Chapter Three: Viva La France!
When excluding the very end of the decade, the 1780s were relatively peaceful. Of course, there were minor conflicts here and there, but for the time being, it appeared as though the revolutionaries of the Age of Enlightenment that had thrown the Columbian Colonies up in arms had finally disappeared. The only notable conflict was the short lived Vermont Uprising, in which much of the young and sparsely populated colony’s population rose up against British authority in the August of 1785. The “Greencoats” of the Vermont Uprising took inspiration from the Columbian Uprising, hoping to establish an independent Republic of Vermont following the implementation of taxation laws designed to keep poor veterans of the Continental Army out of Vermont. Within a week, the minor rebellion had been suppressed, and the Province of Vermont stayed within British North America, however, the Vermont Tax was repealed a few weeks later.
At first the 1780s were seen as a new beginning for the Kingdom of France, which had been severely weakened after the Seven Years War and was on the brink of a seemingly inevitable economic collapse. By the time the Columbian Uprising came and went, it appeared as though French economic recovery was possible. If the right people were in the right place at the right time then maybe, just maybe, France could return to its position as one of Europe’s greatest empires and potential usurper of global British hegemony. Excited by the possibility of a rebirth in French power, the Duke of Aiguillon, the former French Secretary of State for War, envisioned the establishment of a new French colonial empire spanning the Indian Ocean. Hoping to regain the prestige he had lost due to his incompetence as a statesman, the Duke of Aiguillon came to King Louis XVI of France, hoping to get the funding necessary to go on an expedition to seek out potential colonial outposts in the Indian Ocean. Louis XVI, whose wife’s dispute with the Duke of Aiguillon had forced the Duke out of the French government to begin with, refused to fund these endeavors, which would cause him to turn to Prince Charles, Louis XVI’s brother.
Charles, a power-hungry man described as being “more royalist than the king,” agreed to fund the Duke of Aiguillon’s expedition for three years, under the condition that if a colony was established, Prince Charles would be given some authority over colonial governance. The Duke of Aiguillon graciously accepted Charles’ conditions, and King Louis XVI, who was happy to endorse the plan as long as it did not cost him anything, agreed to recognize any colony established by the Aiguillon Expedition. And so, in the March of 1784, the Duke of Aiguillon and a sizeable fleet left France for the Indian Ocean, arriving a few months later along the coast of Madagascar. From here, Aiguillon’s fleet charted out the coast of eastern Africa, southern Arabia, and the East Indies before ultimately arriving in northern Australasia (then referred to in its entirety as New Holland before the establishment of the Dutch colony that shares its namesake).
Believing that Australasia, whose natives still adhered to tribal civilizations, would not only serve as an ideal trading post but would also be easy to conquer, the Duke of Aiguillon would return to France in the January of 1785 to detail his discoveries. While both King Louis XVI and Prince Charles were sceptical of establishing a colony on such a barren landmass, the Duke of Aiguillon did emphasize his discovery of more suitable land for colony development in southern Australasia, and argued that a hypothetical Australasian colony would operate as a “French Cape Colony,” with the colony primarily sustaining itself via trade and commerce. To the Duke of Aiguillon’s pleasure, Louis and Charles would approve of developing an Australasian colony, and the Colony of New Occitania was declared on March 29th, 1785.
While the Kingdom of France would claim all of the Australasian mainland for itself, New Occitania only extended across the western sect of Australasia, and even then legitimate French authority in New Occitania was limited to small coastal settlements. Nonetheless, the colony was a source of pride for France, especially Prince Charles, who was the sole owner of the colony before forming the New Occitan Company (NCO) in 1786 and transferring control of the colony to said company, which Charles was the leader of. The NCO would eventually build up its own armed forces, which the elderly Duke of Aiguillon was put in charge of. As the leader of the NCO’s military, Aiguillon returned to a position of prestige, and would win more respect from Charles when he conquered territory occupied by the Noongar people in southern New Occitania, where the new colonial capital, New Toulouse began construction following the brief Noongar War of the September of 1787.
Painting of New Toulouse, circa 1790.
While New Occitania proved that it would one day become a successful colony, France would soon plunge into chaos. The broken economy that had existed since the Seven Years War had finally caught up to the Kingdom of France, thus shattering any hopes that a new French global hegemony was on the rise. France would try to solve the financial crisis by altering the tax system, however, this proved to be ineffective. France would also find problems in the Estate-General, a governing body that had last met in 1614 that consisted of three estates. The first represented the clergy, the second represented the aristocrats, and the third (and weakest) represented the commoners.
The Third Estate was irritated with its position and many, such as Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, argued for the importance of the commoners and how they were destined for greater significance in the French government. It would be the middle class that would ignite the flames of the French Revolution. Alongside the Third Estate, they would form the National Assembly as an assembly of the masses of France. As King Louis XVI began to become an enemy of the assembly, members would meet in a tennis court in Versailles where they would swear the Tennis Court Oath on June 20th, 1789, under which they agreed to not separate until France had a constitution.
The Tennis Court Oath.
The majority of representatives of the clergy would soon join the Third Estate, along with 47 members of the nobility. After Jacques Necker, the unpopular Comptroller-General was fired in July 1789, Parisians jumped to the conclusion that the Assembly was the king’s next target and began an open rebellion. The mobs eventually gained the support of some of the French Guard and turned their attention to the weapons and ammunition inside the Bastille fortress. On July 14th, 1789, the Storming of the Bastille would occur, and after several hours of combat those guarding the Bastille surrendered and their leader, Bernard-René de Launay, was held hostage by the mobs. King Louis XVI was alarmed by the Storming of the Bastille, and would back down for the time being. Jean-Sylvain Bailly, the former president of the Assembly during the time of the Tennis Court Oath, would become the new mayor of France under a governmental structure known as a Commune. On July 17th, 1789, the king visited Paris where he accepted a tricolore cockade, a symbol of the emerging French democracy, to the celebration of his people.
King Louis XVI’s visit to Paris was a turning point for the French quest for democracy and the National Constituent Assembly (the successor to the National Assembly) eventually became the new governing body of France, on par with the king. The Assembly had decided that if the king accepted a new constitution then he would be allowed to stay on the throne. With the approval of the monarchy, France’s new constitution would begin to be written in 1791, and following the ratification of said constitution on September 3rd, 1791 France became the world’s first democratic sovereign state, named the Roturier Kingdom of France.
Flag of the Roturier Kingdom of France.
Upon arriving in Paris to write the constitution of what would become the Roturier Kingdom of France, the delegates of the Convention of Versailles (named after the French monarchy’s residence, where the Convention was held) were tasked with creating a system of governance that would appease both liberal republicans and conservative monarchists alike. The pamphlet, “What is the Third Estate?” by Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, which advocated in favor of the abolition of the First and Second Estates, became the basis for the French constitution, which sought out the establishment of a representative democracy. From here, questions about the balance between the people and aristocracy would begin to become the center of attention in Versailles, while the French people celebrated the ideals of popular sovereignty in the meantime, building up militias in the countryside.
The debate over the French constitution would eventually cause inspiration to be derived from the system of governance of the ancient Roman Republic. Numerous liberals had turned to the Roman Republic for designing the French constitution, with the French electoral process being based heavily off of that of the Roman Republic. Perhaps the most influential document that led to creation of the government of the Roturier Kingdom of France was a pamphlet named The Rights of the Plebeian. Written by the Marquis de Lafayette, a young veteran of the Continental Army who had turned to the Roman Republic as a source of inspiration for his egalitarian ambitions after the United States of America was crushed, with help from a handful of prominent French Enlightenment philosophers, the Rights of the Plebeian revolved around the idea that after the collapse of the ancient Roman Empire, the two classes of Roman society, the Plebeian and the Patrician, had not disappeared. Instead, Lafayette claimed that the Roman classes had just taken new forms, from serfs and lords to slaves and masters.
Marquis de Lafayette argued that the system of the Roman Republic must be reinstituted, however, this time Plebeian class would control the Republic rather than the Patricians. Only then would the masses control their government and the Plebeian would be liberated in the name of equality. This mindset, which was championed by liberals, and reluctantly supported by a few monarchists, who believed that the reinstitution of Roman republicanism would ensure strong centralization, would become the basis for the Roturier Kingdom of France. From here, the French legislative branch was modeled after the Roman senate, with members being appointed by the consul, the elected French head of government. In order to mimic the dual consulship of the Roman Republic, the French monarchy would play the role of the second consul, however, in order to ensure that popular sovereignty would be put in place, the monarch of France could only nominate people to the Senate of the Roturier Kingdom of France, and could not appoint them.
The French constitution would also re-establish the ancient Roman positions of the magistrates to replace the institutions of secretaries. No new magistrates were expected to be created as France changed overtime, however, each magistrate presided over broad issues and could establish smaller bodies under their jurisdiction to focus on specific issues. These positions were elected by the Plebeian Tribune, which was modeled after the ancient tribunes of Rome, but took on the role of the Centuriate Assembly, as well as the Tribal Assembly, which were merged into a single unicameral legislative body. The Tribune would hold the ability to propose legislation to the consulship (something the Senate was also capable of doing), which would need to approve of any proposed bills.
After several revisions and debates, the constitution of the Roturier Kingdom of France was finally put into place, thus initiating the beginning of French democracy, and the ideals of the constitution would become the basis for a new political ideology. The concept of a Plebeian-Patrician class struggle that would be solved via the institution of a populist Roman Republic-esque government was deemed “communism” (named after the communes that had served as the basis of the National Constituent Assembly), as outlined by the Communist Manifesto, written by Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès and Marquis de Lafayette, who would become the first censor and praetor of the Roturier Kingdom of France respectively after being assigned the duty of writing a manifesto that would outline the ideological developments of the Versailles Convention.
Censor Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès of the Roturier Kingdom of France, who is typically credited as one of the two founders of communism alongside Marquis de Lafayette.
The Roturier Kingdom of France was not only revolutionary for the creation of communism, an ideology that would define the Age of Enlightenment and much of the history of 19th Century, but was also extremely progressive for the time period for the abolition of serfdom, feudalism, and rights for the nobility. Furthermore, several rights that had never been joined by anyone other than the aristocracy of the world were suddenly guaranteed to all French citizens, and even women, who were not yet guaranteed the right to vote in France, enjoyed limited rights, such as the freedom of speech.
As the members of the Plebeian Tribune (MT) were elected throughout the fall of 1791, political parties began to form in France, and partisanship, something only really seen in Louisiana and Liberia thus far, would become the norm of French politics. The parties within France were inherited from the former National Constituent Assembly, being the conservative Right Party (interestingly enough, the term “right-wing” and “left-wing” originated from the French Revolution, with those who supported the monarchy sitting on the right side of the Estates General, and those opposing the monarchy sitting on the left side), the Democratic-Royalists, who usually sided with the French aristocracy, and finally the National Party, which had liberal tendencies. The Democratic Royalists and Nationals would prove to be the two strongest parties in the election, however in the end the Democratic-Royalist candidate Pierre Victor stood no chance against against the National Jean-Sylvain Bailly whose policies of equality and democracy while still having some conservative views allowed him to become the first consul of France on January 25th, 1792.
Consul Jean-Sylvain Bailly of France.
While most in France celebrated the declaration of the Roturier Kingdom there were a few, mostly aristocrats, who feared the path the new democratic regime may take. The most notable opponent was Prince Charles, the ruler of New Occitania, who had actually been in New Toulouse to visit his growing colony when the Roturier Kingdom of France was created. Upon returning to France in the November of 1791, Charles became the de facto leader of those opposed to the communist government, a cabal of reactionaries and monarchists, with this group being deemed the Restorationist Club. They believed that it was the aristocracy’s God-given right to rule France. The Restorationist Club also wanted revenge on the British for the Seven Years War and believed that the communists would only weaken any hypothetical war effort against Great Britain.
Charles eventually came to the conclusion that if the communist reign over France was to be destroyed then the Restorationists must overthrow the Roturier Kingdom of France and the increasingly liberal King Louis XVI with force. Therefore, on April 19th, 1792 the Restorationists would conquer the city of Nantes via paramilitary force with aid from the NCO, and declared the French Empire, of which Charles was crowned Emperor Charles I. More Restorationists would rise up against the communists, and primarily occupied northwestern France, which would spark a conflict between the forces of revolution and reactionism, the first French Civil War.