Eagles of the Reichsbanner | A firmly republican Germany

Discussion in 'Alternate History Maps and Graphics' started by KanonenKartoffel, Dec 23, 2018.

  1. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    Assuming the community of historycounterfactuals.com is a close enough mirror of alternatehistory.com I mean, yes

    Also, here's this!

    [​IMG]

    [​IMG]

    [​IMG]

    [​IMG]

    (Disclaimer: I've never actually graded a paper like this, so my teacher-notes may be ASB.)
     
  2. ST15RM Ich bin ein AH.commer!

    Joined:
    Aug 7, 2017
    Location:
    Taxachusetts
    1. Nobody gets away with using “I” in an academic paper (not even an 8th grader) and the introductory paragraph is horrible
    2. The body paragraphs are WAY too short
    3. Too many run-on sentences


    This kid should’ve gotten a C.
     
  3. Ameck16 There are too many Rabbits in my head.

    Joined:
    Nov 19, 2014
    Location:
    London UK
    Poor Hungary.:frown:

    subbed watched
     
  4. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    Heh; it seems like I went too easy on little Thomas, here. If he pops up again, I'll be keeping this in mind!

    Yeah, they got the short end of the stick for sure. But...things will get better for them, at least somewhat.

    --

    [​IMG]
     
  5. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    This is a beefier update, so let's start off with some good old-fashioned propaganda!

    [​IMG]

    [​IMG]

    And if you're wondering about the details of that "retaken from traitors in 1927", well...

    [​IMG]

    [​IMG]

    The Baltic Blitz
    By Jeff_III
    The Prusso-German war saw units of the Republikwehr advance as much as 750 kilometers, going from starting positions west of Danzig all the way to the outskirts of Riga (the fighting at the edge of Riga is the event focused on in the Poleyn song Defence on the Daugava). Contrary to popular expectations at the time, the German advance was rapid and their losses minimal, due to an early breakthrough of republican armor near Danzig.

    The Prussian defense plan was built around two ideas: force multiplication, and buying time. Prussia had a population of around three million at the time, compared to around 80 million in Germany - even including all of the Prussian League, the Germans still had more than four times the population. This, and Germany’s far larger economy, made any kind of “straight fight” a lost cause for the Prussians. The second idea was buying time; Prussian planners hoped that Poland would, if they didn’t join immediately, come to Prussia’s aid if the German attack could be stalled for long enough.

    An ideal war would look something like this, for Prussia - Germany attacks and is stopped at the prepared defenses build up during the seven years of peace. Prussian forces fight a delaying action in and around Danzig, withdrawing once the port is destroyed and arranging into their positions along the Weichsel (AKA Vistula). At this point, troops from the rest of the League would be arriving, and the Prussian reserves would be fully mobilized; the upper estimates of the available forces were around 250,000 men.

    Unable to push through Prussian defenses, Germany would be forced to either attack into Poland to try and flank them, drawing Poland into the war, or simply engage in costly attack after costly attack. Public opinion would turn against the fighting and the republic, Poland would join (if they hadn’t already) when Germany seemed weak, and League forces would advance west.

    This entire plan (which really resembled a fantasy more than anything else) collapsed when, only days into the fighting, a German naval attack took Westerplatte and Prussian defenders to the south were routed by advancing German tank forces. Fearing an encirclement, the garrison of Danzig was withdrawn, along with the other forces in the area, to behind the Weichsel. It didn’t work; the Danzig garrison left the city only to be cut off by advancing tanks. Prussian reserves, assembling behind some of the bridges, panicked when German tanks arrived, falling back without managing to destroy the bridges and allowing reinforcements to cross.

    By mid July, the situation was critical for Prussia - German forces had taken Danzig, and were now turning in a sickle-like manner to cut off the defensive positions along the front. Eventually, the order came for them to withdraw, but it was again too late. By the end of July, when the last pockets of Prussian troops surrendered, the Prussian side had lost almost 45,000 men. With the backbone of their forces gone, and many of the mobilizing reserves finding themselves face to face with a German Oberschlesien just as they were putting themselves together, it wasn’t until the defense of Königsberg that they would be able to meaningfully resist the German advance.

    Marienburg, Elbing, Osterode and Allenstein, each meant to be a regional center for coordinating the ongoing defense, a rallying point for scattered Prussian troops and the site of bloody fighting that would drain the resolve of the republic, fell with little to no fighting. Marienburg’s reservists (or those that managed to assemble in time) joined a handful of scattered retreating soldiers in a two-day battle against advancing German forces, but were defeated outside the town. It and its railway hub were captured hours later, the hastily scratched-together “second reserve” capitulating in the face of odds in excess of 40:1.

    Outside Königsberg, Prussian forces finally found their footing, massing in proper numbers (roughly 15,000, with an additional 5,000 Lithuanian and Latvian forces arriving during the battle) and managing an effective defense for several days until the collapse of the overstretched defenders to the northeast resulted in Germans flanking the city. With the Baltic Sea firmly under German control, Willhelm III barely slipped out of the city in a plane before the Germans arrived at the gates.

    Supposedly, the Prussians had planned to fight in Königsberg until the end - large caches of weapons and ammunition were present in the city, and the urban fighting would allow for neutralization of many of Germany’s advantages. The mass of local reservists available would whittle away at republican forces and the city would only fall after heavy losses had been inflicted - the explicit goal of the defense was to “force the republican units to endure unacceptably high levels of attrition, of both men and materiel, and take from the remaining force the drive to attack”.

    This plan collapsed when, just as German artillery began pummeling Prussian defenses at the edge of the city, the news spread that Wilhelm III had fled. Apparently, there was a competing rumor that he had shot himself, declaring that he would die before he saw the city burn, which is supposedly what inspired many otherwise determined officers to lay down their arms. Either way, after a day of skirmishing, the Prussian defenders of Königsberg surrendered.

    It’s at this point, after the fall of Königsberg, that the German offensive slows. With German logistics stretched, several divisions scattered after chaotic fighting with retreating Prussian forces, and an ongoing drive to the south to secure the southern portion of Prussia, the remaining League forces were safe for the time being. They gathered around Tilsit, preparing for a defense of the town; despite Lithuanian objections, the path to Vilnius remained all but undefended - Prussian plans involved a swift attack against the flank of any German advance into Lithuania, making a stronger defense unnecessary.

    When the Germans, having now secured the Masurian Lakes and surrounding area, re-started their attacks, both plans fell apart immediately. The defense around Tilsit had to be abandoned after two days of fighting resulted in the mauling of the Lithuanian 1st Armored Brigade and near-destruction of the Latvian troops that relieved it. The balance of force could hardly be called such - based on German records, roughly 120,000 men were around Tilsit during the second week of August, facing off against around 65,000 defenders.

    To make matters worse for the Prussian generals, the Germans had several divisions pushing towards Vilnius, brushing aside the meagre defense and rapidly approaching the city. Kaunas fell after a multi-day standoff that got its own post (seriously, go check it out - 150 Lithuanians managed to trick the Germans into thinking they were up against almost 12,000 men for three days straight), but it fell nonetheless - it was the 20th of August and things were not looking good for the League.

    After the retreat from Tilsit, across the Memel (AKA Neman/Niemen) and into northern Lithuania, the League forces pretty much spent the rest of the war on the move. The Germans rolled up through Memel after a brief fight, caught a few clumps of infantry here and there, and generally had it easy - by the time they got to the Latvian border on August 28th, the Lithuanian surrender was being hammered out in Vilnius (which was a stone’s throw from the German troops, which I’m sure helped the negotiations remain very calm).

    It’s linky time again, because the “Courland Cutoff” is something Dusty wrote about only a few weeks back. Fun times - imagine you and about 50 thousand of your pals being pushed further and further up the Courland Peninsula until you start getting shot at by ships and decide to call it quits. Just a grand old time, really.

    Anyways - with the majority of League forces dealt with (of the ~120k killed/captured/and so on they suffered, this plus the opening encirclement accounted for 90 thousand!) the Germans were free to push east again, and they did. Jelgava fell after a few days of fighting, but between it and the time taken to properly reorganize and reposition, it had already gone into October.
    On the 2nd of October, the last German attacks started, with the goal of capturing Riga. But as any Poleyn fan will tell you, Riga did not fall that night, nor any of the nights thereafter.

    On the night of October 9th, a ceasefire was signed, and two days later the war officially ended (which isn’t quite accurate - German troops were sitting in Courland and Lithuania for another three weeks before pulling out, but the was was technically over). Lithuania officially left the Prussian League, though British complaints ensured they didn’t enter any definitely-not-one-sided deals with Germany for “protection”, while Latvia agreed to hand over the Prussians holed up in Riga (including the ones on the ships that had avoided capture by hiding in the Gulf of Riga).
     
    Last edited: Mar 31, 2019
  6. Suvareshkin Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Nov 22, 2014
    Archangalesk's flag is that of...Wales?
     
  7. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    I, uh, have no idea what you're talking about!

    (In reality - it turns out I accidentally uploaded the WIP version of the wikibox, and not the finished version, so it still had placeholder flags on it. Oops!)
     
    BryanIII likes this.
  8. APeninSpace What are you even meant to put here?

    Joined:
    Jul 26, 2018
    Location:
    New Holland
    Did Germany annex Prussia in this timeline?
     
  9. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    At the end of the Prusso-German war, they do, yes - Prussia was reformed at the end of the 1920 German Civil War, which erupted as a result of the Kapp Putsch and the return of Friedrich Wilhelm to Königsberg at the head of an army of Freikorps.
     
    Red Arturoist likes this.
  10. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    [​IMG]

    ---

    A small update (sorry for the long time in between, I've ended up busier than expected with some other matters), while I work on the long write-ups for the next big topic, the Polish Civil War.

    I'm on the fence regarding updates (of this and in general), though - would you folks prefer it if they came more frequently, but were generally smaller, or if I 'bundle' a few things together and release them in larger chunks, with more time in between?
     
  11. fernerdave on the boat now

    Joined:
    Feb 17, 2008
    Location:
    My name is Yon Yonsin, I now live in Visconsin
    Either way is good.
     
  12. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    [​IMG]
    The Long Summer - Poland on the Brink of Civil War
    By Wojciech Kowalski

    Wincenty Witos’ government was never on stable ground. It had come to power at the end of the turbulent period following the “great foreign adventure” of the 1925 intervention in Hungary. The intervention had failed to bear fruit: the economy, struggling before the decision to intervene, wasn’t revitalized by the mobilization (as had been promised and publicly proclaimed too many times to be easily forgotten). Instead, the cost of the war and the sudden slump in demand for various goods at the end of the fighting only further weighed down the already-slumping economy. The intervention could not even yield success as a prestige project; stepping down from its original demand for an independent Slovakia (which would of course be quite friendly to Poland) in favor of a plebiscite that allowed Czechslovakia, a state under strong German influence, to expand - both cutting Poland off from a potentially-friendly Hungary and presenting what the Polish right saw as an increasing threat via Germany.

    The government that began the intervention in July of 1925 fell just before its end, due to a corruption scandal involving several ministers. The coalition of parties that would oversee the period of post-intervention negotiations and occupation was reliant on the support of the PPS (the Polish Socialist Party), which eventually withdrew from the government in February 1926. A new government formed in early March of 1926, just before the Slovakian plebiscite. Public pressure caused the “March government” to fold in late April. With the final piece of the intervention’s promised gains lost in the results of the March plebiscite, it was somewhat ironic that the government that came to power as a result of its failures was close to the one which had originally begun it. The new government, headed by Wincenty Witos and supported by the parties of the Lanckorona Pact (and often called the "Wojciechowski government" due to the president's support) saw only one solution to Poland’s economic and political turmoil: rallying of Polish society around a unifying Polish culture and the Catholic Church.

    Though he had resigned from office, Piłsudski was far from removed from the levers of power in Poland; the coalition of the Lanckorona Pact’s apparent mishandling of the economic and political situation had led him to renewing his old contacts. The old marshal retained a great number of supporters in the military and administration, many driven into his camp by further economic decline and the policies of the Witos government.

    During May and early June, the Witos government found itself increasingly isolated - in foreign policy and domestically. Abroad, the British were contending with a general strike amidst further economic stagnation; at the time, it was expected that the resultant British withdrawal from continental politics would be longer-lasting. The French, facing colonial revolts and an uncertain economic situation, had recently signed a five-year pact with Germany that would ensure peace and loosen trade restrictions; while not explicitly naming them, it effectively meant that any promises of aid France had made to Poland in the event of German aggression could not be relied upon.

    The matter of the German-Polish border remained unsettled, despite the recent agreement in 1925 and the brief thawing of relations due to the military cooperation during the Hungarian Intervention. When the Polish-occupied area claimed by Czechoslovakia was brought under their control and a German-friendly government took control of Budapest, relations deteriorated again. At the same time, conflicts between paramilitary groups and border guards in the Posen/Poznań region intensified, partly in response to a crackdown of Polish authorities in the German Minority Region.

    The failure of the Witos government to expand, or even maintain, Poland’s foreign ties fed into their increasing domestic isolation. Especially in the eastern regions of Poland, the Kresy, dominated by the Belarusian Autonomous Zone and Ukrainian Autonomous Zone, the policies of the Lanckorona Pact coalition were increasingly unpopular. When, in late May, it became clear that the Witos government was preparing to dismantle the autonomous zones entirely, to pave the way for the planned Polonization of the regions, the last great obstacle for the building of an anti-government coalition by Piłsudski fell.

    With the regional governments of the autonomous zones supporting him, Piłsudski made final preparations and then moved to Warsaw; allies within the military had arranged for loyal troops to be nearby for maneuvers. On June 21st, 1926, troops loyal to Piłsudski captured several bridges near Warsaw; a state of emergency was declared and on the Poniatowski Bridge Piłsudski and Wojciechowski met in an attempt to resolve the situation. Each rejected the other’s demands (the demands of Piłsudski: the immediate dismissal of the Witos cabinet; the demands of Wojciechowski: the immediate capitulation of Piłsudski), and fighting erupted only hours later.

    After the first day of fighting, a truce was called. The second round of negotiations failed after several hours, and Piłsudski’s forces gained significant ground. On June 24th, Witos’ cabinet voted to flee the city by a narrow margin, moving to Łódź. This move, as well as the pledge of various segments of the army to support the government against Piłsudski and his allies, effectively ended the final pre-civil war phase, when the fighting may have been contained and the results restricted to a coup or negotiated agreement.


    Poland at the beginning of the civil war
    [​IMG]

    A Third Party
    By Alexander Kavalskaja
    Shortly after the fighting in Warsaw came to an end, with Piłsudski gaining control of the city, a last-ditch (though they were neither the first nor last 'final' attempt at a peaceful resolution to the conflict) effort to halt the civil war was made by an unlikely coalition: a portion of the Polish army, under Władysław Sikorski, as well as members of the clergy, local politicians and a portion of the PPS. Forming the 'United Polish Peace Front', they formed a potent counterweight to both sides - holding much of Poland's most heavily-industrialized region, and splitting the government loyalists in the southeast from the remainder of the pro-government forces. While the stances of the various groups within the Peace Front varied, they were generally opposed to Piłsudski's coup but primarily concerned with avoiding a civil war; a common theme among the letters, memoirs and so on of important members of the Peace Front was a worry that Poland would not survive a civil war with its sovereignty intact, becoming a German puppet and being forced to give up land to buy the loyalty of the forces of Belarus and Ukraine.

    For a brief window, the Peace Front possessed a force large enough to potentially overwhelm either faction of the developing civil war; this, combined with their control of much of the industry that would be vital in any extended conflict, led to a de facto ceasefire for several weeks. Unfortunately, this did not allow Poland to avoid the coming storm. In late July, only days before a planned set of negotiations between representatives of both the government and Piłsudski's coalition, Sikorski was assassinated. The threads holding the Peace Front together snapped almost immediately: without Sikorski, the Polish Army troops split into pro-government and pro-Piłsudski factions, while the Catholic clergy and PPS elements of the Peace Front came into conflict. Fighting broke out in several areas, although the majority of local governmental bodies continued to support the Peace Front. However, without the cooperation between various groups and the backing of a significant military force, these areas would swiftly be swept up in the fighting, submitting to advancing government or Piłsudski-coalition troops.

    Not all was lost, however. Near the end of the fighting, the actions of a certain group in Krakow would be led by the example set by the Peace Front and enabled by their high degree of autonomy gained during their separation from the Łódź-centered government forces...
    [​IMG]
     
  13. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    [​IMG]

    Excerpt of the Ukrainian Galician Army's faction page, in the Full Conflict: Warsaw fan-wiki.

    [​IMG]

    [​IMG]


    The Przemysl Government
    By Alexander Kavalskaja
    After the death of Władysław Sikorski, there were several attempts to rebuild a single Peace Front and bring about an end to the fighting within Poland. Ironically, the very energy and increasing appeal to specific perceived threats that propelled several factions of the Peace Front to greater influence also undermined any efforts to unite them in order to force the opposing parties to come to an agreement. The primary split within the Peace Front was between the PPS-aligned left-wing faction and an alliance of nationalist groups - of these two, the former retained a greater degree of coordination and communication across the front, but saw its influence waning rapidly, while the latter grew in local influence but had little in terms of “cross-front” support.

    It was the latter group that gathered in Przemysl for what would be the last attempt by groups of the Peace Front to end the fighting by establishing their own rival government and negotiating a “tri-party” peace. Founded by those who would become its first, and only, cabinet, the Przemysl Government was supported primarily by nationalist groups; local elements of the PPS tolerated, supported or even worked against the Przemysl Government based on the decisions of local leadership. As explicitly mentioned in their founding document, the Collection of Principles for Restoring Polish Peace:

    These words stem from the pen of Janusz Głogowsk, but the fears they describe were common among the Polish right. Both in Łódź and Warsaw, voices calling for a rapid, if not necessary peaceful, ending of the fighting often described a continuation or escalation as likely to result in a new partition or the collapse of Polish influence beyond a significantly smaller territory. While these concerns would be of great importance later, during the post-war reconstruction, greatly aiding the reconciliation and public burying of civil war feuds that allowed for politics to rapidly return to normal once the fighting ended, for the duration of the war itself they were never strong enough to weld together a “cross-front” coalition of military and political leaders who may have been able to force peace.

    Instead, the Przemysl Government was a collection of local elites and sidelined officers. On-paper, the Przemysl Government was of significant strategic importance, simultaneously threatening and guarding the southern flanks of either of the primary factions while also offering a rival to the rapidly-expanding Ukrainian Galician Army. Its armed forces, the ‘Provisional Army for the Defence of Polish Peace’, numbered almost seventy-five thousand, with a reserve force of almost twice that size theoretically available. This force consisted primarily of infantry, with the support of exactly one under-strength cavalry regiment and four recently-delivered Oberschlesien tanks. According to the first report of the Przemysl Minister of Defence, the force was “to be considered readily available and formidable on the defensive, especially when given time to prepare positions”[sup]1[/sup], but “unlikely to succeed in offensive action”[sup]2[/sup].

    The unexpectedly poor performance of the Provisional Army was one of the major factors leading to the rapid collapse of the Przemysl Government. Following the defeats in both the northwest and northeast, both of which featured mass desertions shortly after fighting commenced, a refusal of called-up reservists to join the Provisional Army and a general collapse of the forces fighting the Ukrainian Galician Army (and the subsequent integration of several brigades of the Provisional Army into the UGA), the Przemysl Government began to disintegrate.

    In another case of mismatched de facto and de jure situations, the Przemysl Government was the last “rebel organisation” to be officially disbanded and criminalised following the civil war. As a result, it theoretically lasted longer than many more resilient and influential groups that arose during the same period, remaining until 1935.
     
  14. KanonenKartoffel Well-Known Member

    Joined:
    Sep 23, 2018
    [​IMG]

    The Ukrainian Intervention

    [​IMG]
    [​IMG]
    Collapse of the UGA
    [​IMG]