Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

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11.2. Rivalry: Miserable Happenstance on the Potomac
As 1975 had begun, the entire globe was cooling down from the sparks of war that happened nearly everywhere. Congo had been reduced into pariah states, each state depended extremely on each bloc. Kinshasa’s Congo, from Lumumba, had become a satellite state for the Soviet Union and also was reforming inside. Reign in terror, oppression and power, Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba became one of the most notorious red dictators in history, reigning until his death.

Kisangani’s Congo, also known as the Republic of Kivu, was a better republican nation that even included a democratic constitution. However, Kivu was landlocked and very reliant on neighbouring countries. Luckily, Uganda was one neighbour considerate enough to help their needs. Uganda’s motive was clear, the East African Community needed more members, and Kivu was geographically and politically a decent candidate. In addition to it, the United Nations also granted independence for Ruanda and Burundi, more nation that could be invited.

The Republic of Katanga was capitalist in everything, but not so much in democracy. The nation was a Belgian enclave in the continent, much of it had a significant Belgian population. Surrounded by enemies, Katanga’s friendly neighbour was the only Kingdom of Lusitania. The United States allied with Lusitania, probably because of the oil reserve Angola had.

Korea was unified a decade later than Germany did. The peninsula was now led by a military general from the South, which promised a better reconciliation and reconstruction. Others thought not as promising, as corruption was increasing from the centre of Park Chung-hee.

Problems in Europe was exceeding as well, as there would be no more nations in Western Europe, but Belgium must give in in some sort of ‘confederalism’. It gave more autonomy to Wallonia, and also providing them with the socialist leader into Wallonia’s government. Belgium was one in the territory, but two in government. The Socialist Regime of Wallonia ruled in their lands, while the legitimate Belgian government held the Flemish side. The one who only united them was monarch Badouin, that kept persisting to prevent the nation from disintegration.

Poland was eventually liberated from the Soviet Union, forming again the Polish Socialist Republic. This second republic was different from the first because this one was given almost no independence and equivalent to any USSR republics. It was seen as the Soviet Union’s security from Eastern Europe. However, as the Turkish revolted, Andropov thought it was better to control the Bosporus rather than already secure the Western front. Poland was given less attention during Andropov's reigning years over time, and revolts becoming more active in Poland rather than anywhere else. Moreover, Andropov was curing relations with Mao’s PRC, and possible Gandhi’s India.

Poland’s independence was something a curse from Poland as well, because their people were not unified enough. The Federal Republic of Germany had controlled their sea access, even Danzig that had been theirs for decades. Germany’s DP government was also persuading Silesia’s Polish to join Germany with better living conditions. The better infrastructure in West and East Prussia was strengthening the cause. Poland’s independence also caused Czechoslovakia to be wedge with hostile anti-Soviet nations from the north, and worryingly was enveloped by Germany in Czechia.

As the United Nations was attempting to cool down the tensions, February 25th 1975 entered.

In the United States, Shafer's Presidency was considered liberally radical from Southerners, as POTUS was liberal enough in passing the marijuana act. Marijuana, according to the Scranton Commission, was not a crime and must decriminalize. Shafer was also not putting more efforts into the Nicaraguan War, the war which had to start to disrupt society. Also, Republicans winning was not what both Democrats and Conservatives had hoped for. It was barely impossible for a split party to be as victors of the election, only Shafer’s Republican could.

In his second year, the United States was getting the Rockefeller-Republican vibe in the nation and was finally getting away from the Oil Crisis in 1973. Still, the Republicans invited the Democrats into a coalition against the cultist Nixons, which worked perfectly well. During its highest tenure, VP Rockefeller must resign due to tax evasion allegations that he did with his company. The successor, Haldeman, was picked by Shafer to replace the former VP. Haldeman, in essence, was the most conservative member of the coalition. As the Nixonians are trying to rock the presidency, Shafer instead offers a 'parley' candidate that can appease the conservative voters, thus silencing them.

However, the entire nation shocked when a lone-gunner assassinated the President during his tour in Savannah. On January 31st 1975, President Raymond P. Shafer was shot in the shoulder by lone-gunner Gregory Martin. He died of blood loss on his way to the hospital. In an urgent session, Vice President Haldeman was sworn as President and immediately draw out security concerns of the nation. After the president’s assassination, most of the entire world knew how fragile the administration’s security was. The military was gradually weakened by Shafer’s pro-business approach. After the funeral, President Haldeman demanded to significantly boost America’s security, which also included the military. The CIA, FBI and many other government agencies got their funds increased by the federal government. In just less than three months, most of the regional powers were either curbed or gone entirely by the new Presidency. His deepest mistake was to re-appoint Kissinger into the Secretary of State.

Kissinger’s trouble with Former-President Nixon took a heavy toll on the presidency. The bills passed were only because of Shafer’s death, no else. With that also, Kissinger's agenda influenced Haldeman, such as opening more to China, which the Conservatives declined most of his proposals. The only other thing Haldeman managed to pass without difficulty was the prolonged Nicaraguan War. Shafer’s foreign policy was business than security. In other words, the late president wanted to invest in a particular nation, and obtain their friendship until they agreed to America’s military assistance. This strategy was mirrored by Kennedy’s during the 1960s when he immediately withdrew Europe for Asia, which ultimately was a great bargain.

The United States had superior technologies that needed to be sold. Other first worlds had their toys, so none of them considered buying. However, when it came towards especially third-world nations, most of them unanimously will purchase every higher kind of stuff. That alone had maintained America’s economic boom for nearly a decade. American tools from weapons to agriculture machinery was bought by Japan, Korea, Indonesia and even Vietnam. Also, that help fruited friendship and alliance, a great foundation for curbing the red dragon.

Haldeman's foreign policy was simply said as might is right. America is a superpower and must be maintained as such. The military was one easy example of how strong a nation could be. Therefore, the President would start launching more military intervention, campaign and volunteering for many parts of the world, much of what Shafer’s intended not to do. At first, Secretary of State Kissinger would launch the largest military campaign of the United States after Vietnam in Nicaragua.

In other words, Haldeman was reverting most of what Shafer intended to do. ITTL Haldeman is still a conservative, but mostly pragmatic.

What is poject sabuk biru, i wonder🤔
did economic development in Malaysia is seperate?

Sabuk Biru; although I would elucidate it further.

Nasution's Presidency, with its Java-centrism, had a very don't care attitude towards Malaya Region because of them having a better condition rather than Java itself. Therefore, it remained separate.
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11.3. Rivalry: Stories Again
14th March 1975

KGPAA Hamengku Negara Sudibyo Rajaputra Nalendra ing Mataram, or the Crown Prince for the Sultanate of Yogyakarta, was almost thirty years in age. This kingdom, a rarity in the Federal Republic, has had a special right of having their regional leader a monarch, rather than appointed from the central government. In other provinces of Republik Nusantara, a governor was selected from the central government. However, a governor must be a member of the party that had the majority in the region.

For Kesultanan, head of the regional government was hereditary, and indigenous for the region. Jogjakarta was among a few of them. As a result, the central government needed to appease those regions, one of them was to give autonomy. However, Subandrio was not giving that at all.

The crown prince, on this occasion, had a specific objective to consult with the central government about these grants. Sincerely, Yogyakarta had been passive and needed not for more autonomy. Yogyakarta preferred to follow the central government fully, depicted as the most loyal monarchy in Indonesia. However, other kingdoms were not intrigued by that and demanded that the new proposals Subandrio’s government had given to be withdrawn completely.

After his inauguration speech last October, Subandrio was attempting to optimize natural resources in all parts of the world. But, those sectors were not exclusive to industry and agrarian products, there were other unique sectors, national monuments had been one of them. As because of that, most of the old royal palaces would be monitored by the central government, which was not ok for most of the monarchs because of privacy intrusion. Speaking of privacy intrusion, these palaces would be opened as national museums, which even further prevent them for more privacy.

At first, the crown prince was not unhappy for the edicts made. These palaces would have funding from the central government for redecoration and revitalization, and his sultanate would not spend money on one of the biggest portions.


Now as the foreign minister, Suharto could not determine whether his current position is a promotion or a demotion for the previous one. Being the head for domestic government, Suharto may change the entire nation. But, being a foreign minister, Suharto can be a player for the international stage, something that can alter the course of the world.

Manai Sophiaan declined for this seat and preferred an ambassador status in the United Kingdom. According to his perspective, Indonesia should not make more enemies, rather more friends. As quite expert in diplomatic relations, he thought it was his time to assist Indonesia’s fence-mending with a former enemy of war the United Kingdom. Because of that, Suharto was given the foreign minister. He opted more for Defense Minister, but as Simatupang could not become the Majority leader, Nasution chose him for the position, as he was higher than Suharto.

At first, he resisted on accepting this offer. But, for a few months had shown him that being the door for foreign relations is something very intriguing for the general. He had already met a few leaders all across Asia, from the Philippines, Japan, and even Iran. He had a cold conversation with China’s foreign minister Lin Biao, and nearly got a fight with one of Saudi Arabia’s princes. Most of them resulted from poor self-management and needless provocations.

He only saw a glimpse of what Subandrio was doing in DPR. According to Nasution’s Secretary Soe Hok Gie, Subandrio pushed for an equal national curriculum, possible extend free education from former 2 years until 6 years, so the entire Primary would be paid by the government. Nasution’s privatization policies would mostly be taken back. Even Nasution’s Infrastructure programs in Java and Sumatra were vulnerable for stopping, as Subandrio preferred equal development and that meant more money in neglected parts like Kalimantan, Sulawesi and Malaya. Although the latter still had better infrastructure than even Java, decay is a thing and that could easily threaten Malaya’s survival.

For now, he was confronted with major issues, one of them coming from the United States itself. After the dreadful assassination of the late-president, President Haldeman requested Indonesia for an extended contract regarding Liberty Space Center and Freeport’s Tembagapura. Although he was not appropriate for the man, it should include Minister of Industry and Technology. Foreign Minister was the broker for the deal and therefore can also alter a few bits.

Suharto had been quite a fan for the United States, especially Former-President Kennedy for his speeches. He sometimes elaborated Kennedy with Sukarno, the man that brought Indonesia from old colonialism days. He eerily thought also of Kennedy bringing the nation into a new era, unconfirmed whether to the worse of the better, as 1975 was turning worse than ever before for the United States. He also heard of a scandal brewing from the press, pointing directly towards the new President Haldeman, probably could cost him his status.

After consulting with Nasution, Suharto’s foreign objectives had become three. Three of them was instructed to not fail, as it could jeopardize Indonesia for years to come.

Firstly, Nasution and Suharto must have carried Indonesia’s larger donor the United States into a state where they could not plan an embargo happening again. Therefore, as Indonesia’s is dependent on America’s money, America must be depended on its investments in Indonesia. Upgrade the contract of the space centre and the coal mine were two of many that could put Indonesia as a valuable American asset that they must not throw as such.

Secondly, Nasution and Suharto must have brought Indonesia as a regional power in South East Asia. As a result, having a regional organization, either economically or defensively, was a priority in the making. Suharto planned for a defensive treaty in South East Asia, possible SEATO comprises of Philippines, Thailand, and possible Burma. The United States President Haldeman also voted for South Vietnam, as to confront the North Vietnamese even harder. Also, Nasution wanted a peaceful South East Asia, not turning them into another Africa, Europe or the Middle East.

Thirdly, Nasution and Suharto must secure friendly relations to neighbours especially in outpost republics like Madagaskar. While east of Indonesia was largely desert of water, Madagaskar was having a difficult situation where across the straits they had a proxy war between nations of southern Africa. Moreover, Somali pirates have now entered even domestic territories, raiding coasts of the northern part of the island. As for another hostile neighbour, Suharto was given a hard task of befriending Australia again. Nevertheless, he nearly cried in agony as Australia was succumbing into more violence, giving him more complicated manoeuvres for befriending them. Australians pointed Indonesia for the messes happening right now, Indonesia needed to settle the dispute before it gets revanchism.
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11.4. Rivalry: Australia Update
The Mess Down Under Part 1: The Start

For every Australian in the 70s, they all would say that Australia went downhill after its encounter with northern neighbour Indonesia. After the Papua Liberation War ended up as their failure, as Australians called it, Australia lost major possessions outside their continent. Furthermore, the United States preferred the nation to be disconnected with their European overlord, thus granting Australia independence from the Commonwealth.

Liberated from Britain meant a great political disruption in the Continent. Emphasized with their current defeat, the political establishment of Liberal and Labour domination. Everywhere in the state, both parties had taints that diminished their popularity as time progressed. Labour was blamed as the party which brought Australia into a war. The Liberal was condemned as bringing the war into a defeat. More and more citizens grew upset with their dominating parties, and later on, a new party emerged as a third choice, and then forth, and so on.

Besides, both Liberal and Labor hated each other more after the current predicament and thus prying on each other for control of the government. From the time frame of 1966 to 1973, there were already five elections held, mostly resulted in an unstable government, and bringing Australia into chaos to come. In 1973, three parties were contesting the major two.

The first party to emerge was the National Party of Australia. Emerging from a county level, most of the nationalist sympathizers joined the cause and form this big party. Started in New South Wales, the party emerged bigger as more snap-elections was held. With the beginning of gaining one seat in New South Wales, into becoming the third-largest party in Australia. The party was revanchist, crying for the liberation of the taken lands. Christmas Island was their primary campaign voice, giving the Australians a hope that what once purely Australian would be there again. However, New Guinea was not alluded by them.


The NPA Logo

Meanwhile, the fourth largest happened to be the exact opposite of the third. The Socialist Workers Party of Australia was born in Perth, largely because of a demonstration went wrong during the war era. Dissatisfied unions and labours in West Australia were also felt in other places as well. Because of that, they all appeased hard labours and unions all over Australia. The party advocated social democracy and fewer capitalism policies. They were also pro-labours which caused them to be rumoured as a communist party. Nevertheless, SWPA showed their real faces, as a true left party when they had turned out to be fourth in national, failing to achieve a mere one percentage than NPA.


Socialism Democracy logo, a hand holding a rose, become the key symbols of SWPA

The fifth, and smallest national party to still had a percentage larger than 10% was the Southern Crux Party. Named after the constellation that characterized Australia, the SCP was primarily an isolationist and south-ist. They expressed that involving matter North of Australia was a curse. This party had grown to be a ‘runaway’ party for most deniers of the loss they had in the war against Indonesia. But, the SCP was aggressive in terms of creating a South Empire, maybe incorporating New Zealand and several islands in the Pacific. Some others had thought that it must also annex Antarctica, which by far was still unmarked.


The SCP Logo, self-explanatory

In 1973, even with the FPTP system, both Labour and Liberal Party was not gaining seats more than 30%. Labour was the highest by 27%, while Liberal followed in 23%. But, the smaller parties gained respectively 19%, 16% and 15%. Reached a deadlock, the Parliament had become void for some time, as neither of those five parties was able to form a coalition. That caused a major deadlock in most of the government, and thus more riots emerged.

The first chaos happened in Brisbane, after the nationalist protesters fought with the socialist protesters, creating a mass mob burning stores and shops. And then, it spread nationally. Cities like Sydney and Melbourne must now implement martial law due to increasingly aggressive supporters. The government was also not helping either, as neither wanted to secure the government.


The mess was not seen by the United Nations as a threat, but the United States does. President Shafer at that time was reminded that Australia was key members of securing Asia, especially from the PRC. It was fortunate that the domino effect did not happen in Asia in becoming a red continent, and the United States was delighted that Europe was not entirely owned by the Soviet Union.

The United States, already had a better relationship with Australia, helped them with a proposition, changing the nation entirely into a presidential republic. At first, the idea was entirely rejected by the Land Down Under. As natively under the British dominion for centuries, the nation was entirely adapted with the Westminster style of parliamentarism. This stigma waned gradually as time had proven the system’s ineffectiveness on the plurality it caused. Therefore, Australia decided to try adopting this new type of government.

Forming as the Australian Constitution of 1974, the law apprehended a strong power to control the government, which was the President. Regardless of the majority vote, as long as the current party or coalition is larger than any other opposing force, even though was significantly smaller than 50%, the President could still rule the nation, although in the legislative body things would still get messy.

In 1975, Australia had the first election with the new constitution adopted. As the nation had hoped this as their salvation, election participation had almost reached 100% during that time. Unexpectedly, the big two, Labour and Liberal, fell short as both fourth and second respectively of the party, as the National had reigned as first while the socialist rose third. For the first time, Labour and Liberal finally noticed the impending danger of their survival, and must immediately draw a coalition. Luckily, the SCP agreed to join the coalition. The 19% Liberal, 17% Labour and 15% SCP, ruling the nation by just sheer 1% from the majority.


The new flag of Australia, primarily to distance from British influence, mainly driven by the United States

After the election, it was not news that both the Nationalist and Socialist condemned with this turn of events, and their mobs grew increasingly aggressive. Starting from 1975, first President of Australia Billy Sneden must deal with Australia’s first-ever Decade of Crisis, cleaning up radicals from both wings and must prolong the nation’s existence.
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11.5. Rivalry: Banjar-Dayak Issue
Prince Syarif Yusuf and the Status of Dayak State

Beginning of the third Nasution term and first Subandrio term. Indonesia was starting to evolve as a better nation. Roads were completing, rails were linking. Living improvements were happening especially in prioritized regions in Java. Although not in an equal rate, other regions were following as well. But outside of that, the society stagnated.

Living under the former administration lacked for more representation outside of Java. As the population concentrated in Java, most of the populous representative, the largest proportion in MPR, was elected. Regional representatives, the DPD, carried less number to be influential. So, most of the outer rim regions suffered suppression of voice and status. One of them was the Dayak State.

After the dissolution of the United States of Indonesia, the Dayak Region, or much of Pontianak Sultanate territories was given back to Indonesia as the province of Kalimantan. Kalimantan was large, comprising all directions of Kalimantan, except Malaya’s Borneo. Being under one province, Dayak must relinquish most of its demands into a more populous and influential Banjar people. Although Sultan Hamid II, the leader of Pontianak that time, had contributed many towards Indonesia’s federalism and current democratic status, nothing had been returned.

As Sukarno turned into Nasution, Dayak was just any regular state in the Federal Republic of Indonesia. Most of their domestic rights were taken to the central government of the state republic, not the federal republic, although both of them reigned in Jakarta. No real progress had happened to alleviate this small but special state, until the start of 1975.

1975 was a special year for Pangeran Syarif Yusuf Alkadrie bin Sultan Syarif Hamid Alkadrie, nicknames Max Nico. That year marked him to enter into sultanate matters, and also allowing him to meddle in politics. As a son of the iconic Sultan Hamid II, Prince Max Nico was overshadowed by his father’s legacy. But, as a young brave man, he determined to write his name into history, and he thus tried most regularly.

At February 28th 1975, Prince Max Nico entered the presidential office of Republik Nusantara. The grand governor of Republik Nusantara was equivalent to a governor in the United States but still had a difference here and there. Although a state of a nation, most of the rights were overviewed by the federal government, and Republik Nusantara was barely a federal state, but a province. Despite that, compared to the other Republics, Republik Nusantara was the strongest, as it holds most of the economy, people and land.

The Prince met Grand Governor Kolonel Alexander Evert Kawilarang for apparently a negotiation about Pontianak’s status. For decades, Pontianak Sultanate had much been diminished by the regional government of Dayak State. Even if the Dayak State had power, most of it was given to corrupt officials and thus stagnating the growth of Dayak. He wanted Dayak State to have a similar situation in Yogyakarta, where the sultans were able to control their regional areas.

This, however, would upset the balance happening in Republik Nusantara. Malaysia and Sumatra were in a fragile condition because most of them were not regarded as kingdoms, as opposed to Brunei or parts in Java. Malaysia wanted to separate itself into the former small sultanates. Returning Malaysia into 13 states would significantly power their influence, and conflict with the balance Java had benefited. Aceh was also demanding again, a Sultanate status, which Nasution was reluctant to give as their continuous rebellions against the federal government completely closed him for further negotiations. Because of Johor existing, Palembang wanted to exist again, becoming another kingdom.

Subandrio, acknowledging that giving the sultans more place was like giving them more privileges. He thought that Indonesia might as well become ‘a sultanate’. Therefore, he tried to curb as much as he could exert. Because of that, the first-ever federal fight happened in the history of Indonesia.

A regional diplomatic clash happened between two regions, as neither Nusantara nor Pontianak would settle a resolution. Both of them persisted to stand on their grounds, having a political deadlock within. The situation worsens when the State of Malaysia also joined in the mess, giving the federal another mess about Kedah. But, Grand Governor Kolonel Kawilarang was not worried, because he had his counter-offensive.

Not far from Pontianak was none other than Banjar, another former sultanate turned into a regional province for Republik Nusantara. Gusti Jumri was a descendant of the dormant Sultanate of Banjar, after years of exile since Pangeran Antasari. The Banjar lineage went into exile, and unrelenting to cut the tree. Gusti Jumri was the eligible mature heir available for the throne, and the grand governor devised his plan.

Starting in April 1975, Banjar and Dayak were engulfed in a massive political debate, about their fundamental basics of reign. Banjar was resurrected to become a Sultanate, not in favour of reclaiming their regional lands, but to cooperate with the federal government. Banjar had tried on assisting Republik Nusantara in social and cultural issues, which proven to be a positive response everywhere for the federal government. However, with Banjar outnumbered by those who sought legitimacy status, Banjar must fight with other sultans about the lack of necessity for a regional kingdom to must govern their lands.

Called as the Banjar-Dayak Dispute, this crisis revoked the ideas of monarchism all across Indonesia. The suggestion of a sultanate not to own their regional lands was effectively working especially in Malaysia. Kedah Sultanate, Pahang, and Negeri Sembilan all withdrew their claims in their respective lands. In 1978, even Perak offered their kingship status back to the federal government, changing Perak as another normal state.

This dispute proved to help to assist both Nasution and Subandrio in general. As a result, most polls were polarized between PPP and PNI-R. Being both ends of the government, both of them will try to outplay each other. The latter happened to succeed in 1976, as Indonesia caused a diplomatic problem in Australia.
Would had been interesting seeing a weird Socialist Monarchy ideology developing out of the mess had things gone differently, then again, that's the sort of contradiction that would cause a civil war or something.
11.6. Rivalry: Subandrio's Initial Achievements
Bilingual Act, Subandrio’s First Achievement

As Indonesia was nearing its eclipse, every sector of the federal government was struggling with controlling the regions they have gotten. The common slogan of ‘Dari Sabang sampai Merauke’ had grown radically as ‘Dari M’rombe (Morombe) sampai Namuga’; Indonesia spans from their Easternmost Solomon Islands to Westernmost Madagascar.

Considering that the extent Indonesia had achieved, it was no doubt that managing them would be an extremely difficult task. The State-Republics (Nusantara, Madagascar, Papua and Melanesia) fortunately had been assisting them, especially in terms of Madagascar, where even the federal government still had less authority. It had become a time where the entirety of the domestic issue was ordered by the State-Republics, while Nasution still held the foreign policy.

As expected, the head of government, Subandrio, was not happy with that. He was upset with Nasution having to control Indonesia at ease at international relations while domestically Subandrio was confronting problems. As being the head of government, the Premier was now finding issues with how the federal government interacts with the regional government.

During his predecessor, the regional government had fewer interactions with the federal government. Suharto demanded that the Blue Revolution must be implemented on every citizen, but the federal government delegated the process into the State-Republics. There was one time it failed, on 1971 when Maluku Province of the Nusantara Republic had accomplished way lower than the federal had wanted, furthermore, BKDT (Barisan Koalisi Daerah Timur) numerous times blocked any success for Suharto to enjoy.

Suharto responded with wrath that fused the remaining BKDT in Maluku, probably ending the provincial department as it used to be. As governors were still elected by the people, the feud happened when Jakarta intervened by making Federal Districts there. In just a single swoop by Suharto, District of Ternate-Tidore was formed in preserving the kingdom’s historical value, while the real reason was to appease the Sultans living there for influencing the people for the federal government, therefore contesting the ruling region of Ambon. By 1973, BKDT nearly vanished in Maluku, their former largest share for entering the federal stage was only 15% comparing to PNI-R’s 35%.

By that incident, most of the region were afraid of confronting Suharto by any means. Even outside Republik Nusantara, criticism was way diminished and quietened. However, as quiet as it seems, it all returns when Subanrio’s on the seat. Just starting by 1973, regional powers now battling against the federal government on what was federal and what was not. More and more rights were given to the State Republics, and if not mitigated, then there would be a fracture ahead.

Subandrio recognized this as a threat for his term in MPR, and he imagined that Nasution and Suharto would be laughing at the mess they had made. But, the Sukarno’s former foreign minister would not be swayed, as he finally knew how to tackle this matter. Inspired by the original Youth’s Pledge in 1928, Subandrio knew how to curb anti-federal regional governments, with language.
In Indonesian, with the original spelling, the pledge reads:
  • Pertama
    Kami poetra dan poetri Indonesia, mengakoe bertoempah darah jang satoe, tanah air Indonesia.
  • Kedoea
    Kami poetra dan poetri Indonesia, mengakoe berbangsa jang satoe, bangsa Indonesia.
  • Ketiga
    Kami poetra dan poetri Indonesia, mendjoendjoeng bahasa persatoean, bahasa Indonesia.
In English:
  • Firstly
    We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, acknowledge one motherland, Indonesia.
  • Secondly
    We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, acknowledge one nation [are one people], the nation of Indonesia.
  • Thirdly
    We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, respect the language of unity, Indonesian.

The language was the largest problem happening in cultural Indonesia because there was no definite language that holds the majority. Javanese, Sundanese, and now the Melayu had taken a proportional equal share of the government, with Java slightly as the largest language holder. as a result, there was no strong unified language that came from a strong ethnic majority.

Due with that case, the Youth’s 1928 Pledge had returned with a hybrid creation, Bahasa Indonesia, a language to unify all of Indonesia. As the mid-30s then 40s had a high rise in nationalism, Bahasa Indonesia became their unifying language for fighting against colonizers. In 1945, this lingua franca had helped on liberating Indonesia. However, after independence, things turned stagnated. As the nation was finally free, the ethnics across Indonesia resorted back to their native tongues. Even though Sukarno, with its blaring speeches, ordering citizens to keep using Bahasa Indonesia at all times, it was still on formal matters. Everyone at home, most of the talks on their home languages.

This, unfortunately, fueled the regionalism spirit all across Indonesia. Especially after Nasution’s rise, which would start the so-called Java-nization, more and more regions grew troubled with the federal’s lack of cherished uniqueness of each nation. Subandrio, as also a Javan, was having the other end of the mess returned to him.

In addition to it, Bahasa Indonesia was not very welcomed in Madagascar, as they were never involved in the Youth Pledge. So, Subandrio attempted to do the hard way, passing the Bilingual Act. The Bilingual Act would instruct every region to have two languages each, one their official regional language, one the lingua-franca Bahasa Indonesia. The as a result, while the region satisfied with their language approved by the government, the federal would also have their equal share. This would be implemented informal institutions, like administration, business and even education. Every governmental building will hoist two names, one with Bahasa Indonesia and the native tongue.

Sukarno Road with Sundanese script, common in Western Java, like Pasundan State, Cirebon State, and southern parts of Kebayoran State (which formed Bogor State in 2003)

This proved effective for appeasing the lowest forms of government into being hammered by the federal government. Subandrio thought that this Bilingual Act would be a counter-measure for promoting the BUMN (Badan Usaha Bumi Negara) that Trihandoko had proposed. In addition to it, PPP still has to fight PNI-R, and the other planned Act would certainly distress them.

The other planned Act was the Mutual Assistance Act. This Act was pointed directly towards the state of Malaysia and the Federal District of Penang and Singapore. Formerly the British Malaya, this region was deliberately ignored by the previous administration, thus creating a small but bothered troublesome. Highly autonomous regions up on still the highest number of income had maybe lessened the income that Indonesia should have had.

This would help to alleviate the current halt of progress, economically and infrastructurally in those regions. Possible investing in more trade value and income. Passes altogether with the Bilingual Act in March 1976, it appeased everyone except the executive’s from Nasution and especially Suharto. This also sparked a new wave of politicians that originated from Singapore and Malaysia, gaining prominence in so far the Java-dominant Federal Indonesia
Atleast this settled the issue of this country being a hodge-podge of former Dutch, Portuguese, British and French colonies.
11.7. Rivalry: The Two Menaces (1)
Menace North and South

Nasution’s start in his third term was albeit a good one. In the process, it was running smoothly for Indonesia. In 1974, Australia was receding its hostility towards Indonesia. The Coalition between the Labour, Liberal and Southern Cross Party had brought Australia mainly toward further good-will and non-provocative measures. For some time, this party aimed for New Zealand, which was still part of the British Commonwealth. The United States has invested a lot in bringing the Down Under into its fold, securing the Pacific for the upcoming threat of the People’s Republic of China.

The PRC was eerily quiet across the latter half of the century, primarily because it intended not to show the progress it had done. In 1973, after the successful Great Leap Forward, dictator Mao Ze Dong declared China fit for the second stage of a country’s growth, the Industrial Revolution. In Interior China, especially Chongqing, Xi’an and other parts underwent massive construction in the industry.

Despite all efforts in hiding, the CIA managed to discover this, and thus began a series of policies to counteract these growing threat. According to Kennedy, Shafer, and even Kissinger, China was one new Soviet Union, which by far more threatening than ever. They concluded as such because the Sino government achieved the impossible – a dictatorship government that respects even the potential political rivals, meaning democracy exists even in the most left government. Mao balanced between his total authority and other meaningful criticism, acquiring the balance of control and freedom.

This, also, fretted Nasution even before the Chinese ever acted. Nasution saw China as Indonesia’s parameter. If China can accomplish notable milestones, Indonesia must also follow. That’s why when China launched Dong Fang Hong I in 1970, Indonesia launched Indosat I in 1971. When China tried to make a stand towards the end of Sino-Soviet Split with the launch of ChangCheng I, a military satellite, Indonesia threw Antariksa I into orbit in 1975. However, the mini space race with China was slightly halted, as Nasution must refrain for throwing things to outer space and must resolve more important matters, such as international alliance.


Rough drawing for Indosat I

This little prestige play of Nasution caused a slight disturbance against the preferred balance in South East Asia. Nasution had seen major players too much, that he neglected even his neighbour. Because of that, two major incidents happened in his third term, which would be his last.


During his visit towards friendly Australia, on 28th July 1975. He spoke in front of the people of Canberra. He discussed Australia’s key importance of liberating Indonesia during the first and second Dutch Aggression, and the latest predicament both countries had been being a British foul play. He promised a better relationship and promising peace for decades to come. However, during his return to his hotel, Nasution encountered two Australian men, both of which was radical National sympathizers. In the name of Marcus Smith and Lucas Briar, attempted to kill the President with domestic use of chemicals for creating a bomb. The President remained unharmed, but the fiasco killed his secretary, Soe Hok Gie.

In the aftermath, foreign minister Suharto demanded the Australian government to bring those two men into Indonesian trials of murder and attempted murder. However, giving that may result in the demonstrations going on between the Nationals, the Socialists Workers, and the current government to heat up. The Nationals had been accusing the Australian government into succumbing to the northern neighbour, although that was not true. Even Indonesia was not willing also. However, the Nationals fiery new leader Bill Kerr was passionate with his new slogan ‘Greater Australasia’, which justified Australia’s claims on former territory Papua, Solomon Islands, and New Zealand.


Bill Kerr

After the shooter’s extraction, which Australia had no reason not to keep them, causing a massive protest in Australia itself. More and more Australians got influenced with the National’s xenophobic accuses, and also increased radicalism in Australia. Indonesia tried to satisfy the government, by giving more and more amends. That too, caused troubles inside Indonesia, as most of Indonesians had already thought of them equally superior to the whites in Australia, and will not ‘bow down’ to their pleas.

Other indirect implication with Soe Hok Gie’s death was Nasution became more uncontrolled than ever. During the first and second term, most of Nasution’s proposing actions was filtered with Hok Gie’s virtues and proceeded to run the nation with good deeds. Soe Hok Gie, alike Suharto, was a strong stubborn man, but stubborn to all the moral values that he had already thought. That was why when that figure became non-existent. The nation became more vulnerable to corruption, mainly towards Suharto’s family that influenced most of PNI-R, and became much more of a political dynasty.

In 1979, even with Nasution already out from the office, the Australians had a new election, and the Nationals won the nation with a significant majority, threatening Indonesia’s survival.


The other came from the North, not China, but Thailand. Since 1963, Thailand had suffered a costly coup that destabilizes most of the monarchy. After the similar happenings in Myanmar a year before, those same officers who ruled Myanmar suggested Thai’s Armed Forces do the same. Indeed, Thailand was a pariah even with all of the great colonizers out. For Thailand, it was just France and Britain out and Indonesia and Indochina in. Even with Thailand’s neighbour to be growing as a developing nation, Thailand had a slow-paced, even the nation was never heavily scorched by deadly wars.

Thailand’s democracy almost won the government when the Army took action first, forming the Thailand Military Junta, although the kingdom was still intact, most of the powers were held by the Prime Minister, which was the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. Field Marshall Thanom Kittikachorn became the leader of Thailand, and he too had ambitions. However, his time was not right around a decade later, in 1975, when the time finally strike.

In 1975, Thailand was a better-unified monarchy. Most of the political rivals of the military remained silence, and not gaining voices anytime soon. The military was in an all-time high, even higher than Suharto’s Blue Revolution.

That year, the Third Indochinese War happened, North and South Indochina fought again, this time was relatively short because Thailand shock the region with attacking both sides. Called the Thai Aggression, the nation’s objective was to reclaim 1904 borders and also established the Kingdom of Cambodia and Laos. Much to the shock of both countries, in a few months they settled a peace deal, partitioning the Indochina as a whole. Indochina was diminished into Vietnam. And both parties, North and South felt very betrayed with Thailand’s aggression.

Even Indonesia was very shocked and replied with Thailand's kick from any negotiations for a regional Intra-organization. And instead, Nasution must implement plan B.


Sorry for the cliff-hanger, but I prefer this regional intra-organization must be put in the new chapter. Therefore, I'm afraid that you should wait for the next.
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With SEATO/ASEAN down, the Union of Austronesia shall rise in its place, maybe. A split of South East Asia between Indonesia led Maritime SEA and Thailand led Mainland SEA sounds like a rough return to pre-colonial politics, which is interesting to say the least.
With SEATO/ASEAN down, the Union of Austronesia shall rise in its place, maybe. A split of South East Asia between Indonesia led Maritime SEA and Thailand led Mainland SEA sounds like a rough return to pre-colonial politics, which is interesting to say the least.
I doubt China will let Thailand have their way in mainland SEA
With SEATO/ASEAN down, the Union of Austronesia shall rise in its place, maybe. A split of South East Asia between Indonesia led Maritime SEA and Thailand led Mainland SEA sounds like a rough return to pre-colonial politics, which is interesting to say the least.

Nice observation, both Myanmar and Thailand had similar government. Although that doesn't mean absolutely an alliance, there were bigger threats for these particular nations. China trying to meddle in North Indochina (now just Vietnam) would be enraged with Thai's sudden actions.

And Thai's blatant stupidity had added Indonesia to be their next opponent, something unfortunate. Of course, Thailand had several reasons why so, mainly because of a certain influencing nation...

I doubt China will let Thailand have their way in mainland SEA

Indeed, China will not stay put on this matter.


For further notice, in order for this TL to be some sort of a hypothetical pseudo-Indonesia-wank (as I intended to do so), there is arguably several to none possibilites on how Indonesia could rise exponentially if there are no such great events to ignite it.

Peace always favors the status quo, and even though ITTL Kennedy has altered the world's history quite dramatically, it is still difficult to put Indonesia into such a place that it can be compared with OTL EU or a wanker ASEAN.

I'm trying not to be a Mary-Sue writer, so definitely there will be downs for Indonesia to come. But still, since I need a significant chain of moments to fasten the process. Therefore, I came up with a spoiler:

WW3 is a go, it will happen. Date and time not specified, but the starting turn of madness starts from Thailand.