Dream of the Poison King: A History of the Pontic Empire

First off, I have to apologise for how long the updates are taking. Next one should be ready hopefully later today.

Great update, allying with Parthia is a smart move.
It certainly keeps the Eastern flank secured. Pontus can concentrate on pursuing an anti-Roman policy without fear of what may happen in the East, and Parthia has enlisted the most powerful of the Anatolian Kingdoms to its own cause. Mithradates of Parthia will never have reason to regret his alliance with Pontus, but the Parthians themselves may have cause to do so later.
I wonder if there is irony in them there words Marius has spoken...
Perhaps he was seeing the situation in OTL. Mithradates was more or less as dogged as the Romans in his own personal opposition to Rome, but the same cannot be said of many of those who supported Mithradates in his first war. Realistically, it's the First Mithradatic war in which he had the best chance of blunting Roman expansion altogether as support for him outside of Pontus was too weak afterward. Perhaps Marius sees a vision of OTL rather than his own world.
 
Sarosh Shahzad; The Life and Times of Mithradates the Great (Awal Academy Press, 2459)

Growing Tensions with Rome

Mithradates had established a rather impressive empire on the Pontic Sea. He had more than doubled the land area of Pontus and had given it resources beyond the imagination of even his father. Had Mithradates died prematurely, he might still be remembered as one of the more successful Asiatic kings of the 4th century. However, something changed in Mithradates after his encounter with Sulla. Pontic sources emphasise that Mithradates only became aggressively anti-Roman following veiled threats from Marius and other Romans, while Roman sources portray his earlier expansion as building a base with which to attack Rome. The truth probably lay somewhere in the middle, as it would have been impossible for Mithradates to have not considered the possibility of Rome earlier in his reign.

After the visit of Marius in 431, Mithradates stepped up a number of policies that would aid him in a war with Rome. The Pontic army was expanded to around a hundred thousand men at arms by 440, an astonishing figure for a kingdom which probably had no more than four million inhabitants overall [1]. However, it should be remembered that a significant portion of this figure were garrison troops and part-time militias. This enormous armed build up was unquestionably aimed at Rome, and seemed almost to be unsustainable, even considering the impressive resources of Pontus. It is likely that at least some of the funding came from the Parthian King Mithradates, who wanted to see Rome’s expansion to the East blunted.

As well as the army, Pontus started to invest more into intelligence gathering and propaganda. At the start of the Social War in Italy, Mithradates had loyal spies in virtually every large port of the Mediterranean, reporting on important events and the mood of places. The reports from the Hellenistic world under Roman control were promising. Widespread discontent at the rapaciousness of Roman governors was present, as well as a general Greek desire for independence [2]. With discontent growing in other parts of the Republic, including Italy, Mithradates had at least some grounds for his belief that the Roman Republic was a sick power. While he certainly didn’t believe that a nudge would sent it off the edge, he thought that with a concerted and strong enough effort, the Roman Republic could be rendered non-threatening, at least for some time.

As the Roman Republic began to be more hobbled by internal troubles, Mithradates took care of his other concerns. The last loose end in the East, Armenia, was taken care of when Mithradates of Parthia colluded with Pontus to put Tigranes on the throne. Tigranes had spent much of his life as a hostage in Parthia, and Mithradates of Parthia was confident in his ability to control the king. With Armenia under the thumb of a Pontic ally, Mithradates had the last of his concerns in the East taken care of, and now felt more confident than ever to pursue a solidly anti-Roman policy.

With this in mind, Mithradates began to step up his propaganda effort against Rome, and of course in favour of himself. In the cities of Greece, agents began talk of Mithradates being the saviour of Greek cities in the Taurican peninsula against barbarians. The implication of course was that he also had the ability to save Greece itself from the barbarian occupation. The destruction of Corinth became the centrepiece of Mithradates’ argument against continued Roman rule. If the Romans were so quick to destroy this jewel of Greek civilization, what may they do against places such as Athens? The message was clear. Rome could simply not be trusted in its continued rule of Greece, and its rapaciousness and savagery were proof enough of this. Mithradates’ propaganda machine began to build an image of Mithradates that was, in stark contrast to the Romans, a civilized prince and benefactor of Hellenism.

How much the Greeks bought into this propaganda is debated. For quite some time, there appeared to be little outward show of anti-Roman hostility in Greece. Individual Roman citizens were still safe, and there was little resistance to the collection of taxes and other governmental functions. However, the murmurs of discontent in Greece grew louder and louder. For the time being though, most Romans, and indeed most Greeks could not imagine that Roman power in Greece could be challenge for the time being. Instead, many assumed that the liberation of Greece would take place some point in a few decades after enough preparations had been made.

In the non-Greek parts of Anatolia, Mithradates showed a completely different face. To the people of Anatolia, his agents portrayed him as the heir to the Persian kings, who would respect tradition and the Gods, who would rule justly and who would ensure prosperity. For the impoverished peasantry of states like Cappadocia, this sounded sweet enough. His family ties to great kings such as Cyrus and Darius were emphasised in an attempt to link him to Achaemenid memory. In the words of his propaganda, he would preserve the ancient practices of the people and save them from impending Roman eradication [3].

The last point was a common theme in almost every place Mithradates sent agents to. He warned people that in the space of a few generations, Rome had gone from a regional power into a Mediterranean colossus. The Diadochi kings had been humbled by Rome and were unable to stop her advance. It was never explicitly stated, but rather implied that Mithradates was the man for the job, and that it was his army that could hold the line against the seemingly unstoppable legions of Rome. Despite the bravado that Pontus’ agents showed abroad though, the few documents that survive indicate that Mithradates was rather apprehensive about confrontation. Although proven effective against the people of the Pontic Sea basin, it was unclear as to whether his forces could stand up to Roman legions. However, apprehension turned to joy in the Pontic court when news of the outbreak of the Social War in Italy was received.

******

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Pergamon, 439 AC

“I don’t care whether you’re right or wrong son! This is a very dangerous business you have gotten yourself involved with. I only want you to stay because I’m worried about you…”

Menandros pleaded to his son with all his heart. He had never been a harsh man to his children but he now seriously considered the possibility of banning his son from going out. Though his son was an adult, and this would be a difficult task. Still, there was something he must do.

Menandros’ son, Xanthippos, thundered in indignation at what he perceived to be his father’s traitorous ways. “This kind of cowardice is not Greek. If the people of Athens or Sparta had your attitude hundreds of years ago, none of us would be here right now. We would be bowing our heads to some Oriental despot!”

“And what do you plan to do tonight son? I know the name that is whispered at your gatherings, and it is not a Greek one”

Xanthippos shrugged his shoulders. “He is not in the same mould as Darius or Xerxes. He appreciates Hellenism and unlike the Romans, is a friend to Greeks rather than a conqueror. Look at the situation in Taurica. He turned beleaguered Greeks into the freest Greeks in the world”

“Even if what you say is true, who is to say he will extend the same treatment to us? Who is to say that he could even defeat the Romans?”

Xanthippos’ eyes once again lit with rage. “Your cowardice shows itself once again, but I forgive you as you are an old man as well as my father. Leonidas could have thrown his spear down in submission at Thermopylae, but instead he chose to die with honour. We have a good chance to push these Roman barbarians out of Greek territory but even if we did not, honour would demand that we try our best”

Menandros looked to the ground and slumped his shoulders. “I cannot stop you from leaving if you want to. I can only hope that you do the sensible thing son, and don’t throw your life away like this”

Xanthippos left without saying a single word. Menandros pondered for a second, before calling for his slave Karnabon. Once he was sure that Xanthippos was out of earshot, he whispered in Karnabon’s ear to follow him and if at all possible, to find the venue of the meeting. Karnabon followed Xanthippos through the streets of Pergamon, taking special care not to be noticed. To his surprise, Xanthippos entered the house of a well-known and respected citizen near the Acropolis. Karnabon managed to scramble up the side of the wall to be within hearing distance of the main chamber of the house. From the sound of it, there were many people in attendance.

Suddenly, he heard a voice from within the chamber “Brothers, with the arrival of Xanthippos Isthmiates, our gathering is complete. Not only do I see a lot of the proud and upright establishment of the city, but I see its future here tonight as well. This fills me with a great sense hope for the future that the Roman occupiers who have taken our independence and who will strip our culture from us will be sent back to their lair”

Karnabon thought he recognized the voice of the man as Polykrates’, the owner of the house, and this seemed a reasonable jump to make. Certainly, if there was an anti-Roman conspiracy in Pergamon, then it went to the very top of society. He listened on.

“I have been in contact with the agent of King Mithradates. He corroborates the stories we have heard coming out of Italy, that now even the long-term allies of the Romans are turning against them. This means that the plan for liberation can go forward!”

No cheer emerged from the audience. Apparently they were still not bold enough to draw too much attention to themselves. Karnabon continued listening to the gathering, as questions of strategy, and the loyalty of other citizens were discussed. Much of the talk was disturbing even to Karnabon, who could not understand all of it. When talk of politics began to die down, he made his way back down the wall and back to the house of Menandros.

Once there, he relayed what he had heard as best he could. To Menandros, the news was disturbing indeed. His son was involved in a conspiracy of the highest level against the Romans. His son was too young to remember the failure of Aristonikos, but Menandros remembered it all too well [4]. His thoughts turned to the severe punishment of many of the young men who were tortured brutally by the Romans before being executed, and tears welled in his eyes when he thought of his own son suffering the same fate. But what could he do? His son was an adult, and the people involved in the conspiracy were far more powerful than he was.

At the same time, bringing news of the conspiracy to the Romans was out of the question. Not only would it throw Xanthippos’ life into jeopardy, but there was still something in Menandros that despised the Romans. He had considered the last king to be foolish to leave the kingdom to Rome, and it had been a close call when it came to supporting Aristonikos. No, he would not jeopardise all of this to save his own life. He would make his stand in his own way. It would not be shouting “Molon Labe” to the Romans, but he would ignore the knowledge of the conspiracy. And deep in his heart, he hoped that it would succeed, even if he disapproved of the pro-Pontic bent to it.

******

[1] - Population numbers at this time are highly debatable of course. Four million would be more or less the absolute high-end of population estimates for the territory controlled by Mithradates. It was probably significantly less.

[2] - There is the argument that Rome's rule wasn't actually significantly worse than the native Anatolia kings. However, I think there's a lot of evidence to disprove this, at least in the late Republican era.

[3] - As mentioned before, all of the Pontic kings were adept at presenting different faces to different subjects. However, in the future this may actually lead to some synthesis between Greek and Persian.

[4] - Aristonikos was a pretender to the Pergamese throne when Rome inherited it. Pontus had joined with the Romans to put the rebellion down, but had not been rewarded much for her efforts.
 
Keep up the good work. I look forward to Greeks teaming up with Pontus and driving out the Romans:D.
Indeed, the revenge of the Greeks on their erstwhile Roman occupiers will be glorious to see. However, it may well be as bloody as OTL's First Mithradatic War, which was certainly brutal for the poor Roman and Italian citizens who resided in Asia Minor at the time.
Hmm, I am actually kinda wondering how this is going to go down...
All in good time. There will be a number of similarities with the First Mithradatic War of OTL, with the exception that the Pontic army is less reliant on undisciplined soldiers and pikemen, and more reliant on medium-heavy infantry on the Roman model. Basically, it looks more like the Pontic army of the Third Mithradatic War, though with a greater number of auxiliaries from around the Pontic Sea.
If it's anything like OTL it ain't going to be pretty Long Live the Poison King :cool::cool::cool:
Precisely. There is a whole lot of bad blood between the Romans and their subjects in Asia Minor and Greece, and so any war of liberation is bound to be fraught with atrocities. The question is whether or not Pontus goes with the OTL policy of the extermination of Romans, or whether another policy is attempted.
 
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Lucio Papin; The Revolution of the 5th Century (Corduba: Hispania Publishing Corporation, 2201)

The Dawn of the Mithradatic War​

It is almost certain that by the time the Social War broke out in Italy, Mithradates was set on an eventual confrontation with the Roman Republic. Rome was reeling from Civil Wars and invasions, while Pontus was rich and confident. The propaganda of Mithradates alongside the abuses of Roman rulers had ensured that many of Asia Minor’s inhabitants would look positively on a Pontic effort against Rome, which would add to his other military advantages in Asia Minor. The situation in 440 was about as good as it was ever going to get for Pontus, and it is in this year that Mithradates embarked on an actively hostile policy to Rome’s interests in Asia Minor.

Pontus had long had an interest in neighbouring kingdoms in Anatolia such as Bithynia and Cappadocia. During the reign of Mithradates V, it had become apparent that Pontus was more powerful than any of its neighbours, and it was only Roman intervention that had kept Pontus contained. King Mithradates now felt that with the Romans tearing themselves apart, there was little to stop Pontus from taking drastic action against his neighbours. Mithradates had attempted to cooperate with Bithynia when seizing territory from kingdoms such as Galatia in the past, though now King Nicomedes of Bithynia refused to go along with the latest Pontic scheme to create recognised spheres of influence in Northern Anatolia. It is likely that they were concerned of Roman retaliation when the Social War was over, and may have even tipped off the Senate about Mithradates intentions.

However, Mithradates was unfazed and decided to create a Pontic sphere of influence in the weaker Anatolian kingdoms anyway. A few months after the dawn of the Social War in Italy, Mithradates marched an army into Cappadocia, placing a pretender named Archelaus on the throne and annexing areas of the kingdom to Pontus. With his armies in Cappadocia, Mithradates waited for the Roman response. After a few months of waiting, it became apparent that Rome was far too involved with its own issues to even chastise Mithradates. If he had stopped there, he may have been able to force Rome into accepting his coup. However, Mithradates was not merely after Cappadocia, and was eager to see how far Rome’s patience could be tested. Leaving forces in Cappadocia to garrison his new conquest, Mithradates began preparing for an invasion of Bithynia.

Around a year before the outbreak of the Social War in Italy, a pretender to the Bithynian throne named Socrates Chrestus had arrived in the court of Mithradates. He actually had a significant amount of support in Bithynia itself, which meant that any attempt by Pontus to place him on the throne would be a relatively easy proposition. In the spring of 440, Pontic armies supported by Bithynian supporters of Socrates Chrestus crossed the border and had soon sent Nicomedes of Bithynia into exile. However, although it had been a very easy proposition to send the supporters of Nicomedes into flight and seize control of the country, it would be far more difficult to hold into Bithynia than Cappadocia.

As Nicomedes fled, he went to Rome, bringing with him a story of injustice meted out by someone who was undertaking actively anti-Roman policies. Although the Italian rebels were considered a mortal threat by the Senate, Mithradates actions in Anatolia had simply gone too far for many Romans. There was now a growing sense among the Roman ruling class that if they were to prevent the collapse of their influence in Asia Minor, Mithradates must be made to back down. There were precious few spare legions available due to the Social War, so while two legions were despatched to Asia Minor, these were to be backed by levies raised in Anatolia itself, as well as a considerable amount of mercenaries. The Romans hoped that Mithradates would back down, saving them another costly war.

To the amazement of the Romans, as well as a number of Mithradates’ won supporters, his forces actually did withdraw from Bithynia. This was more confusing rather than infuriating for his own supporters, but for the Romans it was delightful. Rome appointed Manius Aquillius as a legates, or general, for Roman forces in Anatolia. Implicitly, he was to prosecute a low scale series of raids into Pontus in order to restore Roman standing in the region, as well as to persuade Mithradates to withdraw from Cappadocia as well. Mithradates responded by withdrawing from Cappadocia, and sending protests to the Senate in Rome of his unfair treatment by Aquillius.

However, this was partially a ruse on Mithradates part. It was now becoming whispered among his supporters that his perceived cowardice was merely an attempt to lull Rome into a false sense of security, as well as to establish himself clearly as a victim in the situation. Considering that it was Mithradates who had begun the conflict by invading Cappadocia, it was another propaganda coup of his that he established himself as victim in common memory. Aquillius was more than happy to help with this by encouraging Bithynia to launch raid after raid against Pontic territory. By now, it was spread among Asia Minor and beyond that Rome had continued to attack a king who had complied fully with all that they had requested. The diplomatic scene was now set for Mithradates to unleash his armies against Rome.

Mithradates had around eighty thousand men available for the invasion of Roman Asia Minor. This was a number roughly equivalent to Rome’s total in the area. However, Mithradates’ forces had a number of key advantages. While only a small portion of the Roman forces were Roman legionaries, almost all of Pontus’ army were trained and experienced soldiers. A number had seen conflict across the Pontic Sea, and they were confident in their own abilities. Pontus’ forces were also concentrated, as opposed to the Roman forces which were scattered across Asia Minor. The Romans were expecting a war of low-intensity raiding; Mithradates had prepared for nothing less than an enormous war. The fact that the Romans had not discovered the concentration of the Pontic armies was a demonstration of the weakness of Roman intelligence gathering.

Mithradates unleashed his armies in the spring of 442. The main invasion route would be through the North of Asia Minor, taking Bithynia and hooking south to take Pergamon. Meanwhile, a secondary force commanded by his general Dorylaus would re-occupy Cappadocia and secure the Southern coast of Anatolia [1]. The essence of the plan was to be quick at isolating Rome from her allies, and to defeat the Roman armies in detail before they had completely grasped the situation. However, considering the resilience that Rome had demonstrated in the East, the Pontic plan of wiping out Roman authority in the region seemed rather foolhardy to some. Certainly, a number of people in Roman-ruled Asia Minor were unwilling to commit to Mithradates at this time.

The first large engagement of the war took place near Prousias, a town on the road to the Bithynian capital of Nicomedia. Nicomedes had gathered as many forces as he could to head off Mithradates, and encountered a Pontic advance army in the April of 442. The Bithynian army may have actually outnumbered this Pontic advance force, under the command of a nobleman named Darius [2]. However, the Pontic army proved its worth. The superior mobility of the Pontic army meant that the Bithynians were enveloped with comparatively little effort. Nicomedes was killed while attempting to flee, and with the news of the death of the king, his forces disintegrated or surrendered, depending on their position. A number of the mercenaries who fought for Nicomedes were still in need of a pay cheque after the battle, and Mithradates looked to be the best bet for future employment. Mithradates was pleased to arrive several days later to find out that not only had Bithynia been defeated, but the size of the Pontic army had actually grown due to the engagement.

After the Battle of Prousias, news of the Pontic army’s success began to sweep all over Anatolia. In more isolated places, Roman tax collectors now came under attack by farmers, and the Roman grip on much of the land it owned was weakening. The situation became worse once it was apparent that Dorylaus had once against seized control of Cappadocia. The strategic situation for the Romans was starting to look desperate and Aquillius decided that the best strategy was to gather the Roman armies together and try to delay the advance of Mithradates. In regular circumstances, this would have been a fine strategy. Although effective in combat, Mithradates’ army lacked the strategic mobility of Roman legions [3]. However, commanding over a force mainly consisting of levies, Aquillius was little better off in this regard. He was also more open to harassment by Scythian mercenaries fighting for Mithradates, who harassed him during his retreat to Eumenia, where he hoped to join with the other Roman armies.

However, Aquillius would not get the chance to meet these other armies. One Roman army was defeated by Dorylaus in Lycia, which left the two surviving armies considerably outnumbered by Pontic forces. As these armies began to disintegrate upon receiving news of fresh reverses in Asia Minor, Aquillius decided that it may be best if he concentrated on saving himself. Attempting to travel incognito, he had almost reached Ephesos before being recognised and imprisoned by angry locals. Aquillius was finally taken by Mithradates in the late summer of 442. He was brought before the people of Pergamon, and in a public ceremony, molten lead was poured down his throat, a punishment reserved for those considered to be exceptionally grasping.

By the end of 442, Mithradates could congratulate himself on a fantastic year; one of the Roman legions in Anatolia had been destroyed, with the other escaping to Greece, many of the cities had willingly sided with him and accepted him as a liberator. His own losses had been comparatively slight, and his name was now renowned as far away as Parthia as a brilliant conqueror. The Social War in Italy was still raging which would allow Mithradates the opportunity to organize his new conquests before chasing the Romans into Greece. The star of Mithradates and Pontus was definitely on the ascendency in the East, and there looked to be very little to stop its further expansion in the future.

******

[1] - This is the same Dorylaus who accompanied Mithradates as a youth. Mithradates values personal loyalty, which perhaps is unsurprising considering his parth.
[2] - It really pays off to have been a friend of the king earlier on.
[3] - Roman legionaries after the Marian reforms were known as "Marius' mules" because they were expected to carry much of their own equipment with them. While tiring, it also gave Roman armies an unheard of strategic mobility.
 
So Mithridates plays it smart this time, trying to keep down what he just swallowed before going for more, something he didn't do IOTL when his army went into Greece proper, too soon if I might say.
 
I wonder how Mithridates' decision not to invade Greece prematurely will affect the career of one Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Will he stay in Rome and consolidate his rule (assuming that his first march on Rome occurred in TTL), go charging off to Asia to fight on Mithridates' ground, or something else altogether?
 
So Mithridates plays it smart this time, trying to keep down what he just swallowed before going for more, something he didn't do IOTL when his army went into Greece proper, too soon if I might say.
Well, Mithradates isn't going to march into Greece straight after the conquest of Asia Minor. He is likely to send a smaller force than OTL to ascertain whether the Greeks are serious in aiding him, while keeping his main army safe behind the wooden walls of the unrivalled Pontic navy. How the Social War plays out in Italy is another consideration, and it is for that reason that the first (of a great many) non-Pontic focused updates is coming up soon. For now, Mithradates can afford to be patient but this may change in the future.
I wonder how Mithridates' decision not to invade Greece prematurely will affect the career of one Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Will he stay in Rome and consolidate his rule (assuming that his first march on Rome occurred in TTL), go charging off to Asia to fight on Mithridates' ground, or something else altogether?
Well, there will still likely be a Roman reaction once the Social War settles down. Whether Sulla or not is in a position to command is an entirely different question. Marius is still keen on the chance to take down Mithradates and may present as big a threat as OTL. Events in Rome may well see a delayed Roman reaction to events in the East, which may or may not spell doom for the Roman position in the Eastern Mediterranean.
 
Out of Anatolia

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Rome – 442 AC

As news of King Mithradates of Pontus advance threw Anatolia filtered into Rome, increasingly worried talk could be heard in forums and public baths. Rumours circulated that Roman armies were being beaten and that Rome’s subjects were defecting to the Oriental King en-mass. However, when the news that Manius Aquillius had been captured and executed in a rather gruesome manner, the mood turned to panic. With so many men fighting in Italy, who would be available to teach this Oriental Despot a lesson?

At the age of twelve, Publius Helvius still knew little of these things. He had been vaguely aware that the other Italians had risen against the domination of Rome. He knew that some increasingly assertive king in Asia was making life difficult for Romans in Asia Minor. However, even he felt a shiver when hearing that the whole province had been overrun by Mithradates. But how was he able to do that? Publius’ tutors in school had taught him all about the invincibility of Rome, and how it managed to see off all of its competitors, including the mighty general Hannibal, who even with war elephants could not defeat the might of Rome.

Publius had decided that this must be the event that started his interest in politics. After all, was not every Roman man political in some way? Although one wouldn’t believe it from his unusually skinny frame, Publius himself would wear the toga of manhood in a few years’ time, so it seemed prudent to do some preparation. So he would go to the man he considered the most correct in the whole world, his own father.

Publius found his father peering over ledgers in the library. They weren’t rich by the standards of Rome, but lived comfortably and were able to have many luxuries unheard of by common people. One of these luxuries was a library which although small, contained a number of works envied by others such as Greek plays.

“Is that you Lesunos?” his father called out, referring to their head slave.

Publius spoke up. “No father, it’s me. I came to ask you something”

His father took Publius onto his lap. “Now this is rare indeed. You’re usually too busy to talk to me for anything. Unless you want something that is” His face adjusted to a playful frown.

“Well father, there can be things more important than playing with my friends sometimes. I’m getting older now…”

Immediately his father began to get nervous. If a boy of Publius’ age had come to his father to ask something, it usually involved members of the opposite sex. He was not quite sure whether or not he was prepared to answer such a question yet. “What is it you wish to ask son?”

“Well, I overheard some men talking near the market today. They were talking about what was going on in Greece. Or Asia Minor. It was somewhere out to the East, and they mentioned that king Mithradatos”

His father corrected him “It’s pronounced Mithradates, Publius. He’s the king of a place called Pontus, in the East of Asia Minor. Though I suspect he controls a great deal more than that at the moment”

“The men at the market said that he was going to invade Greece too. And then come to Italy to help the Samnites”

“I don’t think that he will do that. No, to secure his current holdings would take a few years, as would the conquest of Greece. If you were to ask my opinion…”

“I do dad!”

His father gave Publius a stern look for the interruption. “Well, I would say that the chances are we will defeat him in Greece. When he faces a proper Roman army in combat, his forces will crumble like the rest of our enemies do. All we need to do is wrap up our defeat of the Italians”

Publius attempted to give a thoughtful face, though the sight of this imitation simply made his father laugh. “I don’t think you will understand this all yet my boy. Don’t worry, in a few years you will. And by that time, our forces will have pushed Mithradates back to the mountains where he belongs. You needn’t worry about the talk of fools in the marketplace”

“So I can still go outside?”

“Yes you can Publius. Though I want you home before dark, you’re going to see your tutor tomorrow. If you grow up as thick as Titus from the next road over, you may well end up in that army sent against him”

Publius was already running out of the door when he had said this, and replied only a non-committal “Alright father” as he left.

******

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Athens

The news of Manius Aquillius’ death was the talk of Rome. However, it was far louder in Athens. The Romans were not loved in Greece, and for Athens, with its memories of having fought off Persian invasions, the domination of Greece by the Romans was almost intolerable. However, the Athenians had seen what had happened to those who had opposed Rome. Mighty kings such as Philippos of Macedon and Antiochos of the Seleucids had been humbled by the strength of Rome’s legions. In the face of this power, the city of Athens had no chance.

However, for a number of years prior, words had filtered Eastwards of another challenger to Rome. He was not a great Greek king. Indeed, the more educated of Athens knew him as a descendent of the Persian king Xerxes. However, Mithradates was known in almost all corners of the Greek world for his just rule and his protection of Hellenism on the edges of the world. Among the Athenians who were violently anti-Roman, he was seen increasingly positively. Better to have a Persian king who would treat the Greeks justly than Western Barbarians who would exploit Greece mercilessly.

It was in this environment that Herodoros was coming of age. His family had never been particularly political, and preferred to keep their heads down. However, he was more like his friends. They were all fairly interested in how the world was changing around them and they had gathered around a man slightly older than themselves named Lysias. Already becoming known in Athens as a defender of Pontus, he was contributing to the increasingly violent environment which characterised Athens. The few youths who were pro-Roman found themselves the targets of pro-Pontic gangs, and it was the fiery speeches of people such as Lysias who were fuelling the violence. Herodoros had managed to keep his involvement with this violence secret thus far, but he was not sure how long he could keep the charade for.

After one speech by Lysias on a warm summer’s evening, the friends plotted.

“These Roman pigs probably still think themselves loved by us. You can see some of them walking around the Acropolis sometimes, thinking themselves to be the true inheritors of our ancestor’s work. The gall of them!” Lysias always did seem pissed off at whatever he could think of, but his hatred of the Romans was shared by everyone around him. Roman admirers of Athenian philosophy had become something of a nuisance to some of the natives, who saw the Roman’s actions as nothing more than cultural theft. To a Greek, there were few crimes greater.

“If you ask me, we should teach some of them a lesson. Show them that their barbarian manners aren’t welcome here” Herodoros was not usually this belligerent, but a generous amount of alcohol had changed his mood to one of vengeance.

“A lesson? I hope you don’t mean violence as if we killed one of these Romans, they’d punish everyone just as retaliation” Chrysogones was not one for rash action, and was usually relied on by his friends to be the clear head of the group.

“I don’t mean murder Chrysogones. I simply think we should give one of them the tanning of his lifetime. Just a little reminder”

Chrysogones replied. “I’m still not sure about this. It could land us all in a whole heap of trouble if we are caught.

However, Lysias spoke in support of Herodoros. “He has a point though. I’ve had it with these damned Romans talking down to us as if we were some Celt simpletons. We are Greeks and it is time to show them that there’s a martial side to us too. Mithradates is giving the Romans the hardest fight they’ve had in decades over in Asia Minor. We have to make some kind of gesture too, if only to save Greek honour. Who is with me?”

Chrysogones was silent but the rest of the youths cheered. So it was that a group of drunken Athenian youths decided that they would carry the Asian War to Greece in perhaps the least significant fashion imaginable. They’d find some poor Roman, and give his backside a good hiding.

The group looked rather conspicuous as they skulked around the winding streets and alleys of Athens, looking for a suitable victim. They finally spotted one fairly close to the Odeon. Herodoros recognised him as a rather self-important Roman, a few years older than him. After some whispering, some of the youths went around to cut off any attempt at escape the Roman had. Despite the clumsiness of the ambush, the Roman himself was drunk and far too busy attempted to solicit attention from some prostitute to notice what was happening. When a group of masked Greek youths rushed toward him, only then did he realise how bad of a situation he was in.

Without saying a word, the gang tied him up and took turns caning him with some thin sticks. With each hit, the Roman cried out in pain. Chrysogones’ turn to hit the Roman came last, but despite his earlier misgivings, he did not hold back. The gang left silently, leaving the Roman whimpering in pain in the alleyway. Once they were a few hundred meters, they took their masks off and laughed out loud at what had just transpired. None of them could quite believe they had done anything as risky and impulsive as that. Perhaps it wasn’t quite the act of resistance that the Pontic wave of conquests in the East was. To Herodoros though, it felt as if they had slapped both consuls in the face.

******

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Alexandria

Egypt was far from the war between the King of Pontus and the Roman Republic. However, Egypt too was wracked with conflict. The current king of Egypt, a remarkably overweight man named Ptolemy Alexander was renowned for his fecklessness as a ruler. His brother, Ptolemy “Soter” had risen in rebellion against him, and much of Egypt was under the sway of bandits and common criminals rather than royal authority. She may have escaped the conflict to the North, but Egypt was far from happy or content.

Even Kiya was aware of what a tumultuous time it was. Though of course, one’s teenage years always seem full of chaos. Kiya of course had her own problems quite separated from the wider world around her. On the day of her fourteenth birthday, her father had informed her of his intention to marry her to some business partner of his. Kiya remembered him as being many years her senior, not to mention as slightly overweight. To add to this, he was Greek, and she had heard stories about the treatment of women in by the Greeks.

Ironically Kiya’s only confidant was another foreigner, though not of Greek origin. The Jews of Alexandria lived apart from the rest of the population, though friendships were still formed, as Kiya did with Moriah. Moriah’s father, like Kiya’s was a merchant. The two were almost inseparable when they were younger, and still attempted to keep in close contact as they grew. The girls usually met on the seafront overlooking the Pharos, a building which both of them loved as they came to associate it with the other.

Kiya looked forlornly toward the enormous tower. “I have no doubt that Euagoras was handsome in his youth. However, he is the same age as my father, and twice as greedy. You know, I think that was my father’s whole object in this. I’m probably being sold off to settle a debt”

Moriah nodded. “Fathers are like that. Men are like that. But we have to live in the world they create as best we can”

“And what an unholy mess they make of it! Always fighting each other. I find it amusing that so many of them worship gods such as Isis without a second though, yet treat the women around them so cruelly”

Moriah held her friend’s hand. “I find that these things are far simpler when only one god is worshipped. It really does take the hypocrisy out of life”

Kiya thought to herself “I wish she wouldn’t mention that”. Neither of the girls were particularly pious, but for the purposes of humour, they might have been as fanatically devoted to their religions as priestesses. Jokes such as this usually passed the time, though it always seemed as if it was only a matter of time until feelings were hurt. Even among close friends.

She decided to change the butt of the joke. “The Greeks are far worse than either of us. From what I learned, they worship some kind of shape-shifting rapist…”

Moriah looked quizzically at her friend. “But isn’t he only one of their many gods? The king or something?”

“Yes, I think so”

“Still, sounds like a rather apt description of Greek men themselves. Do you think they consciously worship themselves?”

Both girls roared with laughter. “I don’t think even Greeks are that self-centred. They do seem to have a very high opinion of themselves though, don’t they? Spending all their time at the gymnasium admiring themselves”

“And each other”

Kiya nodded, but her voice now took a more melancholy tone. “That’s true enough. But you’ll never have to be married to one of them. It’s not as if Egyptian men are better, but what if he really does keep me in the house. What if I can’t see you anymore?”

Moriah smiled broadly. “Have no fear. I’d never let them take you away from me, no matter what happens!”

She stood on top of the wall they were sat on, and put her hands on her hips, striking a heroic pose as she spoke in a deep voice. “My lady should never want for a hero so long as I still breathe”

Kiya laughed at this. The kind of carefree life one only gets when it genuinely feels like the problems and injustices of the world can be avoided and beaten. With Moriah, it felt like that a lot, and Kiya started to believe that the marriage could be avoided. Someway, somehow, they would find a way. After all, didn’t they always?
 
That was a cute update


Keep it up nassir!
These kids will grow up though! I'm planning to follow these kid's story throughout the first "cycle", which will consist of much of the 1st century BC (in OTL's calender). I thought it would be interesting as to a kind of window onto the world, though deeper cultural changes and what not don't come until later. Plus, it's always nice to have a break from academic style updates.
Loving this, the pics are especially good;)
I'm just worried as to what I'll use when the serious changes come...
Well that was nice.:)

Yeah that was a nice update, very feel good :)
Well, I'm going to try and keep a nice tone on things. History isn't all doom and gloom, especially when we come to the story of different individuals. Hopefully with these narrative updates I'll do a good job of showing it. Though of course, it is easy for me to do this because these characters all happen to be relatively high up on the social ladder. For now...
Should we assume that Publius, Herodoros and Kiya will find themselves part of the Mithridatic wars when they get older?
Some are more likely than others. The Fifth Century of the "Persian" calendar promises to be as full of tumultuousness as our own. The Mithradatic wars will not will not be the only ones around, and there will be more than just war going on. They'll certainly see a lot of the events in the world around them.
I personally would expect to see them all suffer terrible fates for edginess.
Am I really this predictable? :D

I am not quite sure where to take their individual stories as of yet. I know the shape the world is going to take at least until the beginning of the Common Era in OTL, but I'm not quite sure I want these people to suffer horrible fates.
 
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