP were still ongoing, Jasamarga must abandon their housing projects. Similar predicaments happened to other companies subjected to Taman Peringatan and Jakarta Landmark. As a result, public housing stagnated, albeit want still high. Therefore, it caused a Housing Crisis, happened especially in cities.
In 1977, house cost gradually rose, and it reached a peak where subsidies were no longer useful for those lower class that needed those houses. Rumah Susun became ridiculously expensive, and with the building’s simplistic design, not even the rich was intrigued to buy it. Instead, Rumah Susuns turned inhabited, and the poor returned to their illegal structures and caused a massive social crisis.
Cities revealed a massive gap the Nasution Administration had created, specifically in Jakarta. While everything South from Monumen Nasional had lavish structures and advance public transport, everywhere else had slums. As Rumah Susuns located mostly on the projected Ring 2, or outside Ring 1, Jakarta had become a city that had a ring of broken and unpreserved buildings. Most of the people could not afford to pay the fees. These people were labours which worked in industrial centres, so most of them flocked towards regions like Cengkareng and Pulo Gadung, resulting in an overpopulation problem there.
Subandrio was eager on solving this issue that was not only plaguing on Jakarta but also other cities like Medan, Surabaya and Bandung. However, recognising that this matters rooted in Nasution’s egoistic spending, Subandrio had a really hard time passing any bills to solve this problem. He pushed for stopping all those prestigious yet wasteful plans, yet that plan was vetoed by the President himself. He briefly noted Subandrio that most of these projects were finishing as well, so he suggested to just wait. Subandrio, already anxious of this, reluctantly waited, as PNI-R still hold a significant influence on DPR. Moreover, PKI was slightly rebelling against the Coalition. Aidit retired in 1976, and Brigadier General Untung took over the party. Alas, Untung was close to Major General Suharto, and maybe tried to negotiate with the former Premier.
Subandrio’s stance against the Presidency was confirmed with Lee Kuan Yew’s Malayan Base. In the Malayan Region, the embargo done by the United States was largely untouched. Organisations were coming from multiple nations, although closely allied with the United States, they were slow to follow Nixon’s urges. In addition to it, Indonesia’s economy didn’t constrain the region, as Nasution gave them autonomous benefits.
Nasution’s plan backfired when Malaya’s economy was given a two-year lead against the rest of Indonesia due to the embargo. Even with no aid from the federal government, the region could sustain itself long enough, and even starting to develop slowly. The monarchies from Malaya were the ones stopping the region from independence because of their fondness towards kingdoms in Java, and mainly because Malaya top politicians like LKY were already inside PPP, who was already partially controlling the government.
LKY, seeing his chances, campaigned his political views in newspapers. He declared that Malaya, the former British East Indies, was the saviour Indonesia did not consider at all and wasted her chances. People in Java was starting to believe in LKY, and youngsters proceeded on holding demonstrations criticizing the housing crisis. In 1978, a nation-wide demonstration was held by students from universities, along with civilians that had lost their homes with increasing fees. The demonstration was peaceful, but it grew so big that the entire city of Jakarta was flooded with people. Nasution, aware of the numbers, finally obliged with the people demands, and rather than concluding with the Housing Crisis, Subandrio instead went much further, restricting the President’s power in the premiership.
Demonstration in Jakarta, 1977
In 1978, the Sixth Amendment was ratified by the MPR. The law restricted most of the President’s power in DPR, making the Premiership had more flexibility. There were also more changes, but most of them aimed for economic and social changes. Economy and Trade Minister Frederik Trihandoko established reforms regarding BUMN and Federal District. While BUMN’s fields expanded, to gain revenue on foreign companies which exploiting Indonesia’s natural resources, a 20% share from net production. It meant that companies like Chevron, Shell and Total must give the government at least 20% share of profits, or not have their license lifted.
It was two birds one stone for Subandrio. The encasement of Nasution not only prevented him from interfering in the Premiership but also weaken his popularity. Indonesia, unlike the United States, still had citizens lack interest in foreign policy. So, whoever controls the domestic government controls the population. A strong foreign policy could not persuade people into voting, but a good domestic can. By the beginning of 1978, PNI-R was fading and even started rupturing.
==================================
This is the last chapter for Rivalry and the next would be talking about the General Election of 1978 and Madagascar.
ITTL Indonesia without 1965, PKI still exist, and no OTL Suharto with that frightening figure. Therefore, demonstrations were not oppressed as before, and free-thinking is still available. Economy-wise, Indonesia ITTL is similar to 1980s OTL, a bit better but considering the territorial extent, I think it is balanced.
During the second Nasution term, there was an embargo punishing Indonesia because of the United States. Nixon distrusted Indonesia because of their secret agreement with the French, gaining them the entirety of Madagascar for corporation rights in Indonesia’s most valuable mining regions, hence competing with the United States. The embargo, however, was as short-lived as the presidency itself, and Shafer lifted it immediately after his ascension. In Indonesia, however, the effects did not tire out as fast as lifting one embargo.
During that embargo period, Indonesia quickly had an economic stagnation, then almost a ruin. Companies cooled down, and most of the businesses in Java closed. After the embargo was lifted, Indonesia was recovering. However, several policies were dropped because of it, one of them was the housing project. Mostly in the third term, Nasution focused solely on building infrastructure. Networks of roads and rails were being constructed, the growth was pacing on lightning speed. Even with the capacity of an Indonesian economy, $354 in GDP per capita, Trans Java was completed while Trans Sumatra was partly finished. He neglected one program which he had done in the previous term, which was public housing.
After the Australian Aggression War, most of the population in towns became estranged due to extreme bombings by the enemy. Because of that, most of the population migrated back towards their villages. Nevertheless, as cities were portrayed much by citizens as a source of money, most of them remained reluctant of going home, therefore building illegal buildings; shacks that located near strategic places, like rivers or train tracks. They made new lives albeit in inadequate conditions. As the population started growing back into its original status before the war, the housing was still yet unrepaired. Most fixed housed were particularly on Ring 1 or owned by the elites. Everything else was neglected. At first, Nasution thought that construction companies, which had profited from building toll roads, must be obliged on reconstruct most of the people’s homes. Subandrio agreed also, as these companies were extremely rich, and surely making public houses were no big deal.
In a form of Housing Act, Nasution commanded all construction companies that involved in TJIP (Trans-Java Infrastructure Program) and TSIP (Trans Sumatra Infrastructure Program) to contribute at least 10% of their revenue for building public houses in form of stacked buildings. However, these form would be given towards the middle and lower class of the spectrum, which mainly caused the building to be named ‘Rumah Susun’. Starting in 1973, most of the public housing program was given to the enterprises. At first, it was fine, the progress carried on smoothly, but it changed after 1977.
Gelora Senayan, under construction. The only Nasution's prestigious projects finished before the Sixth Amendment. Most of the others, either had their plan revised, or scratched completely.
The difference between a government-led operation and corporation-led was what happens when that work was proven to give shortfalls. Jasamarga Construction Company had been pleased when being part of strategical projects that help to improve the nation. But, when it came towards one of many of Nasution’s prestigious projects, which previously planned by President Sukarno, Jasamarga was starting to find some blunders. These prestigious projects, like Gelora Senayan, a football stadium that was meant to be the largest on Asia, Taman Peringatan Agresi Inggris-Australia, a Central Park-esque in the rubbles of Sawah Besar and Ketapang and Jakarta Landmark, a high-rise complex in Setiabudi that was insanely consumptive.
Gelora Senayan started building since 1976, and Jasamarga took a huge toll on building it. As the TJIP and TSIP were still ongoing, Jasamarga must abandon their housing projects. Similar predicaments happened to other companies subjected to Taman Peringatan and Jakarta Landmark. As a result, public housing stagnated, albeit want still high. Therefore, it caused a Housing Crisis, happened especially in cities.
In 1977, house cost gradually rose, and it reached a peak where subsidies were no longer useful for those lower class that needed those houses. Rumah Susun became ridiculously expensive, and with the building’s simplistic design, not even the rich was intrigued to buy it. Instead, Rumah Susuns turned inhabited, and the poor returned to their illegal structures and caused a massive social crisis.
Cities revealed a massive gap the Nasution Administration had created, specifically in Jakarta. While everything South from Monumen Nasional had lavish structures and advance public transport, everywhere else had slums. As Rumah Susuns located mostly on the projected Ring 2, or outside Ring 1, Jakarta had become a city that had a ring of broken and unpreserved buildings. Most of the people could not afford to pay the fees. These people were labours which worked in industrial centres, so most of them flocked towards regions like Cengkareng and Pulo Gadung, resulting in an overpopulation problem there.
Subandrio was eager on solving this issue that was not only plaguing on Jakarta but also other cities like Medan, Surabaya and Bandung. However, recognising that this matters rooted in Nasution’s egoistic spending, Subandrio had a really hard time passing any bills to solve this problem. He pushed for stopping all those prestigious yet wasteful plans, yet that plan was vetoed by the President himself. He briefly noted Subandrio that most of these projects were finishing as well, so he suggested to just wait. Subandrio, already anxious of this, reluctantly waited, as PNI-R still hold a significant influence on DPR. Moreover, PKI was slightly rebelling against the Coalition. Aidit retired in 1976, and Brigadier General Untung took over the party. Alas, Untung was close to Major General Suharto, and maybe tried to negotiate with the former Premier.
Subandrio’s stance against the Presidency was confirmed with Lee Kuan Yew’s Malayan Base. In the Malayan Region, the embargo done by the United States was largely untouched. Organisations were coming from multiple nations, although closely allied with the United States, they were slow to follow Nixon’s urges. In addition to it, Indonesia’s economy didn’t constrain the region, as Nasution gave them autonomous benefits.
Nasution’s plan backfired when Malaya’s economy was given a two-year lead against the rest of Indonesia due to the embargo. Even with no aid from the federal government, the region could sustain itself long enough, and even starting to develop slowly. The monarchies from Malaya were the ones stopping the region from independence because of their fondness towards kingdoms in Java, and mainly because Malaya top politicians like LKY were already inside PPP, who was already partially controlling the government.
LKY, seeing his chances, campaigned his political views in newspapers. He declared that Malaya, the former British East Indies, was the saviour Indonesia did not consider at all and wasted her chances. People in Java was starting to believe in LKY, and youngsters proceeded on holding demonstrations criticizing the housing crisis. In 1978, a nation-wide demonstration was held by students from universities, along with civilians that had lost their homes with increasing fees. The demonstration was peaceful, but it grew so big that the entire city of Jakarta was flooded with people. Nasution, aware of the numbers, finally obliged with the people demands, and rather than concluding with the Housing Crisis, Subandrio instead went much further, restricting the President’s power in the premiership.
Demonstration in Jakarta, 1977
In 1978, the Sixth Amendment was ratified by the MPR. The law restricted most of the President’s power in DPR, making the Premiership had more flexibility. There were also more changes, but most of them aimed for economic and social changes. Economy and Trade Minister Frederik Trihandoko established reforms regarding BUMN and Federal District. While BUMN’s fields expanded, to gain revenue on foreign companies which exploiting Indonesia’s natural resources, a 20% share from net production. It meant that companies like Chevron, Shell and Total must give the government at least 20% share of profits, or not have their license lifted.
It was two birds one stone for Subandrio. The encasement of Nasution not only prevented him from interfering in the Premiership but also weaken his popularity. Indonesia, unlike the United States, still had citizens lack interest in foreign policy. So, whoever controls the domestic government controls the population. A strong foreign policy could not persuade people into voting, but a good domestic can. By the beginning of 1978, PNI-R was fading and even started rupturing.
==================================
This is the last chapter for Rivalry and the next would be talking about the General Election of 1978 and Madagascar.
ITTL Indonesia without 1965, PKI still exist, and no OTL Suharto with that frightening figure. Therefore, demonstrations were not oppressed as before, and free-thinking is still available. Economy-wise, Indonesia ITTL is similar to 1980s OTL, a bit better but considering the territorial extent, I think it is balanced.
Hmm interesting so the economy are atill okay i have a few question 1.how much is indonesian gdp (per person) and 2.what happened to the other manor city in java like yogya city and semarang.
And also did indonesia accept the jewish people more friendly ittl (since basically the palestinian get what they want) and what is the biggest ship that indonesia posses
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Oh okay i think it would be wise for the us to quickly accept okinawa as a state and put civilian governor on the job to avoid arrest and protest (this is post mlk we are talking about,also can you make some of the new us state (cuba and panama) anthem and for okinawa probably a dual languange one like in hawaii) and since uasr controlling most of the oil of the world bar venezuela or saudi arabia if it even exist) i think it would be wise for the us to make an official alliance with morrocco and modernized it quickly due to uasr and libya and be friendly towards venezuela before chavez come to power
Oh and second did the spanish monarchy recovered? And did indonesia still have a large minority dutch speaker (since sukarno is more friendly ittl) and oh yeah im lookinh forward for the toyota war ittl i think it would go very interesting
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12.1. The Triumvirate: The Origins
Solidify PPP Base: The Trio Explained
The election was nearing for Indonesia, as the country was slowly leaving its primitive era, and moving towards a changing one. Indonesia on the third quadrant of the 20th century was having its potential for developing. The infrastructure was advance, and Nasution intended to keep advancing. But, Nasution’s oppositions thought otherwise.
The Coalition of PPP, PKI and PSDM was going well for the unity. The PPP managed to consolidate much of its promises with PKI and PSDM so that they would not rebel in this election. However, determined from the accomplishments made from the current Premiership, PPP was the one most responsible for. And it was divided into three men, Subandrio, Lee Kuan Yew (LKY) and Trihandoko.
Subandrio is the main protagonist and the strongest from the trio. Although LKY was as influential, Subandrio held the upper hand. Him being a native Javanese contributed much of the Javan voters, essential for winning any election in Indonesia. It was due to Javanese having minor prejudice, and was not having a member outside of Java in power. Nasution was an exception because he is ethnic Bataknese. But, his career and his friends helped him to be erased from such judgement.
Subandrio, 1975
Subandrio was a former foreign minister during Sukarno’s era and had become an apt politician and diplomat. He initially never thought of becoming head of government. But time declared it otherwise. Notice Hatta’s failure on curbing Nasution’s influence, Subandrio become tough, stronger than his predecessor, to fight against Parindra’s (later PNI-R’s) authoritative measure even though a minority. In this fight against Nasution, battling between orders, the MPR finally was slightly Subandrio-leaning, and dominoes are falling to Nasution.
In his first term, he promoted elementary education to be implemented nationally. With a slight help from scholars all across Indonesia, and a little money from Subandrio’s right hand, elementary education has become compulsory in 1977 Indonesia and more than three-quarters of the population was literate. Secondly, he administered regional powers, slowly regaining the federal’s status as head and controller of them. The Bahasa Act silenced the growing hatred towards Java-centrism. He stopped transmigration, and instead of planning Keluarga Berencana, population control for people in Java and Sumatra. Albeit Keluarga Berencana is still new, progress is made and cities are having fewer children and more quality.
In this upcoming election, he wanted to erase all unnecessary construction plans. He also wanted his rule to be remembered as the educator – total literacy for every Indonesians, even in Madagascar. He was never a charismatic orator like Sukarno. His skills were not speaking publicly but negotiate with people. If it was not LKY that helped PPP’s political image, Subandrio would not be as successful.
Lee Kuan Yew was different. Instead of Subandrio’s calm and passive manner, Lee Kuan Yew was aggressive. He openly criticized Nasution’s lack of improvements besides building roads. Social welfare was still low, even though the economy was rising. Moreover, poverty was rising in metropolises because of the rising fees in public housing that was intended for them. Lee Kuan Yew explicitly accused Nasution of pro-corporations, and never actually backed the people. Large business in high-rise building strengthens LKY’s point. LKY grew from Malaya, and his sponsor, a newspaper called ‘Republikan’ gave him the needed fame for becoming a political star. In just a few years, of what was the star of Singapore was enhanced to become a national candidate.
LKY 1976
LKY was also the first person who was directly concerned towards people in Madagascar. After Madagascar’s annexation, leaders in Jakarta mostly left Madagascar as the same state as Malaya, give them autonomy and leave Jakarta be. Madagascar was low in every aspect; education, economy and welfare. LKY promised them of growth for the nation. Even though there were no rocks Madagascar could extract, at least they had wonderful sceneries for tourism and potential textile industry. But then, LKY’s greatest contributor on his rise was actually his economic plan.
Nasution and LKY had a similar opinion in terms of Federal Districts. Federal District was created in strategical economic hotspots. A centre that located in bottle-neck trade routes could flow in cash easily. Other places were declared because of political purposes, like Sukarnopura because of NASA’s foreign base. Nasution originally planned it to give exclusive rights towards foreign corporations to invest in these places, and possible boost the economy. LKY thought likewise, with differences in implementation. Instead of the current law giving foreign corporations tax-free grants for 50 years. LKY wished to promote it even further, for 100 years. In addition to it, these corporations must also contribute to help to improve the District’s connectivity, which means that the government could be aided by companies to construct metros. However, LKY’s program was a risky one. It needed a large sum as a guarantee for those enterprises. Conveniently, Trihandoko’s (Badan Usaha Milik Negara) BUMN already provided it.
Frederik Trihandoko, unlike the other two middle-aged men, was young. He was in the thirties and had fiery passion. He loved accounting, and become one in his early adulthood. However, his nation’s fragile economy pushed him to become the nation’s Economy and Trade Minister, granting his title as ‘Bapak Ekonomi’. He was famously known because of his BUMN, a government organization consisted of multiple state-owned enterprises that controlled vital economic products. Labels like oil, rubber and palm were heavily prioritized by Trihandoko to be nationalized. As while rubber and palm were secured, oil was a hefty issue, as Nasution had already promised a bunch of nations for permit clearance, like US’ Chevron and France’s Total.
Frederik Trihandoko
Additionally, there were also sectors BUMN holds, like water and electricity. However, the 1970s were shaped because of two BUMN giants, Pertamina and Perkanas. Pertamina, short for Perusahaan Tambang Minyak dan Gas Bumi Nasional, was a petroleum company. Although the state-owned company never owned its nation complete share of oil wells and reserves, Pertamina succeded on becoming the wealthiest state-owned enterprises in Indonesia. With the mere coincidence of UASR lacked to give oil for the US, they needed alternatives for their consumption, and Indonesia became one of them.
Perkanas, or Perusahaan Karet Nasional, was falling short from Pertamina. Rather than its sister company, Perkanas, with the help of Malaya’s rubber landlords, hold 85% of all rubber plantations in Indonesia. because of its lack of manufactories, Perkanas was struggling with selling raw products. But, if those rubbers could be transformed into tyres, Perkanas could become the largest company in the world, even eclipsing incumbent corporations like Goodyear.
All of these were launched during Trihandoko’s first year as Economy and Trade Minister, and with the term ends, he had transformed Indonesia’s backwater economy into a developing one, and it was trying to catch with Japan’s. However, Trihandoko’s had a chink in the armour, and it was he never actually boosted Indonesia’s whole economy, but just Nusantara*. In Papua, Melanesia, and Madagascar, he struggled on helping them. Because of that, while Nusantara grew, other regions just stagnated.
Subandrio’s promising term, LKY’s bold ambitions, and Trihandoko’s success were what made PPP growing to become the dominant party in Indonesia. Indeed, PPP even stole a few percentages from the PKI. PPP’s leader post-Hatta, Soekarni, attempted to bring this trio into an absolute combo, and he nailed it.
Subandrio willfully accepted to be nominated as President, leaving the Premier seat to LKY. Trihandoko’s seat of becoming Economic and Trade Minister. The package for 1978 had been wrapped, and PPP positively guessed that PNI-R will not stand a chance.
To prevent misunderstanding:
Nusantara is a Regional-Republic from the Federal Republic of Indonesia. It spans from Aceh and Malaysia to Maluku and Timor. In other connotations, people outside Indonesia ITTL preferred Nusantara as 'Indonesia-Proper'.
The picture of Frederik Trihandoko is OTL Soe Hok Djin, the brother of Soe Hok Djie. In OTL, Soe Hok Djin is a sociology expert. ITTL, he has butterflied away as a commoner because Soe Hok Djie famously became secretary for Nasution.
The election was nearing for Indonesia, as the country was slowly leaving its primitive era, and moving towards a changing one. Indonesia on the third quadrant of the 20th century was having its potential for developing. The infrastructure was advance, and Nasution intended to keep advancing. But, Nasution’s oppositions thought otherwise.
The Coalition of PPP, PKI and PSDM was going well for the unity. The PPP managed to consolidate much of its promises with PKI and PSDM so that they would not rebel in this election. However, determined from the accomplishments made from the current Premiership, PPP was the one most responsible for. And it was divided into three men, Subandrio, Lee Kuan Yew (LKY) and Trihandoko.
Subandrio is the main protagonist and the strongest from the trio. Although LKY was as influential, Subandrio held the upper hand. Him being a native Javanese contributed much of the Javan voters, essential for winning any election in Indonesia. It was due to Javanese having minor prejudice, and was not having a member outside of Java in power. Nasution was an exception because he is ethnic Bataknese. But, his career and his friends helped him to be erased from such judgement.
Subandrio, 1975
In his first term, he promoted elementary education to be implemented nationally. With a slight help from scholars all across Indonesia, and a little money from Subandrio’s right hand, elementary education has become compulsory in 1977 Indonesia and more than three-quarters of the population was literate. Secondly, he administered regional powers, slowly regaining the federal’s status as head and controller of them. The Bahasa Act silenced the growing hatred towards Java-centrism. He stopped transmigration, and instead of planning Keluarga Berencana, population control for people in Java and Sumatra. Albeit Keluarga Berencana is still new, progress is made and cities are having fewer children and more quality.
In this upcoming election, he wanted to erase all unnecessary construction plans. He also wanted his rule to be remembered as the educator – total literacy for every Indonesians, even in Madagascar. He was never a charismatic orator like Sukarno. His skills were not speaking publicly but negotiate with people. If it was not LKY that helped PPP’s political image, Subandrio would not be as successful.
Lee Kuan Yew was different. Instead of Subandrio’s calm and passive manner, Lee Kuan Yew was aggressive. He openly criticized Nasution’s lack of improvements besides building roads. Social welfare was still low, even though the economy was rising. Moreover, poverty was rising in metropolises because of the rising fees in public housing that was intended for them. Lee Kuan Yew explicitly accused Nasution of pro-corporations, and never actually backed the people. Large business in high-rise building strengthens LKY’s point. LKY grew from Malaya, and his sponsor, a newspaper called ‘Republikan’ gave him the needed fame for becoming a political star. In just a few years, of what was the star of Singapore was enhanced to become a national candidate.
LKY 1976
Nasution and LKY had a similar opinion in terms of Federal Districts. Federal District was created in strategical economic hotspots. A centre that located in bottle-neck trade routes could flow in cash easily. Other places were declared because of political purposes, like Sukarnopura because of NASA’s foreign base. Nasution originally planned it to give exclusive rights towards foreign corporations to invest in these places, and possible boost the economy. LKY thought likewise, with differences in implementation. Instead of the current law giving foreign corporations tax-free grants for 50 years. LKY wished to promote it even further, for 100 years. In addition to it, these corporations must also contribute to help to improve the District’s connectivity, which means that the government could be aided by companies to construct metros. However, LKY’s program was a risky one. It needed a large sum as a guarantee for those enterprises. Conveniently, Trihandoko’s (Badan Usaha Milik Negara) BUMN already provided it.
Frederik Trihandoko, unlike the other two middle-aged men, was young. He was in the thirties and had fiery passion. He loved accounting, and become one in his early adulthood. However, his nation’s fragile economy pushed him to become the nation’s Economy and Trade Minister, granting his title as ‘Bapak Ekonomi’. He was famously known because of his BUMN, a government organization consisted of multiple state-owned enterprises that controlled vital economic products. Labels like oil, rubber and palm were heavily prioritized by Trihandoko to be nationalized. As while rubber and palm were secured, oil was a hefty issue, as Nasution had already promised a bunch of nations for permit clearance, like US’ Chevron and France’s Total.
Frederik Trihandoko
Perkanas, or Perusahaan Karet Nasional, was falling short from Pertamina. Rather than its sister company, Perkanas, with the help of Malaya’s rubber landlords, hold 85% of all rubber plantations in Indonesia. because of its lack of manufactories, Perkanas was struggling with selling raw products. But, if those rubbers could be transformed into tyres, Perkanas could become the largest company in the world, even eclipsing incumbent corporations like Goodyear.
All of these were launched during Trihandoko’s first year as Economy and Trade Minister, and with the term ends, he had transformed Indonesia’s backwater economy into a developing one, and it was trying to catch with Japan’s. However, Trihandoko’s had a chink in the armour, and it was he never actually boosted Indonesia’s whole economy, but just Nusantara*. In Papua, Melanesia, and Madagascar, he struggled on helping them. Because of that, while Nusantara grew, other regions just stagnated.
Subandrio’s promising term, LKY’s bold ambitions, and Trihandoko’s success were what made PPP growing to become the dominant party in Indonesia. Indeed, PPP even stole a few percentages from the PKI. PPP’s leader post-Hatta, Soekarni, attempted to bring this trio into an absolute combo, and he nailed it.
Subandrio willfully accepted to be nominated as President, leaving the Premier seat to LKY. Trihandoko’s seat of becoming Economic and Trade Minister. The package for 1978 had been wrapped, and PPP positively guessed that PNI-R will not stand a chance.
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To prevent misunderstanding:
Nusantara is a Regional-Republic from the Federal Republic of Indonesia. It spans from Aceh and Malaysia to Maluku and Timor. In other connotations, people outside Indonesia ITTL preferred Nusantara as 'Indonesia-Proper'.
The picture of Frederik Trihandoko is OTL Soe Hok Djin, the brother of Soe Hok Djie. In OTL, Soe Hok Djin is a sociology expert. ITTL, he has butterflied away as a commoner because Soe Hok Djie famously became secretary for Nasution.
A bit more OTL facts I want to suggest for this fic, in the economic aspect at least.
Other than tourism and textiles, Madagascar did have a considerably large reserves of ilmenite (platinum) found somewhere at the 80's onward, as well being the largest producers of vanilla, which is the second most expensive spice in the world after saffron. Considering that ITTL Madagascar doesn't suffer the whole civil war+coup+political instability nonsense like our own timeline, LKY could develop these primary industries to kickstart Madagascar's economy.
Another suggestion I would like to give is FELDA, which is in OTL Malaysia is instrumental for the development of rural poor during the 80's through opening of new smallholder land for aforementioned cash crop. Given who LKY is, he might probably planned for the similar idea as part of his grand economic planning. Not sure if OTL Indonesia has the organization that perform the similar role, but if they don't you can just use Malaya having the prototype organization necessary to kickstart the plan. It might work well for Madagascar vanilla industry I mentioned earlier, as well for the Indonesia palm+rubber industry.
12.2. The Triumvirate: Issue Regarding Africa
Madagascar: Indonesia’s guide in Africa
The 1978 Election, besides the Housing Crisis which influenced the domestic issue in Indonesia, the other topic was about Madagascar. Madagascar was the furthest state of Indonesia, located on the other view of the Indian Ocean. Nevertheless, as being the furthest, Madagascar was risked with problems, two of them were its development (which was already explained in the previous chapter) and foreign concern.
Firstly, Madagascar was close to Africa, the continent that was shifting from a dark colonial past to a bright free place. But, regardless of the continent mostly liberated, it was changing from one dictator to another as another wave of military coups happened across the continent. Most of the freed British possessions, like Ghana and Nigeria, all having their political instability. In 1978, Africa was divided into two parts, French-influenced Africa and the others. There was a clear distinction between these two massive regions, with stability as a common difference. In French-influenced Africa, likewise in French West Africa, UASR, and Libya included, the region was stable. Being the last empire to hold Africa, the French Fifth Republic was a world’s utopia for racial equality, totally the opposite with South Africa.
The most unstable place which France holds in Africa was Benin or Dahomey. Wedged between Ghana and Nigeria, both countries had evolved into military dictatorship and caused a deadly civil war. In addition to the Ebola outbreak in Congo, Benin was one of the nearest safe places for people to find refuge and that escalated crisis there. Other effects were the rise of nationalism, which was brought by these immigrants to French Dahomey.
In United Arab Socialist Republics, Premier Nasser was also building a stable Arab world which civility was even better during the heights of the Ottoman Empire. Albeit controlling a portion of the Middle East, it holds nearly a similar amount of oil reserve as in Arabia, therefore compete with Saudi Arabia in terms of oil diplomacy. Because of its meteoric rise, UASR was surrounded by enemies, all of which eyed on its destruction. In the North, Turkey became USSR’s satellite. In the East, Iran was eyeing on Iraq’s Shia population for possible expansion. In the South, Saudi Arabia was friendly with USSR and prayed for UASR’s fall. A proxy game also exists in here, as France, USSR and the US all trying to be here by one reason, oil supply.
Even though the tension in the Middle East was the highest, there was no destructive chaos like in Africa, especially everything south of Egypt. From Sudan until Tanzania, all of the nations located there were either involved in a power’s game or suicide themselves in a form of civil war, multiple coups and political assassinations. Any possible progress of the East African Community was stopped because President of Kenya, Barrack Obama Sr., was killed during a coup. The coup leader, General Lufasa Thrombe, toppled the government under France’s influence.
Thrombe's army captured the last remnants of pro-Barrack militias
Matching cases were also happening across Africa and was worsened by the Ebola outbreak. Uganda, Kivu, Rwanda, Burundi, all of them suffered a coup with a civil war following. Congo DR was having political isolation from pro-French countries and was having a purge of its own. In a long story short, Africa was crumbling and crumbling with chaos as the head.
After the Soviet Union’s solid relations with Saudi Arabia, the communist hegemony attempted to expand further. After British abandonment in the Middle East, Yemen has united again and formed a communist nation, therefore solidifying the Soviet’s hold in the oil-rich region. The Soviet Union then overthrew Eritrea’s democratic rule and replaced it with a communist one. Ethiopia, after the decolonization, conveniently turned communist as well. The United States was a bit late on winning the proxy war against the two powers, the nation’s instability due to prolonged Nicaragua War, and later the impeachment, caused most of their foreign dominance weakened.
Eritrea's General Isaias Efrem with his subordinates after winning the Eritrean coup
Indonesia had two hostile neighbours in Africa. The first one was South Africa, which the current apartheid regime detested Indonesia due to victory against its overlord Britain. Although Indonesia had the United States in its back, South Africa may interdict Indonesia’s ships if going to the cape. The other one was, surprisingly, the Lusitania Kingdom. After the series of betrayals and mess, South Africa and Congo had made in their region, the predicaments ended with an alliance with the devil. The Kingdom of Lusitania had its eyes to return to Portugal, and that was already difficult. Therefore, the kingdom was assisted with its former ally, which was the United Kingdom.
With a secret agreement with Spain, Franco agreed with the British to restore the Kingdom of Portugal. In 1975, the plan commenced, and it went beautifully for Spain. The Spanish invade the Portuguese Socialist Republic, while the British blockade any exits for the revolutionaries to exile. Even though a handful of the fled to the Soviet Union, Portugal ceased to exist after three weeks. Portugal was restored, but it had a price. The United Kingdom wanted Portugal to cede Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, after their help in bringing the king to return. However, with brilliant diplomacy and talks, Portugal manages to reach a compromise with acknowledging the apartheid regime in South Africa. But, with only that simple of demand, it destabilizes Portugal’s hold in Lusitania. In just a few years, natives, which had initially coexisted with the European monarch, now demanded out from the kingdom.
Nearing the 1978 election, Indonesia is given a question regarding Madagascar. The current situation demanded that Madagascar must be protected. Indeed, Mozambique and Angola independence movement declared the Lusitania government to be unaligned with the people’s desire. Not to mention South Africa still had their intention of North Rhodesia and Nyasaland. With their neighbours all at war, Madagascar must be protected. It was unfortunate if Madagascar was damaged under the warfare in the mainland.
On this occasion, Nasution had the upper hand of the debate. As finally finishing his infrastructure programs, Nasution thought it was time to expand the armed forces. Still inadequate even after the Blue Revolution, the army, navy and the air force even never arrived in Madagascar. Madagascar is currently defended by regional militias, which was named as Madagascar Regional Army. This was extremely risky, as a sub-state which had a military of their own could rebel itself from Indonesia. The only Indonesian presence in Madagascar was its civilian administration, and the Coast Guard, which was the only branch successful to fulfill its demands. With the wars brewing in the southern region of Africa, Madagascar must be protected its sovereignty as Indonesia’s clay with any means.
Subandrio, now as a Presidential candidate, expressed a careful approach for this manner. He still supported his stance that the economy was the problem of Indonesia, not the military. But, he would try incorporating the regional army into Indonesia’s Armed Forces, therefore degrading the risk of a separatist movement. Luckily, however, he touched the issue about South Africa, saying that Indonesia must try to propose sanctions to this imperialistic nation. But, Nasution’s reply was a burn for Subandrio, saying that the United Nations was too weak to impose one, and on this time of darkness, might is right.
Subandrio was losing the debate about Madagascar currently. But, good for him, the matter was quickly diffused as irrelevant, because the United States indirectly helped Subandrio.
Next chapter is how Carter helped Subandrio indirectly.
The 1978 Election, besides the Housing Crisis which influenced the domestic issue in Indonesia, the other topic was about Madagascar. Madagascar was the furthest state of Indonesia, located on the other view of the Indian Ocean. Nevertheless, as being the furthest, Madagascar was risked with problems, two of them were its development (which was already explained in the previous chapter) and foreign concern.
Firstly, Madagascar was close to Africa, the continent that was shifting from a dark colonial past to a bright free place. But, regardless of the continent mostly liberated, it was changing from one dictator to another as another wave of military coups happened across the continent. Most of the freed British possessions, like Ghana and Nigeria, all having their political instability. In 1978, Africa was divided into two parts, French-influenced Africa and the others. There was a clear distinction between these two massive regions, with stability as a common difference. In French-influenced Africa, likewise in French West Africa, UASR, and Libya included, the region was stable. Being the last empire to hold Africa, the French Fifth Republic was a world’s utopia for racial equality, totally the opposite with South Africa.
The most unstable place which France holds in Africa was Benin or Dahomey. Wedged between Ghana and Nigeria, both countries had evolved into military dictatorship and caused a deadly civil war. In addition to the Ebola outbreak in Congo, Benin was one of the nearest safe places for people to find refuge and that escalated crisis there. Other effects were the rise of nationalism, which was brought by these immigrants to French Dahomey.
In United Arab Socialist Republics, Premier Nasser was also building a stable Arab world which civility was even better during the heights of the Ottoman Empire. Albeit controlling a portion of the Middle East, it holds nearly a similar amount of oil reserve as in Arabia, therefore compete with Saudi Arabia in terms of oil diplomacy. Because of its meteoric rise, UASR was surrounded by enemies, all of which eyed on its destruction. In the North, Turkey became USSR’s satellite. In the East, Iran was eyeing on Iraq’s Shia population for possible expansion. In the South, Saudi Arabia was friendly with USSR and prayed for UASR’s fall. A proxy game also exists in here, as France, USSR and the US all trying to be here by one reason, oil supply.
Even though the tension in the Middle East was the highest, there was no destructive chaos like in Africa, especially everything south of Egypt. From Sudan until Tanzania, all of the nations located there were either involved in a power’s game or suicide themselves in a form of civil war, multiple coups and political assassinations. Any possible progress of the East African Community was stopped because President of Kenya, Barrack Obama Sr., was killed during a coup. The coup leader, General Lufasa Thrombe, toppled the government under France’s influence.
Thrombe's army captured the last remnants of pro-Barrack militias
Matching cases were also happening across Africa and was worsened by the Ebola outbreak. Uganda, Kivu, Rwanda, Burundi, all of them suffered a coup with a civil war following. Congo DR was having political isolation from pro-French countries and was having a purge of its own. In a long story short, Africa was crumbling and crumbling with chaos as the head.
After the Soviet Union’s solid relations with Saudi Arabia, the communist hegemony attempted to expand further. After British abandonment in the Middle East, Yemen has united again and formed a communist nation, therefore solidifying the Soviet’s hold in the oil-rich region. The Soviet Union then overthrew Eritrea’s democratic rule and replaced it with a communist one. Ethiopia, after the decolonization, conveniently turned communist as well. The United States was a bit late on winning the proxy war against the two powers, the nation’s instability due to prolonged Nicaragua War, and later the impeachment, caused most of their foreign dominance weakened.
Eritrea's General Isaias Efrem with his subordinates after winning the Eritrean coup
With a secret agreement with Spain, Franco agreed with the British to restore the Kingdom of Portugal. In 1975, the plan commenced, and it went beautifully for Spain. The Spanish invade the Portuguese Socialist Republic, while the British blockade any exits for the revolutionaries to exile. Even though a handful of the fled to the Soviet Union, Portugal ceased to exist after three weeks. Portugal was restored, but it had a price. The United Kingdom wanted Portugal to cede Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, after their help in bringing the king to return. However, with brilliant diplomacy and talks, Portugal manages to reach a compromise with acknowledging the apartheid regime in South Africa. But, with only that simple of demand, it destabilizes Portugal’s hold in Lusitania. In just a few years, natives, which had initially coexisted with the European monarch, now demanded out from the kingdom.
Nearing the 1978 election, Indonesia is given a question regarding Madagascar. The current situation demanded that Madagascar must be protected. Indeed, Mozambique and Angola independence movement declared the Lusitania government to be unaligned with the people’s desire. Not to mention South Africa still had their intention of North Rhodesia and Nyasaland. With their neighbours all at war, Madagascar must be protected. It was unfortunate if Madagascar was damaged under the warfare in the mainland.
On this occasion, Nasution had the upper hand of the debate. As finally finishing his infrastructure programs, Nasution thought it was time to expand the armed forces. Still inadequate even after the Blue Revolution, the army, navy and the air force even never arrived in Madagascar. Madagascar is currently defended by regional militias, which was named as Madagascar Regional Army. This was extremely risky, as a sub-state which had a military of their own could rebel itself from Indonesia. The only Indonesian presence in Madagascar was its civilian administration, and the Coast Guard, which was the only branch successful to fulfill its demands. With the wars brewing in the southern region of Africa, Madagascar must be protected its sovereignty as Indonesia’s clay with any means.
Subandrio, now as a Presidential candidate, expressed a careful approach for this manner. He still supported his stance that the economy was the problem of Indonesia, not the military. But, he would try incorporating the regional army into Indonesia’s Armed Forces, therefore degrading the risk of a separatist movement. Luckily, however, he touched the issue about South Africa, saying that Indonesia must try to propose sanctions to this imperialistic nation. But, Nasution’s reply was a burn for Subandrio, saying that the United Nations was too weak to impose one, and on this time of darkness, might is right.
Subandrio was losing the debate about Madagascar currently. But, good for him, the matter was quickly diffused as irrelevant, because the United States indirectly helped Subandrio.
==========================================
Next chapter is how Carter helped Subandrio indirectly.
Hmm that is very interesting so france became the big bad baddie ittl i wonder since south africa has developed nuclear weapon and im sure some of them will be pointed at madagascar will indonesia do the same or even more like putting a dutch speaking governor in madagascar but not as rascist as the south afrikaner (indonesia could say that they managed to win the support of all races whites (former dutch colonist who decided to settle in indonesia),natives,african and even chinese even though there is still internal rivalry between this group).
Do indonesia still have an intelligence service? And since the us keep okinawa what is the us policy there regarding china and the ussr and do saudi arabia became a monarchy or a republic?
Wow so madagascar is quickly turning into a political hotbed for the indonesian. I have several question
1.i wonder since nasser is still alive what happened to sadat.
2.will some of the jewish refugee came to indonesia?.
3.will nigeria be engulfed in the biafran war (an even more bloody conflict in my opinion since it was pretty unstable)
4.what is the north american stance (us,canada and mexico) on the growing influence of france and ussr.
5.what is the recent situation in south asia?
I don't thing Madagascar was under South Africa's radar or anything that directly implies to their foreign strategies. Moreover, Angola and Mozambique are revolting, which distract them a bit.
1. I think Sadat still become Nasser's wingman or a close confidant.
2. I guess, there would be some, although Jews coming to Indonesia was not a welcome one.
3. Biafra got independence in the 1960s.
4. Troubled, of course. Also spoilers if I talk too much.
5. That's spoilers I guess.
about the Jewish refugees, what is their incentive to come to Indonesia? It's already quiet a mess with so many ethnic group, adding one more is like adding more fuel to the fire
Oh biafra got their indenpendence huh i wonder what type of goverment they have communist or democratic also do the republic of benin (a puppet state of biafra) exist?
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