The three are going to be leading pretty eventful lives I'm sure. I'm actually surprised there's nothing going on in the Seleucid Kingdom, despite the fact that Syria is currently in clusterfack mode.
Dream of the Poison King: A History of the Pontic Empire
- Thread starter Nassirisimo
- Start date
The attention of the world is focused elsewhere for a while for the time being. However, when the Mithradatic war is wrapped up, attentions are bound to turn to Syria.
Lucio Papin; The Revolution of the 5th Century (Corduba: Hispania Publishing Corporation, 2201)
The Birth of the Pontic Empire
The quick Pontic conquest of Asia Minor was something of a seismic event on the international stage. In the space of a year, Pontus had gone from being a relatively small Kingdom, perched away from the most important regions of the Mediterranean Basin, to being the third largest power in Western Eurasia. The conquest of Asia Minor had multiplied the population of the Pontic Kingdom and had incorporated a number of rich cities into it. By most of the population of the area, Mithradates was not considered a conqueror, but a liberator from the grasping rule of Rome. Despite this enormous shift in the balance of power however, the established powers of Rome and Parthia were slow in reacting, for reasons that seemed quite logical at the time.
The Mithradatic wars were not the only crisis that the Romans had to face off. The aforementioned Social War in Italy pitted the Romans against the more assertive Italian peoples such as the Samnites. Although by 442 AC the direct threat to Rome itself had been ended, the rebels still maintained considerable forces in Italy. It was judged by the Roman senate that it would be wisest to prevent a rebel resurgence in Italy before dealing with the Pontic king. There would be plenty of time for the loot and glory that a campaign in Asia Minor could bring when Italy was finally secure again. However, the general Marius, who was one of the only Romans in the upper echelons of power to have met Mithradates, strongly advocated for an immediate reaction against Pontus. As he put it, Mithradates was not to be allowed to secure Asia Minor as a foothold [1].
However, the stronger of the two Roman consuls, Quintus Pompeius Rufus, agreed with the general spirit of the senate, and was uncomfortable with Marius. Along with other powerful figures, they forced Marius to back down and wait until Italy had been secured, with the implicit offer of leading Rome’s army of re-conquest. This was enough to placate Marius for the time being, but later events in the Mithradatic war would go some way toward vindicating Marius. Although he was held in increasingly low regard at this late point in his own life, it was for his calls for decisive action at this critical time would lead to a re-evaluation of the man later in Roman history.
The reaction of the Parthians was puzzling as well. With the conquest of Asia Minor, Pontus now came close to rivalling the resources available to Parthia. Although Mithradates had to spend time integrating his new conquests into his kingdom, the fact that his power had increased greatly could not have been lost on many in the Parthian court. However, it appears as if Mithradates II of Parthia actually continued to send financial aid to the Pontic king for at least a year after the conquest of Asia Minor. The explanations that have been offered for this vary quite wildly. Some scholars have stated that it was a tribute to keep the Pontic king’s armies away. However, this does not explain why the aid stopped after Mithradates conquered even more territory.
A more likely explanation is that the Parthian king still didn’t think much of Mithradates’ chances overall in the war. Indeed, while Mithradates had achieved an impressive feat, most states were aware that this was not against Roman legionaries, but against a force mainly comprised of second-rate levies. It was assumed by many that once a real Roman army got to grips with Mithradates, that he would be chased back to Pontus. According to the plan of Mithradates of Parthia, this would result in Rome’s resources being sapped and Pontus being reduced to a client kingdom of Parthia. Like the Romans, this would be an astonishing underestimation of Pontus’ strength [2].
Pontus and its king had already developed the habit of not meeting the expectation of its rivals. Rome had assumed that its war with Pontus would consist of low-intensity raiding across the border. Instead, she found herself in the most difficult foreign war since the invasion of the Teutons and Cimbri in which Marius gained fame. Parthia had expected that Pontus would sap Rome’s strength in inconclusive wars. Instead her junior ally had now become an imposing state in its own right. For both of them to assume that the Conquest of Asia Minor was “part of the plan” proved to be disastrous for both in the long run.
However, for the time being Mithradates was content to undertake the enormous task of integrating Asia Minor into his own kingdom. Once again, Mithradates instituted the Satrapy policy that had served him well in crafting his Pontic Sea Empire, but this time there was an important difference. Some of the cities of Asia Minor, such as Pergamon and Ephesos were highly important to the Greek World. Mithradates decided to allow these cities a significant measure of self-government as Polis. They would not be subject to the rest of the laws that Pontus were, with the important exception of tariff laws. Mithradates probably was not envisioning the split between Satrapy and Polis that would become a defining feature of Classical Pontic civilization, but nevertheless, Pergamon and Ephesos would create an important precedent for the future [3].
One of the key dilemmas that faced Mithradates while integrating Asia Minor was the status of the a hundred thousand or so Roman and Italian citizens who resided in Asia Minor. Many were merchants or tax collectors who had done little to endear themselves to the local people, or to Mithradates for that manner. There was also the fear that these citizens would be used by the Romans to improve their military intelligence in the inevitable counter attack. Many prominent voices in the Pontic court argued for exile, but the action that Mithradates would undertake would be far more severe, and would blot his name in Rome permanently afterward.
The “Asiatic Vespers” were hardly the first organized destruction of a population in history, nor would it be the last. What it was unique in was its success. Mithradates had sent envoys to city and village leaders across Asia Minor, notifying them of his intent to massacre the Roman population of Asia Minor, and announcing his desire for them to join him in this enterprise. The reason for this stipulation was largely to ensure the loyalty of the inhabitants of his new Empire. They would be less likely to support Rome later on if they had been jointly responsible for the massacre of tens of thousands of Romans. This was a cruelly calculated policy which demonstrated the sheer lack of moral scruples that Mithradates could display, but it would prove to be a very successful one.
One of the startling things about the Asiatic Vespers wasn’t amount of people killed, but the fact that thousands of people not a part of the Pontic state structure had been consulted beforehand, with not one of them informing the Romans of their impending doom. Across Asia Minor, village and town elders plotted to kill whatever Romans they could get their hands on. Slaves were informed that upon killing their Roman masters, they’d be free. Freemen who killed Roman citizens would be forgiven of debts. With powerful incentives such as these, perhaps it is no wonder as to why so many decided to join Mithradates on his murderous enterprise. Within the space of a single week, almost all the Roman citizens in Asia Minor were killed.
The survivors brought back stories with them that drove many to tears. The Senate’s policy of patience in regards to Mithradates had been discredited in the eyes of many Romans, and voices such as Marius’ who had called for an immediate retaliation against Mithradates started to carry more weight with Roman citizens. Gradually, the tide now started turning in Rome toward the sending of an expeditionary force to deal with Mithradates. However, while the Asiatic Vespers would prove to be one of the more important factors in encouraging the Roman response, it would not be the deciding trigger.
The inhabitants of Greece had been watching events in Asia Minor with glee. After decades of Roman rule, many Greeks were as dissatisfied with their uncouth and greedy rules as their Asian cousins were. Mithradates had not showed any intention to liberate Greece, though the destruction of Roman power in Asia Minor was enough to inspire many Greeks to more open resistance. The murder of Roman citizens in Greece became more common, especially after the Asiatic Vespers. Although the Greeks were as of yet too timid to attack Roman garrisons, it appeared that Roman rule was breaking down in Greece as it had done in Asia Minor. Many Greeks of higher social orders worried about the impact this would have on public order, and feared anarchy were the mob to be the ones responsible for ending Roman rule.
In the end, the man for the job of liberating Greece appeared to be Mithradates once again. However, Mithradates was not as confident of his chances as holding Greece as he was with Asia Minor. Many of his advisors had been pressing him hard to commit to an invasion of Greece, though Mithradates had resisted them for almost a year. In the end, he decided to commit less than what was hoped for the invasion of Greece. Rather than committing a large part of the Pontic army, he sent only around twenty thousand men, led by his trusted friend Dorylaus [4]. This was intended as a symbolic show of support for the Greeks, but now was the time for Mithradates to be surprised by events. The arrival of the Pontic force in Greece was accompanied by a general uprising by the population. Most Greek cities were able to throw out the Romans by themselves, and the Pontic army ensured that the more stubborn garrisons were taken care of. The quick success of the Pontic expeditionary force was an enormous but pleasant surprise for Mithradates.
As shocking as this was to Mithradates, this proved to be the final straw for the senate in Rome. Asia Minor was a blow that could be dealt with later, but the loss of Greece, combined with the knowledge that if not stopped Pontic soldiers would be based on the Adriatic was enough to persuade the Senate that decisive action needed to be taken. However, many still loathed the idea of admitting that Marius had been right all along. What they needed was a more politically acceptable candidate to lead the effort against Mithradates. This candidate was Lucius Cornelius Sulla. A former student of Marius, Sulla had proved his ability in the Jugurthine wars and the Social Wars. Just as competent as Marius and a proven friend of the establishment, the Senate were convinced that he was the right man for the job.
Fortune appeared to be on the side of the Senate once again when Sulla beat out Marius for the Consulship in 444 AC. The pieces had fallen into place for Rome to begin the Reconquista against Mithradates, and to show other powers who the dominant state of the Mediterranean was. Marius, increasingly bitter and disappointed seemed uncharacteristically resigned to watch from the side lines as Sulla stole the glory that was rightfully Marius’. However, the Mithradatic war had taken a very unexpected course up until this moment, and this stage would be no different in that regard.
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[1] - Of course, part of this may have been due to Marius' wish to gain another command. The man, by now in his late 60's, certainly didn't have a concept of "retirement".
[2] - However, it is true that the average Pontic soldier cannot match up to the average Roman legionary in nearly all respects. Not that this will matter in the long run...
[3] - If anything, this is going to be the major point of divergence. In the long run, this will have an enormous effect on the course of history. Not that the authors of TTL know this.
[4] - Mithradates is practicing a bit more nepotism here, but it may work out in the end. Archelaus, the general he sent in OTL proved to be traitorous.
guinazacity
Banned
Here is to the hope for an early rebirth of democracy, nurtured by mithradates the great, raiser of the poleis
Nothing like the image of the blood of Romans flowing in the streets to pick one's spirits up, eh?
The massacres themselves provide an interesting window onto the personality of Mithradates. The man actually handled defeat very well, but he could be thoroughly ruthless in victory. If something was in his interests, he would not let morality or legality get in his way, such as when he seized the Ptolemaic treasury at Kos.
In OTL, Mithradates actually did preside over the short-lived revival of Athenian democracy. In OTL it was ended by Sulla but if Mithradates holds on to Greece, it may be around to stay, which will have huge political implications of course.
The later Pontic administrative system will have the idea of the Polis as a major feature, and the idea will spread from beyond Greek populations to others across the Middle East. This is going to have enormous consequences not only for Pontic culture, but for the way people in the world perceive the world for centuries or even millennia to come.
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Does this mean the Eastern Kingdoms (Parthia, Armenia, Commagene et.al.) will pick up Polis-styled governments as well?
Better than coffee
Honestly with all the stuff Rome has done I find it refreshing to see it given back in style. It's really due to the book "The Poison King: The Life and Legend of Mithradates, Rome's Deadliest Enemy" that I learned about him at all. His pragmatic opportunism is to me legendary for the times he lived in.
Donald Reaver
Donor
A good story so far, I do hope you can take Mithradates further than he lasted in o.t.l. though Rome has the enduring strength to grind him down. If he can enlist some allies from the Celts he stands a chance. The main problem is even if he is successful can his success outlive him. That is Rome's strength in throwing up good leaders time after time not being bound to a monarchical system.
Eventually, but not in the time of Mithradates. The big administrative changes that lead to what is known by TTL historians as the "Classical Pontic Empire" began around about thirty three years after Mithradates dies, and during this period Pontic ideas of governance spread outside of its borders. This will be the real legacy that Pontus will leave, as its other legacies in turns of linguistic impact and what not will not be as significant a departure from OTL as it will first appear. Religion will also be significant, but there'll be more on that later.
I honestly cannot remember when and where it was I first became interested in the King, though it must be pushing more than ten years. I first learned about Pontus as a young teen from Rome Total War, and the more I read the deeper I became interested in it. Certainly an interesting king, though I always pull myself back from saying I admire him as ultimately, he strikes me in some ways as a First Century BC analogue of Osama Bin Laden. With more success obviously.Better than coffee
Rome in the First Century BC is really an odd beast. Although she suffered from endemic Civil War until Octavian locked the system down, she also produced armies that were capable of conquering enormous swathes of territory in very little time. That being said, the Roman Republic was not invincible, as the example of Parthia shows. The fact that Rome will not see her OTL success in the East will also change the way she evolves in the future.
Odassur Academy, 2542: Maespad Raesosh's Ancient History Lecture
“So it comes down to this for Marius. He has been vindicated by events once again, and things seem to be going well. He can take up the command and earn another metaphorical badge for saving the Roman Republic. Except it doesn’t quite go like he had planned. The Senate finally acknowledges that Marius had been right about Mithradates, but in doing so they send him the ultimate snub. They ensure that Sulla is elected as Consul, and select him to lead the army instead. Now there was a good constitutional basis for rejecting Marius, but in the end he was probably the only person who could have beaten Mithradates. Sulla was a talented and inspirational leader, but Mithradates was no Jugurtha. He had the resources to pay for one of the best armies in the world at that time.
However, Sulla doesn’t exactly leave with the kind of force that was destroyed in Asia Minor. This time, the Romans throw their all into it. They are still low on manpower following the Social Wars and the wars with Jugurtha. While this has given them a cadre of experienced and battle hardened soldiers, it’s also ensured that there are not so many of those soldiers to fill the battle lines. Rome uses a huge amount of its available soldiery to staff this force, around eight legions and an additional twenty thousand auxiliaries. This gives Sulla a force of around sixty thousand, which while huge, is not actually one of the largest armies raised by Rome up to this point.
At any rate, it’s thought by Sulla and his backers that this force will be than enough to deal with Mithradates, who is still seen as a kind of effete and decadent Oriental king. Romans who had significant experience abroad knew better of course, but the actions of Mithradates had ensured that there were precious few of these people around.
So Sulla sets sail from Brundisium on a warm summer’s day, aiming to get to Epirus, which is still in Roman hands. The hope is that with a major Roman Army in the field, the haemorrhaging of Greek cities to Mithradates will stop and that the king could be encouraged to bring the main part of his army over to Greece where he can be decisively defeated. When Mithradates hears about Sulla’s arrival in Greece, this is what he does of course. He’s confident enough in the loyalty of the population in Asia Minor to leave only militias and what not in charge of the place. His numbers by now have been swelled up by new recruits, and he has maybe ninety thousand men at arms in Greece to oppose Rome. This is an intimidating force, but it hasn’t faced anything like the Romans before.
But of course Mithradates knows this. And he isn’t going to give the quick clean fight that Sulla desires.
For the time being, Greece is in stalemate. The cities that remain loyal to Rome are far too scared to consider changing their allegiance, and likewise the cities that have sided with Mithradates aren’t willing to give up their new-found freedom at the first sight of a Roman Army. Mithradates doesn’t want to admit it, but battle is what’s needed. He chooses to wait however.
And of course, this is where Sulla has to take the offensive. He identifies Athens as the keystone of Pontus’ presence in the region. If he can knock out that, Mithradates will find himself on some very shaky ground, and might be forced to retreat back to Asia Minor. This would be a great victory to show off to the people back home, and of course would allow him access to loot as much of Greece as he wanted, making him a very wealthy man.
Mithradates had been having some money troubles of his own at this time, as the cost of keeping his enormous army in the field was starting to be a strain, especially when his army avoided living off the land and attempted to pay for supplies whenever possible. Mithradates decided that it would be expedient to seize a treasury of the Ptolemaic kingdom which was located in Kos. It had been placed there to keep it safe from Civil War in Egypt, but it would now provide the salary of the Pontic army, in what may be called a cruel twist of fate.
The fact that Mithradates was able to pay his soldiers on time really did boost morale on the Pontic side. That being said, so did the prospect of booty for the Romans. The two forces were well-motivated, and had experienced and competent commanders in the persons of Sulla and Mithradates.
However, there were a number of differences between the two as well. Firstly, Rome’s army was just plain quicker than Mithradates. Marius had reformed transportation in the army, making the legionaries carry their own kit and cutting down the baggage train that usually followed an army. This had the effect of making Roman armies astonishingly fast. We are talking a kind of mobility only rivalled by horse-based nomads. Roman armies also tended to be better officered and just plain better at fighting. They were able to adapt quickly to a whole lot of different battlefield situations because of their officers. So there really were a lot of advantages for the Romans.
But that isn’t to say that Pontus was doomed, obviously. The Pontic army also had a number of key advantages, such as the fact that it wasn’t seen as some hated occupation force by most of the locals. In local skirmishes, Pontic forces often found themselves aided by locals, and considering the importance of things such as mountain passes in Greece, this went some way toward counter-acting the Roman advantage in strategic mobility.
There’s also the fact that Pontus outnumbers the Roman army. Not by a huge amount, but it gives Mithradates the confidence to actually go out there and harass the Romans. The Romans find that their supply lines are constantly pecked at by Sarmatian and Scythian cavalrymen in the Pontic army, which isn’t particularly threatening to the survival of the Roman army, but makes their lives just that little bit harder.
This doesn’t stop Sulla from marching to Athens, which he besieges in the Autumn of 444 AC. Mithradates wants to see how it turns out, and sends Archelaus, one of his lieutenants, with around fifteen thousand Pontic troops to aid the Athenians in their defence. The deciding point of the siege is when Sulla manages to break through the walls near Piraeus. Archelaus puts his all into defending the breach, and actually manages to push Sulla back. The Romans are now in a very bad position, as with winter closing in and their supply lines remaining harassed, Sulla has only one option. He had to abandon the siege of Athens and defeat Mithradates in combat.
He seems to get his wish not too far from Athens. Actually, it’s quite interesting, as the battle itself took place only a few miles from the famous Battle of Marathon in the Persian Wars. Except it’s deceiving. Both armies draw their lines for battle, but nothing much actually happens. On the coastline, the two armies do engage and the Pontic armies come off worse for wear. The casualties are so bad that Mithradates sees his army being annihilated if he goes toe to toe with the Romans. So he manages to retreat in good order toward Macedonia, having lost only a few thousand of his men.
In terms of body count, Sulla has done great. He’s lost less than a few hundred men, probably around ten per cent the casualties of Pontus. This is where the good news ends though. The battle doesn’t change the strategic situation, and he is still not confident enough to take Athens, while the Pontic army is in his back. So he decides to winter in territory friendly to the Romans. This has the side effect of annoying his troops and giving ammunition to his opponents back home such as Marius, who made it very clear that he thought he could have beaten Mithradates and have brought the soldiers home by this point if he was in command. So Sulla winters in Epirus, knowing that the next year was his very last chance to beat Mithradates."
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This is my first attempt at a more informal kind of update. If it works than it works, and it might prove to be a nice aside from the other style of updates.
Lest his army be forked.
But enough rhymes, Sulla is going in way over his head.
But enough rhymes, Sulla is going in way over his head.
So Athens was adequately reinforced, and the opening skirmishes have given Mithridates enough of a wake-up call that he won't try to fight on Roman terms as he did IOTL. Sulla will be in trouble if he has to fight on Mithridates' ground.
Indeed, I like it. Sort of nice change in mood.
I do wonder what effect this will have on recognising the Roman reforms are better. Could Mithridates adopt them? (obviously by not framing them in a Roman context/origin of course
)If Creative Assembly didn't lie(which I have some doubt that they are completely honest),Mithradates trained and equipped his army along Roman lines.Indeed, I like it. Sort of nice change in mood.
I do wonder what effect this will have on recognising the Roman reforms are better. Could Mithridates adopt them? (obviously by not framing them in a Roman context/origin of course
GdwnsnHo
Banned
Indeed, I like it. Sort of nice change in mood.
I do wonder what effect this will have on recognising the Roman reforms are better. Could Mithridates adopt them? (obviously by not framing them in a Roman context/origin of course
Easy, spin it as Samnite rather than Roman.