Kindly corrected by Scipioafricanus
What? Not enough? Geez...
Okay, even if it's my birthday, you will have a gift : another update!
No, i'm not talking to ony 3 readers and my mother...At least, let's me pretend...
The governor studied the situation. The Goths had been weakened beyond any hope of quick consolidation, even with the small (but symbolically disastrous) victories they had had during the past 2 years.
On the other hand, since the conquest, the province was as prosperous as it ever had been. This economic growth was due to the less chaotic situation in Hispania, which had been freed from its endless civil wars. The raids into Gaul had also managed to add to this prosperity.
Hispania was once one of the richest provinces of the Roman Empire. Mines, farms, men and gold, many sources of wealth could be found in the peninsula. But since the Germanic invasion in the fifth century, the situation was at best stagnant, the economy in constant decline.
The Goths weren't particularly destructive, but they kept more or less the late roman model of governance, created for better times. When their kingdom had had wars, against Franks, Swabians, Byzantines and others Goths, this system wasted the wealth of the country.
In order to maintain the wealth of their lands, the Goths made a more brutal system of serfdom, reducing their servants to a quasi-slavery state.
Furthermore, for religious and commercial reasons, they forced the Jews to convert or become slaves themselves, only adding to the internal tensions that had eventually cost the Goths their kingdom.
Maslamah began to totally reform the financial administration of the al-Andulus, continuing the reforms of Abd al-Aziz, but this time forcing the gotandolos to follow them, even if it was contrary to their treaties.
He forbade them to raise soldiers and have armies if they didn't convert.
With the denunciation of the treaties and the economic situation no longer being that profitable to Christians, most of the powerful nobles, who wanted to keep their military forces, converted and took names such as Tudmir ibn Godo (Theudimir son of Goth) or Kumis Qasi (the count Cassidius). The lesser nobles generally maintained their Christian faith because they were more linked with clerical power, and thus a conversion would have lessened their power in Christian communities.
But some great nobles maintained their Christian faith, for diverse reasons such as a sincere desire to keep the Christian faith or the thought that (for the more northern ones) the independent kingdoms of the North could annex them sooner or later (confirming the view of some Muslims on the gontandolos as potential traitors). Some even fled Al-Andalus, such as Fortunius Cassidius, elder son of the Count, who joined Aimairc, apparently receiving the charge of Vic and protecting Gerona from Muslim attacks.
That he really did this is disputable, due to Fortunius' age (nearly 20 years old) and the absence of its mention in either Christian or Muslim sources. It is possibly a later addition from the Cassidian* family who later received the County of Osona.
Maslamah managed to preserve his rule of al-Andalus with an iron fist, and left the seat of Al-Sham on Kurtuba empty, assuming the governorate and the wali of Kurtuba and Marida. He finally choose Uthman ibn Abi Nisa al Khathami as wali of Kurtuba in 724 but keep Marida as governor. This allowed him to have more ability to act against the interest of hostile leaders.
As for the Caliph Hashim II, one of his half-brothers, without great results, again tried to have koranic law to apply for the converted, insisting that they must be treated as others Muslims. If the African wali didn't change their politics, Maslamah took the occasion and, despite some reluctant nobles, improved the situation of the Berbers.
Meanwhile, he decided to give lands taken from unconverted gontandolos to berbers leaders, critically in the borders regions, such as the lower Ebro valley and the upper basin of the Douro, in order to preserve a military force in these regions and encourage the Christians to remain loyal to Muslim power. He named Munusa wali of Sharkusta, who left his son in charge of Wasqah, in order to reinforce the Ebro border.
He decided that the choice of bishops wouldn't be left to the gontandolo lords, fearing leaving too much power in their hands. He agreed to let the bishops of lower Galicia (in Muslim control) reside in the Duchy of Galicia, as long Ragnafred continue to pay a tribute. For his part, Maslamah recognized the bishops of Iria and Lugo. On the other hand, he named the bishops of Astorga, who had power on Asturias, with Pedro recognizing him, in order to avoid a double power in the fragile kingdom of Asturias by naming a bishop for the entire kingdom.
During the period, peninsular agriculture began to change. Maslamah encouraged the use of more modern techniques of work known since Antiquity, but never fully used in Hispania. The problem had never been the knowledge, but the lack of political will to make the change. Indeed, the Romano-Germans preferred to use serfdom and slavery which needed less investment (critically by reducing the Jewish population to slavery) even if the results were worse than those achieved using a better infrastructure.
The Muslims also renovated the hydraulic systems built by the Romans but neglected by Visigoths since the seventh century.
Ibn Khaldun said three centuries later that « he showed a great interest about the work of the farmers, worrying how much they had to do for their subsistence ». Even new wheat seeds, never known by the romans nor used in Hispania, saw widespread use at this time, avoiding the diseases that occurred if only one variety of seed was used.
Furthermore, by applying the Zakat (tax on the agricultural lands) Maslamah managed to avoid the creation of large fiefdoms in Hispania. Indeed, it was more profitable for the lords to sell their lands to their former serfs (or slaves) to avoid paying the huge taxes. The serfs could subsist on their lands (and became grateful towards the new regime), and each owner had more investment in the land, yet did not have the wealth to use slaves at a large scale to have a common and efficient infrastructure. This didn't happen in all Hispania, only in the wealthier regions: Betica, eastern Cartaginensis, central Lusitania. These regions, however, did enjoy the strong economic growth and prosperity.
Unfortunately, most of his efforts were ruined by the troubles in Al-Andalus fifteen years later.
The biggest Hispanian cities also began to change. Maslamah bought a plot of land to build the first mosque for the city from each local bishop. These mosques have disappeared today, after being replaced in the twelfth century by a new mosque, used as a church after the Reconquista, and finally razed in the sixteenth century. The remains show the classical architecture used by the Arabs, devoid of any western influence.
Christians and Jews were nevertheless rather well treated for the era, that including loss of their self-rule and payment of a special tax, the dhimmi.
Accordingly to Al-Mour, it was « a reign of peace and prosperity, in the respect of Islam with all things serving the cause of Muslims and the cause of God.[...] As he remained loyal to the Caliphate, he maintained the traitors and the weak-willed under the fear and respect of Islam, making the Al-Andalus a kingdom of the peace. »
Of course, these affirmations must be understood in context, during the turmoil of later years and critically with the need of Umayyads of Kurtuba to strengthen their power, Maslamah became the spiritual predecessor of Abd Al-Rahman I.
Although the prosperity of the al-Andalus was undisputed Maslamah’s tenure as governor was not a peaceful one.
Maslamah led several raids in Gaul, The most important ones were those of 725 and 728.
The first raid reached Autun and Carmeri, in Burgundy. The looted monastery of Carmeri contained the remains of St Caffre (Theudfred) and St Calmin (who gave his name to the monastery) related to the family of Odon. Even though the sources are mute on this precise subject, it wouldn't be a surprising move from Maslamah, who prepared well for his raids, helped by both Muslim and Christian advisors.
The raid of 728 was less ambitious, but nevertheless ravaged Provence, where his memory of still exists in the rhodanian provençal folklore, in medieval legends but also in the carnival figure, as the « Rei Mosmau » of Baucaire, a wooden giant.
Aimairic of Gothia didn't seem to have reacted to the raids. Once again, nothing is precise in chronicles, both Muslim and Christian, but he probably let Maslamah and the Muslims pass trough his territory, and still paid his tribute as he had agreed with Al-Sham.
The fact was that the kingdom of Gothia was very weak, and Aimaric understood that he had to act cautiously to not upset both Aquitanians and Arabs.
Nevertheless, the emirs of northeastern Al-Andalus continued to raid the Tarraconesa, without great damage to the Goths, but also virtually without resistence made by them. In order to improve his relations with the Muslims by a matrimonial union, he gave his sister to Anbasa, emir of Cerdanha. Meanwhile, he strengthened his alliance with Odon, by having a son, Bera, with the daughter of Aquitaine's king.
As Karl of Heristal was also consolidating his kingdom, Odon could reinforce his domain after the invasion of 720 with his two sons, Hubald and Remistan, Hatton died in Karl's court in suspect circumstances. He maintained the alliance with Aimairc, the Goth giving the Aquitanian regulars « gifts » to prove his gratitude, an another name for a tribute.
Meanwhile, Pedro I « the Old », managed to affirm his power in Asturias. He married his son, Alfonso, to the daughter of Pelaio, Ermesinda. As he was elected prince of the Goths of Asturias, he stayed at Cangues.
The region was fortified by the action of Pelaio and Pedro in order to efficiently stop an major Muslim incursion, and it was more defensible than the remains of his duchy, now that the main cantabrian fortified sites were in the hands of Maslamah.
Favila, the still young son of Pelaio, stayed at Pedro’s court, and was treated as a possible successor as Alfonso. Having control on his father’s lands, Pedro had just been seated at Cangues, yet he didn't having any rights on the lands, nor on the remains of Toleta's treasure taken by Pelaio.
But the personalities of the two young lords couldn’t more differ: Alfonso is said to have been serious, bitter against the Muslims and ambitious; Favila was more open-minded, more focused on the strength of the lands than a reconquest, and more open to participating in the joyful life among the nobles.
By spending his father’s fortune, Favila managed to have many supporters, and became the most probable successor to Pedro. This makes the hunting accident that cost him his life in 728 more suspicious. Attacking a wild boar he was wounded by the beast, as his companions came too late to help him. He was carried back to Cangues, where he died despite significant medical attention.
Alfonso then claimed the lands and wealth of Favila for his wife. Pelaio’s youngest son, Audo, who was 16 or 18 years old at the time, refused and tried to fight the Perez (the name of the Pedro family). His brother-in-law have never managed to take a part of the Favila heritance, and Audo, defeated, came to the Lugo, capitol of Ragnafred's son: Edelon.
As the Galicians began to help Audo, Alfonso attacked and defeated them near Lugo in March 729. Edelon was forced to recognize the leadership of Pedro I, becoming his vassal. Aldo was spared, but sent into a monastery having forced him to renounce to his claims.
Alfonso was now the favorite, thanks to his position at the court and his wealth, to success his father.
Maslamah had governed Al-Andalus since 723, but the governor of Ifryqia (as Al-Andalus was technically dependant on him) appointed a new governor in March of 726 : Abd al-Rahman ibd Abd Allah al-Ghafiqi, the wali of Shalmanka. But Maslamah stayed in the province, officially as advisor and as the Caliph didn't call him back and Abd al-Rahman accepted his help, appreciating his competence, he managed to be the real governor of the peninsula during Abd al-Rahman’s tenure. But the new wali of Kurtuba, the predecessor of Uthman ibn Abi Nisa al Khathami , Udhra ibn Abd Allah al-Fihri, was appointed by the Ifryqian governor in 729, didn't want Maslamah to rule in his place.
Accusing him of concealing a part of the loot of the raid of 728, he sent Maslamah to the Caliph. The accusations were not followed by any punitive measures, as the were quite empty of facts, Hisham II asked Maslamah to stay, in order to help the Umayyads against the Iraqis’ perpetual insurrection, that led regularly in revolts against the power of Damascus
Maslamah never returned to Al-Andalus, as he fought rebels and Caucasians until his death, near 740. But his tales about Al-Andalus and the land of wealth on the other side of the world captivated one of the grandsons of Hisham, Abd-Al-Rahman ibn Mu'awiwa.
According Ibn Yusuf, as Maslamah was dying, he said that « Abd-Al-Rahman and Al-Andalus will be the lights and the glory of the Islam ».
Udhra didn't follow Maslamah’s decision to treat Mawali and Arabs equally, he dismissed Munusa from his post of wali, and replaced him by his predecessor, Abd al-Rahman. Furthermore, the Zakat didn't have to be payed by non-muwali Muslims any more.
That seems insane and gratuitously provocative towards converted or Berbers, but it is due to the fact that Arab lords, ever separated from others by their origins, profited from the original system of gaining more tax income and more lands from Christians and Berbers.
Maslamah had brought the situation to a point of extreme tension, and Udhra tried to calm down it, at the price of the rights of the Berbers and converted.
If the Arab nobles supported him, the entire situation on Al-Andalus was supported by the harmony and balance between all the tiers of society. His demonstration of authority led to the real end of territorial expansion of Al-Andalus.
*Christian Qasi.
What? Not enough? Geez...
Okay, even if it's my birthday, you will have a gift : another update!
No, i'm not talking to ony 3 readers and my mother...At least, let's me pretend...
723-729
The reign of Maslamah and the Christian kingdoms
Maslamah finally received confirmation of his de facto position as governor of Al-Andalus in December of 722. By this time, all other sufficiently competent pretenders in the province had been crushed.The reign of Maslamah and the Christian kingdoms
The governor studied the situation. The Goths had been weakened beyond any hope of quick consolidation, even with the small (but symbolically disastrous) victories they had had during the past 2 years.
On the other hand, since the conquest, the province was as prosperous as it ever had been. This economic growth was due to the less chaotic situation in Hispania, which had been freed from its endless civil wars. The raids into Gaul had also managed to add to this prosperity.
Hispania was once one of the richest provinces of the Roman Empire. Mines, farms, men and gold, many sources of wealth could be found in the peninsula. But since the Germanic invasion in the fifth century, the situation was at best stagnant, the economy in constant decline.
The Goths weren't particularly destructive, but they kept more or less the late roman model of governance, created for better times. When their kingdom had had wars, against Franks, Swabians, Byzantines and others Goths, this system wasted the wealth of the country.
In order to maintain the wealth of their lands, the Goths made a more brutal system of serfdom, reducing their servants to a quasi-slavery state.
Furthermore, for religious and commercial reasons, they forced the Jews to convert or become slaves themselves, only adding to the internal tensions that had eventually cost the Goths their kingdom.
Maslamah began to totally reform the financial administration of the al-Andulus, continuing the reforms of Abd al-Aziz, but this time forcing the gotandolos to follow them, even if it was contrary to their treaties.
He forbade them to raise soldiers and have armies if they didn't convert.
With the denunciation of the treaties and the economic situation no longer being that profitable to Christians, most of the powerful nobles, who wanted to keep their military forces, converted and took names such as Tudmir ibn Godo (Theudimir son of Goth) or Kumis Qasi (the count Cassidius). The lesser nobles generally maintained their Christian faith because they were more linked with clerical power, and thus a conversion would have lessened their power in Christian communities.
But some great nobles maintained their Christian faith, for diverse reasons such as a sincere desire to keep the Christian faith or the thought that (for the more northern ones) the independent kingdoms of the North could annex them sooner or later (confirming the view of some Muslims on the gontandolos as potential traitors). Some even fled Al-Andalus, such as Fortunius Cassidius, elder son of the Count, who joined Aimairc, apparently receiving the charge of Vic and protecting Gerona from Muslim attacks.
That he really did this is disputable, due to Fortunius' age (nearly 20 years old) and the absence of its mention in either Christian or Muslim sources. It is possibly a later addition from the Cassidian* family who later received the County of Osona.
Maslamah managed to preserve his rule of al-Andalus with an iron fist, and left the seat of Al-Sham on Kurtuba empty, assuming the governorate and the wali of Kurtuba and Marida. He finally choose Uthman ibn Abi Nisa al Khathami as wali of Kurtuba in 724 but keep Marida as governor. This allowed him to have more ability to act against the interest of hostile leaders.
As for the Caliph Hashim II, one of his half-brothers, without great results, again tried to have koranic law to apply for the converted, insisting that they must be treated as others Muslims. If the African wali didn't change their politics, Maslamah took the occasion and, despite some reluctant nobles, improved the situation of the Berbers.
Meanwhile, he decided to give lands taken from unconverted gontandolos to berbers leaders, critically in the borders regions, such as the lower Ebro valley and the upper basin of the Douro, in order to preserve a military force in these regions and encourage the Christians to remain loyal to Muslim power. He named Munusa wali of Sharkusta, who left his son in charge of Wasqah, in order to reinforce the Ebro border.
He decided that the choice of bishops wouldn't be left to the gontandolo lords, fearing leaving too much power in their hands. He agreed to let the bishops of lower Galicia (in Muslim control) reside in the Duchy of Galicia, as long Ragnafred continue to pay a tribute. For his part, Maslamah recognized the bishops of Iria and Lugo. On the other hand, he named the bishops of Astorga, who had power on Asturias, with Pedro recognizing him, in order to avoid a double power in the fragile kingdom of Asturias by naming a bishop for the entire kingdom.
During the period, peninsular agriculture began to change. Maslamah encouraged the use of more modern techniques of work known since Antiquity, but never fully used in Hispania. The problem had never been the knowledge, but the lack of political will to make the change. Indeed, the Romano-Germans preferred to use serfdom and slavery which needed less investment (critically by reducing the Jewish population to slavery) even if the results were worse than those achieved using a better infrastructure.
The Muslims also renovated the hydraulic systems built by the Romans but neglected by Visigoths since the seventh century.
Ibn Khaldun said three centuries later that « he showed a great interest about the work of the farmers, worrying how much they had to do for their subsistence ». Even new wheat seeds, never known by the romans nor used in Hispania, saw widespread use at this time, avoiding the diseases that occurred if only one variety of seed was used.
Furthermore, by applying the Zakat (tax on the agricultural lands) Maslamah managed to avoid the creation of large fiefdoms in Hispania. Indeed, it was more profitable for the lords to sell their lands to their former serfs (or slaves) to avoid paying the huge taxes. The serfs could subsist on their lands (and became grateful towards the new regime), and each owner had more investment in the land, yet did not have the wealth to use slaves at a large scale to have a common and efficient infrastructure. This didn't happen in all Hispania, only in the wealthier regions: Betica, eastern Cartaginensis, central Lusitania. These regions, however, did enjoy the strong economic growth and prosperity.
Unfortunately, most of his efforts were ruined by the troubles in Al-Andalus fifteen years later.
The biggest Hispanian cities also began to change. Maslamah bought a plot of land to build the first mosque for the city from each local bishop. These mosques have disappeared today, after being replaced in the twelfth century by a new mosque, used as a church after the Reconquista, and finally razed in the sixteenth century. The remains show the classical architecture used by the Arabs, devoid of any western influence.
Christians and Jews were nevertheless rather well treated for the era, that including loss of their self-rule and payment of a special tax, the dhimmi.
Accordingly to Al-Mour, it was « a reign of peace and prosperity, in the respect of Islam with all things serving the cause of Muslims and the cause of God.[...] As he remained loyal to the Caliphate, he maintained the traitors and the weak-willed under the fear and respect of Islam, making the Al-Andalus a kingdom of the peace. »
Of course, these affirmations must be understood in context, during the turmoil of later years and critically with the need of Umayyads of Kurtuba to strengthen their power, Maslamah became the spiritual predecessor of Abd Al-Rahman I.
Although the prosperity of the al-Andalus was undisputed Maslamah’s tenure as governor was not a peaceful one.
Maslamah led several raids in Gaul, The most important ones were those of 725 and 728.
The first raid reached Autun and Carmeri, in Burgundy. The looted monastery of Carmeri contained the remains of St Caffre (Theudfred) and St Calmin (who gave his name to the monastery) related to the family of Odon. Even though the sources are mute on this precise subject, it wouldn't be a surprising move from Maslamah, who prepared well for his raids, helped by both Muslim and Christian advisors.
The raid of 728 was less ambitious, but nevertheless ravaged Provence, where his memory of still exists in the rhodanian provençal folklore, in medieval legends but also in the carnival figure, as the « Rei Mosmau » of Baucaire, a wooden giant.
Aimairic of Gothia didn't seem to have reacted to the raids. Once again, nothing is precise in chronicles, both Muslim and Christian, but he probably let Maslamah and the Muslims pass trough his territory, and still paid his tribute as he had agreed with Al-Sham.
The fact was that the kingdom of Gothia was very weak, and Aimaric understood that he had to act cautiously to not upset both Aquitanians and Arabs.
Nevertheless, the emirs of northeastern Al-Andalus continued to raid the Tarraconesa, without great damage to the Goths, but also virtually without resistence made by them. In order to improve his relations with the Muslims by a matrimonial union, he gave his sister to Anbasa, emir of Cerdanha. Meanwhile, he strengthened his alliance with Odon, by having a son, Bera, with the daughter of Aquitaine's king.
As Karl of Heristal was also consolidating his kingdom, Odon could reinforce his domain after the invasion of 720 with his two sons, Hubald and Remistan, Hatton died in Karl's court in suspect circumstances. He maintained the alliance with Aimairc, the Goth giving the Aquitanian regulars « gifts » to prove his gratitude, an another name for a tribute.
Meanwhile, Pedro I « the Old », managed to affirm his power in Asturias. He married his son, Alfonso, to the daughter of Pelaio, Ermesinda. As he was elected prince of the Goths of Asturias, he stayed at Cangues.
The region was fortified by the action of Pelaio and Pedro in order to efficiently stop an major Muslim incursion, and it was more defensible than the remains of his duchy, now that the main cantabrian fortified sites were in the hands of Maslamah.
Favila, the still young son of Pelaio, stayed at Pedro’s court, and was treated as a possible successor as Alfonso. Having control on his father’s lands, Pedro had just been seated at Cangues, yet he didn't having any rights on the lands, nor on the remains of Toleta's treasure taken by Pelaio.
But the personalities of the two young lords couldn’t more differ: Alfonso is said to have been serious, bitter against the Muslims and ambitious; Favila was more open-minded, more focused on the strength of the lands than a reconquest, and more open to participating in the joyful life among the nobles.
By spending his father’s fortune, Favila managed to have many supporters, and became the most probable successor to Pedro. This makes the hunting accident that cost him his life in 728 more suspicious. Attacking a wild boar he was wounded by the beast, as his companions came too late to help him. He was carried back to Cangues, where he died despite significant medical attention.
Alfonso then claimed the lands and wealth of Favila for his wife. Pelaio’s youngest son, Audo, who was 16 or 18 years old at the time, refused and tried to fight the Perez (the name of the Pedro family). His brother-in-law have never managed to take a part of the Favila heritance, and Audo, defeated, came to the Lugo, capitol of Ragnafred's son: Edelon.
As the Galicians began to help Audo, Alfonso attacked and defeated them near Lugo in March 729. Edelon was forced to recognize the leadership of Pedro I, becoming his vassal. Aldo was spared, but sent into a monastery having forced him to renounce to his claims.
Alfonso was now the favorite, thanks to his position at the court and his wealth, to success his father.
Maslamah had governed Al-Andalus since 723, but the governor of Ifryqia (as Al-Andalus was technically dependant on him) appointed a new governor in March of 726 : Abd al-Rahman ibd Abd Allah al-Ghafiqi, the wali of Shalmanka. But Maslamah stayed in the province, officially as advisor and as the Caliph didn't call him back and Abd al-Rahman accepted his help, appreciating his competence, he managed to be the real governor of the peninsula during Abd al-Rahman’s tenure. But the new wali of Kurtuba, the predecessor of Uthman ibn Abi Nisa al Khathami , Udhra ibn Abd Allah al-Fihri, was appointed by the Ifryqian governor in 729, didn't want Maslamah to rule in his place.
Accusing him of concealing a part of the loot of the raid of 728, he sent Maslamah to the Caliph. The accusations were not followed by any punitive measures, as the were quite empty of facts, Hisham II asked Maslamah to stay, in order to help the Umayyads against the Iraqis’ perpetual insurrection, that led regularly in revolts against the power of Damascus
Maslamah never returned to Al-Andalus, as he fought rebels and Caucasians until his death, near 740. But his tales about Al-Andalus and the land of wealth on the other side of the world captivated one of the grandsons of Hisham, Abd-Al-Rahman ibn Mu'awiwa.
According Ibn Yusuf, as Maslamah was dying, he said that « Abd-Al-Rahman and Al-Andalus will be the lights and the glory of the Islam ».
Udhra didn't follow Maslamah’s decision to treat Mawali and Arabs equally, he dismissed Munusa from his post of wali, and replaced him by his predecessor, Abd al-Rahman. Furthermore, the Zakat didn't have to be payed by non-muwali Muslims any more.
That seems insane and gratuitously provocative towards converted or Berbers, but it is due to the fact that Arab lords, ever separated from others by their origins, profited from the original system of gaining more tax income and more lands from Christians and Berbers.
Maslamah had brought the situation to a point of extreme tension, and Udhra tried to calm down it, at the price of the rights of the Berbers and converted.
If the Arab nobles supported him, the entire situation on Al-Andalus was supported by the harmony and balance between all the tiers of society. His demonstration of authority led to the real end of territorial expansion of Al-Andalus.
*Christian Qasi.
