In 756, the situation in Western Europe seemed stabilized. The alliance between the Pope and the Franks managed to keep the Lombards in northern Italy and to increase the power of the pepinids.
In Hispania, Abd al Rahman and Yahyia, seconded by their Kaysits allies, put an end to the conflict between the Muslims of Al-Andalus, and the christian kings of Asturias and Gothia have took enough territories south to create a march, in order to protect their core territories.
But this stability was only superficial : in all this region, the power was disputed by the nobles and many among them didn't see the rise of their lieges as a good thing.
Gaifièr, the duke of Aquitània, in despite of his isolation, remained one of the most importants and the most independent lord of the kingdom, except Pépin himself. And his ally Tassilon of Bavaria, was an additional obstacle to the king of the Franks. Even his younger brother Griffon, marquess of Bertanny, remained defiant against Pépin's authority.
In Al-Andalus, if the Umayyads took the reality of the power, the wali still have a nominal authority and was determined to use it. The arabs nobles, even among the allies of Abd al-Rahman, refused to gave up their power to him and the province was close to become a patchwork of semi-independent principalities as it was during the rule of the Visigoths.
And in the small, weaks in comparaison, christian states of the peninsula, the kings owned their prestige more to have battled the Muslims in the south than having really crushed the power of the nobles. In Septimania (called Catalonia since the IX), in Galicia, in Cantabrias, the royal authority was far less respected.
Paradoxally, it was the actions of Abd al-Rahman that manages to actually unifiy the christians of Hispania. In order to make the troops of the province more linked to him, rather to the provincial institution, he launched many raids in the North, letting his brother in Ishybia.
Even if the main goal was to unite the army of Al-Andalus around him, the gain of plunder and the possibility to regain some of the lost territories were probablt other objectives that Abd al-Rahman fixed to himself.
In 757, he raided first the Asturian borders, taking Tuy (where he let a garrison) and most of the southern Region beyond the Cantabrian Mountains. However, even after having sucessfully plundered the asturian cities, except some strongholds as Amaia, he didn't let any garrison within. Indeed, he knew that he couldn't spare his forces now to protect the territory against Asturian counter-raids and without attacking the core of the christians territory, he couldn't justify to organize and form an army for a long time to his allies.
He turned back to Ishybia, with the loot made during the campaign, where his brother managed to make the supporters of Umayyads, both in Al-Andalus and in Syria came and claim posts in the Abd al-Rahman and Yahyia administrations.
It displeased much to the andalusians, especially the Kalbits, but the Umayyads have little trust in the local nobles, allies or not.
In 761, Abd al-Rahman would led another raid, in Gothia this time, again without any great conquest, but having clearly shown to the Goths and to the locals Muslims or Gotondolos nobles that he could move his troops anywhere in the peninsula.
In Frankish Gaul, the swords were drawn too, but for more bloodier actions.
The situation was yet more promising than in Al-Andalus : in the middle of 757, Bera have pledged his alliegeance to the Frankish King at the occasion of a little rebellion in Provence. Pépin have indeed transformed this secondary operation to a real show of force for the Gothic and Aquitanian nobles.
By nominally recognizing the Frankish suzerainty, Bera hoped that Pépin would help him against his parent and to make him recover some territories given to Gaifièr as the Conflans, and maybe even conquering lands on him.
Such an alliance could have as objectives or the Muslims, or the Aquitains, and Gaifièr knew that. But instead of or make amendment to Pépin, he continued to reject his demands : giving to frankish monasteries the lands and the wealth that the king promised them.
But before that the Franks could attack the Aquitània, their attention was driven back to italy, were the nobles have killed Aistulf in October of 757 and crowned his brother Rachis. Even when his crownation upset the Pope, who would have preferred a nobles as Desiderius, who was murdered shortly after Aistulf, the nobles had no choice but to recognize Rachis.
Even if Rachis didn't make any move against the Papacy or against the Franks, neither Peter or Pépin could allow the Lombards to eventually threatenn Rome anew.
Pépin, apparently accompagned by a cousin of Bera, Ambert of Lodeva, cross anew the Alps, forcing the Lombards' nobles to abandon Rachis to the Pope. Pépin hismelf choose the new king, Archeis of Benevent.
Archeis was a supporter of Aistulf, and even if it ruled on the furthest point of the kingdom, Pépin tought that it would make him an ally and, furthermore, the occasion to enlarge his influence in the southern part of italy, beyond the Papal States.
In 758, Pépin turned back in Gaul, after having organised the sucession of Aistulf, preparing anew the unification of the country. First, he demanded to his liege to did their alliegence anew. Tassilon and Griffon, reluctantly made it at the contrary of Gaifièr, giving a prextext to the Frankish king.
But the second part gave more difficulties to Pépin. Indeed, he asked to the nobles to rise their armies with him, but in 759 as he wanted to began his campaign, Griffon and Tassilon refused, weakening his position. On the other hand, the Goths weren't involved, probably because the Count of Tolosa, Marcion, was percieved by both Pépin and Bera as a potential ally.
As Gaifièr refused to acknowledge Pépin as suzerain and to agree to his demands, the Franks attacked the Aquitaine in the North and in the East. Soon, all the northern part was ravaged by their army, deafeting Berthelan bishop of Bourges, Hunibert of Bourges and Bladin of Auvernha.
Having no choice but surrender, Gaifièr stubbornly refused it and attacked in 760, using the winter's departure of the Frankish amry to ravage and plunder the region between Loire and Jura.
Surprised, Pépin reformed his army, attacking anew Gaifièr in the northern part of his domain, hoping that his army would turn back. It was a correct calculation, and the Aquitain offensive, if it gave hopes to the nobles, didn't gave great advantages to Gaifièr.
The northern Aquitaine was plundered and "every town was took as Jericho (destroyed)". Even if the Frédégaire exaggerate the facts of this campaign, the Aquitaine was indeed ravaged by this new war. But the Aquitains continued to resist.
In 762, Pépin decided to make a final and decisive move against the still-rebellious Aquitània. Promising to Bera new territories, he managed to organise a powerful offensive in the eastern Aquitaine.
Pépin defeated anew Bladin and advanced quickly, when Bera didn't manage to did the same thing in Tolsan where Mancion stopped his attack.
In the 12 April, near Agen, Pépin and his army encountered the one of Gaifièr. Here's the frankish cavalry make again the proof of his strenght, and Gaifièr's ranks, after having resisted to two attacks, fail to did it a third time. As the duke retreated, he fell, killed by a Aquitain noble on the Frankish side, Varatton.
The Aquitain army fleeing the battlefield, the Franks could seize Gaifièr's body, taking his bracelets that symbolized his power.
The Aquitània was pacified, and Péppin organized the country. Continuing the traditional Frankish policy, he respected the local laws and choose Varatton as the duke of Aquitaine (approximativly the part between Garona and Loire, except Bordèù), kept Mancion as Count of Tolosa (probably to block the Gothic pretentions, who only recieved the Conflans) and let the Gascons choose their own duke so long as he pledged his alliegance.
As a certain Hunald, most probably a parent of Gaifièr was elected, the Gascony was just a part of the previous domain. Critically, Pépin hoped that, surrounded in the north by the Frankish presence, Hunalt would likely turn his attention on the other side of the Pyrenees.
At this moment, the situation in Al-Andalus radically change anew, making all hopes possibles among both the Arabs and the Christians.
Streghtening his rule, Abd al-Rahman succeded more and more to became the reality of the provincial power. But the opposition of the nobles became an important issue, and the tensions between Kaysits and Kalbits, Kaysits and Umayyads and even between the two brothers were growing.
And Yusuf al-Fihri see here an occasion to claim the power of his title. He managed to contact the Abassid caliphe, Al-Mansur to propose him an alliance.
"Al-Andalus was led astray by an adventurer, and the emirs saw now all the madness of his pretentions. As you saved the Islam from the Umayyads, please save us from him."
As Al-Mansur positivly answered to the wali, promising him to keep him at this post, Yusuf wanted to prepare the arrival of the army. As Abd al-Rahman was in Ishybia to confront his brother about the independence of his actions against him, Yusuf ordered their assassinations.
But, as they were attacked, the two Umayyads defended themselves. Yahyia nevertheless died at the ends of the murderers, and Abd al-Rahman, because of his culpability towards his brother and led by revange make the enuchs tortured, and not only learned about Yusuf's responsability but aslo his alliance with the Abassids.
Entering in a great rage, and in a great fear for his life, he call his allies to learn them what the Fihrid did and wanted to do "against him and the Muslims". United by a common hatred for Abassids, a coalition between the Syrians and the Umayyad formed itself again.
Yusuf, learning about the survival of Abd al-Rahman, quicky organised his own forces, covering a territory between Tulaytula and Ballansyia.
The Abassids arrived in this last town, led not by a Fihrid of Ifryqia, but by al-Ala the new wali. Understanding that the Abassid never intended to keep him as wali of Al-Andalus, Yusuf al-Fihri welcomed al-Ala, but instead of joining their forces, turned back in his city, willing to make a principality of his own when the Umayyad would be defeated.
As the Abassid threat was far more important, Abd al-Rahman decided to let Yusuf in his city, and to attack al-Ala, with 6 000 men. In numerical inferiority and in hostile land, the inhabitants having welcomed the Abassid leader, Abd al-Rahman used the hesitations of al-Ala, due to the defection of Yusuf to advance against him.
Unfortunatly, al-Ala was well aware of his moves and thanks to local supporters, used their terrain's knowledge, defeating Abd-al-Rahman near the town.
The Ummayad had no choice but protecting his remaining forces at Bab-al-Jabal (modern Balaguos*), waiting for reinforcments of the west.
Al-Ala besieged him soon, and tried to attack the Ummayad multiples times, wanting to force him making a sally, which would be devastating.
But as Abd-al-Rahman began to desesperate and thinking about a final move, preferring "dying than starving", the [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
Hassan ibn Abd al-Rahman's forces pointed to the land. Al-Ala decided then to spare his forces to keep Abd-al-Rahman in the place, and attacked the Maslamids with 5 000 men.
As the battle was engaged, Abd al-Rahman could see that the Abassid was winning, thanks to the quality of his troops and to the exhaustion of Maslamids forces that came here at forced march.
He decided to make a sally, as it was the only possibility to win the battle. As the gate opened, the andalusians attacked the unexpecting Abassid army, that didn't tought that the Umayyad would make such a sucidial attack. Soon, the besieging army was fleeing, and al-Ala could see his doom on the form of a raging charge made by Abd al-Rahman.
The 7 March of 763, at the Battle of Bel-al-Jabal, Abd al-Rahman took revenge of the Abassids. The nobles were executed and their heads sent to Al-Mansur, then at the Mecca.
Soon, the 10 April of 763, Yusuf was defeated near Tulaytula and executed as a renegade and an apostate.
"God be praised for placing a sea between me and this devil" would have say the Caliphe al-Mansur, at the news of Abd al-Rahman's victories[/FONT]
At the price of his brother, Abd al-Rahman became the Emir of Ishybia, opening a new era for the peninsula.
This years saw the end of prestigious dynasties. The Odonids were crushed as the Fihrids, but even the victories of the Peppinids and of the Syrian Ummayads would eventually led to their mutation and to the rise of Carolingians and Andalusian Ummayads.
*OTL Cullera
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