Down the Parallel Road: An Afsharid Persia Timeline

The Arab World - 1829 to 1862
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Khulood al-Shuwaikh; The Story of the Arab People


Reform and Tension in Egypt

Egypt’s disastrous war with the Ottomans showed that the world had very much left the Mamluk state behind. Her antiquated armies had been cut to pieces with ease by the Ottomans, who fought largely in the European style. The Egyptian Sultan Adel Ali, now very much fearful of his position, started an ambitious reform programme almost immediately after peace was signed. European experts in all areas of government and society were imported, as Adel Ali recognised that it was the adoption of European ways that had renewed Ottoman strength. Economically, Egypt began changing. The Nile Valley had been famed since the dawn of civilization of a place of great fertility, and French merchants suggested a new use for this agricultural potential. The cash crops which had made unimaginable amounts of wealth in the Americas in the 18th century were already grown in the Middle East, though as Egypt began to open up in the 1840s, it was cotton that quickly became the dominant crop in Egypt. It was a valuable source of foreign currency earnings, which was now necessary to pay for the import of Western arms, machines and expertise.


European culture however proved no less seductive than its technology and institutions. At first, an appreciation for European music, theatre and literature only touched the highest levels of Egyptian society. Egyptian society was still a conservative one, rooted deeply in Islamic tradition but for those with the means, European culture was now increasingly seen not only as desirable, but superior in some aspects. In 1853, the Sultan scandalised traditional society in Cairo by arranging for the famous Danish Opera singer Charlotte Eriksen to give a performance at the new European-style palace built on Gezira Island, which had usurped the Cairo Citadel’s position as the affluent home of the Sultan and noblemen. On the island, a new Cairo emerged, funded by the growing proceeds of the cotton trade and built in a European style, with wide boulevards and magnificent palatial houses forming a stark contrast to old Cairo, with its narrow streets and unassuming exteriors. Such a visible sign of cultural divergence did not go unnoticed by the Ulema of al-Azhar University, who began to warn against mindless imitation of Europeans.


By the beginning of the 1850s, the growing proceeds of the cotton trade were no longer enough to fuel Egypt’s development. Although export income had more than doubled in the 1840s, this was no longer enough to finance Egypt’s development. The coming of the railroad promised to open up the whole of the country economically as well as physically, and construction began on the Suez Canal in 1850. In order to pay for these new developments, capital had to come from elsewhere. Much of the money spent to construct the Suez Canal was raised on the money markets of London and Paris, where bonds for the Canal Company were also sold. The Egyptian government offered investors extraterritorial rights as well as generous tax and tariff structures, and a small community of Europeans began to settle in the cities of Cairo, Alexandria and Rashid. As much as the westernisation of the Mamluk nobility, the European community was considered a danger by the traditionalists of Egypt.


The reaction of the Coptic Christians of Egypt was somewhat more mixed. Many Coptic merchants welcomed the trade opportunities that the Europeans brought with them, and acted as intermediaries between the Muslim Landowners and the European Merchants who came to Alexandria and Rashid to purchase cotton. A number of Copts became extremely wealthy, and many of the great warehouses that dominated to coastlines of the Delta trading ports were owned by Copts. However, while the opportunities for wealth and status that the Europeans brought were welcome, missionary activities on the part of Europeans were seen as a threat by the Coptic Church. During the 1840s, conversions were still few and far between, but with the Evangelical Revival of Non-Conformist Churches of the 1850s, many missionaries went to Egypt as a source of converts. Although prevented from preaching to the Muslim population (in the open, at any rate) they found a number of converts among the Coptic communities. By the end of the 1850s, an estimated 30,000 Copts had converted to a Protestant or Reformed church, out of a Coptic population of around 600,000 overall. Some Coptic popes went as far as to petition the Sultan for a ban on missionary activities.


As the 1860s dawned, Egypt appeared to be entering a brave new world. The Suez Canal was completed in 1861, turning Egypt into a hub for international trade and making her a key strategic point. This brought the overtures of both Britain and France, who maintained colonial Empires in Asia, with both wanting to secure Egypt as an ally. However, one of the tools with which they used to curry favour with the Egyptian Government, loans, proved to be troublesome. Although the Egyptian economy was growing strongly, the growth never matched up to the increasing interest Egypt was paying to service her loans. As well as criticism from the traditionalists, the Egyptian government now began to attract criticism from modernist opposition as well, who argued that Egypt’s development was being mismanaged by the government. There were even voices which argued for a constitutional government, anathema to both the Egyptian Government and the traditionalists, but the idea began to gather momentum in the 1860s in the coffee houses of Cairo.


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North Africa in the Mid 19th Century

The British occupation of Algeria was the biggest shock to the Muslims of the Maghreb since the fall of al-Andalus many centuries before. Once initial fears of mass conversion and immediate expansion fell away, the rulers of the remaining countries of North Africa now considered how best to avoid the fate of the Bey of Algiers. Although piracy had greatly declined toward the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century, some pirates operating from the North African coast had continued to harass the coastal peoples of Europe. Indeed, this had been one of Britain’s justifications for her adventure in Algeria. First the Sultan of Morocco, than the Bey of Tunisia and finally the Bey of Tripoli all banned piracy as well as the slave trade, though not the institution of slavery itself. There was little stomach amongst most for these measures, yet in the face of growing European power there was recognition for its necessity.


As well as reducing sources of friction with European powers, some of the North African rulers attempted to reform their states. A previous attempt at centralization in Morocco around the turn of the 17th century had resulted in some temporary success in strengthening the Sultan, the domination of the tribal peoples of Morocco became marked once Sultan Ismail bin Sharif died. Now with external pressures stronger than ever, the Moroccan Government saw it necessary to bring the tribal peoples to heel and bring a modern administrative system to the country. However, this would be an incredibly difficult task. Without the resource base of Persia and the Ottoman Empire, or the favourable geography of Egypt, the task of the Moroccan government to bring the highlands and valleys of the country under central control would be a costly struggle. Although efforts were made to improve roads and irrigation networks, as well as to foster internal trade, the majority of the efforts of the Sultan were focused on combating unrest and bringing tribal chiefs and village heads to heel.


Morocco and the rest of North Africa began to open itself up to free trade. State Monopolies were gradually abolished during the mid-19th century, opening the door for European manufactures and for the export of grain and minerals such as phosphates to Europe. The growing cities of Europe proved eager for cheap wheat from the Maghreb, though efforts by protectionists to raise prohibitive tariffs on exports hurt the exports of North African countries somewhat. Following the end of the “Grain Tariff War” in 1836 in Britain, the swiftly growing population of the British Isles grew hungry not only for Algerian grain but for foodstuffs from elsewhere in the world. Tunisia in particular made the most of the rise in demand, and its wheat exports grew threefold in the 1840s and 50s, buoyed by the increasing efficiency of agriculture in Tunisia as well as demand without. However, the export success of mineral and agricultural products in North Africa were offset by the destruction of traditional cottage industries in the region, largely due to the success of European manufactures in North Africa, which was much closer than much of the rest of the world to Europe. Cotton goods from Manchester could be produced and shipped at far less cost than those produced in Tunis or Fez. The decline of artisanal producers began to produce an urban class of underemployed who blamed the government and the Europeans for their own misfortune.

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The Decline of Egypt in Arabia

As Egypt’s grip on its outlying territories began to weaken following the defeat in Syria, once dormant forces in Arabia began to rear their heads again. Although still too weak to challenge the Egyptian garrison at Diriyah, the Saudi family and their Wahhabi allies made their presence felt in some of the outlying oases in Arabia. The one famous exception was their defeat at the hands of the al-Alawis of Ha’il, though by the 1860s this and the Egyptian garrison in Diriyah were the only areas of Central Arabia out of the hands of the al-Saud clan. Less successful were its attempts to subjugate the Banu Khalids in al-Hasa and to stop the expansion of Oman on the rest of the coast of the Gulf. The landlocked status of the Saudi State did not seem to promise great wealth in the future, and it seemed vulnerable to the possibility renewed Egyptian strength in the region which would once again push the Saudis into exile.


In Yemen, the centrifugal forces affecting Egyptian rule were somewhat less disruptive, and there were attempts by the Egyptian administration in the region to accommodate the desires of the Yemenis. The Zayidi Imam of Yemen had been unseated by Egyptian forces, but now his grandson was invited to return and rule under Egyptian supervision, as a concession to the Zayidi population of North Yemen. The Egyptians concentrated on concentrating direct rule on the key ports in Yemen, Aden and Mocha. These were important ports in funnelling many of the luxuries of Asia into the Red Sea and into Egypt, making them valuable sources of income for the Egyptians. Although their importance to the Egyptian economy began to decline as the export of cotton to Europe became ever more important, they maintained a strategic importance as the Suez Canal was built, serving as bases to fight piracy on the Horn of Africa and refuelling stations for ships coming from the Indian Ocean and beyond into Europe. This growth in traffic in the 1860s was fast making Aden a surprisingly cosmopolitan place.


The impact of modern technology was also beginning to make itself felt even in the Hedjaz, the home of the Prophet. The Hashemite Dhawu-'Awn clan ruled the area as they had done for centuries, though with their de jure Egyptian masters increasingly distant and weak. However, the Hashemites remained loyal to the Egyptian Sultan, instead making the first steps toward imposing some kind of modern authority in the region. The steam ship now began to bring pilgrims from further afield to Jeddah, increasing the numbers in the annual Hajj pilgrimage and providing the Hashemites with a slight increase in revenue. Much of the increase went into the creation of militarised police force to protect pilgrims and other inhabitants of the region from the Bedouin, who were loath to recognise any authority and who saw brigandage as their birthright. The 1850s were marked by the increasing efforts of the Hashemites to protect pilgrims against the bandits who had so often targeted those making the sacred journey to Mecca and Medina.

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Author's Notes - With the defeat of Egypt at the hands of the Ottomans, and the growth of European influence in the Arab World, change is coming at an ever faster rate. Tensions between the modernisers and the traditionalists in much of the Arab world are likely to play an ever more important role in the politics of the region, though it remains to be seen how Europeans will react to any challenges that they face in the region.
 
The impact of modern technology was also beginning to make itself felt even in the Hedjaz, the home of the Prophet. The Hashemite Dhawu-'Awn clan ruled the area as they had done for centuries, though with their de jure Egyptian masters increasingly distant and weak. However, the Hashemites remained loyal to the Egyptian Sultan, instead making the first steps toward imposing some kind of modern authority in the region. The steam ship now began to bring pilgrims from further afield to Jeddah, increasing the numbers in the annual Hajj pilgrimage and providing the Hashemites with a slight increase in revenue. Much of the increase went into the creation of militarised police force to protect pilgrims and other inhabitants of the region from the Bedouin, who were loath to recognise any authority and who saw brigandage as their birthright. The 1850s were marked by the increasing efforts of the Hashemites to protect pilgrims against the bandits who had so often targeted those making the sacred journey to Mecca and Medina.

This has me hoping that this early yet gradual adoption of western technology will allow them to make gains in the future when facing against the declining Egyptians, Turks, and Arab tribes of the peninsula
 
Hmm interesting

With players around arab world began to catching up thing will begin very interesting indeed.

Aside that i have quetion what is tunisia status ittl still nominally ottoman province or independent? Also what about libya? And egypt approach to blind westernization can become problem later if not careful. Speaking of egypt will they expand to sudan?

Also with ottoman lose much of her balkan holding what indentity the empire take in this timeline? Now the empire is very much majority muslim with turks and (syrian) arabs the biggest group in the empire. Like you said although great power status is now beyond reach the empire is more cohessive and with loss of balkan earlier than otl they will focus to develop syria and interior anatolia to make up for the loss also will arab make a larger role in the goverment in otl pretty much balkan muslim is the one. At very least i hope this tl syria have better future than ours

Edit: Almost forgot do the ottoman still hold crete, dodecanese, cyprus, and some aegean island closer to asia minor? With french navy i doubt any balkan nation can touch all the places i mention
 
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With Egypt's modernization, I hope they don't get any ideas on expanding into the Sub-Saharan south. If they do, here's hoping Cairo can wake itself up from Sub-Saharan discrimination, even amongst black Muslims.
 
Loans, eh? Egypt had better be careful: that sort of thing was the camel's nose in the tent, so to speak, of European dominance in OTL Egypt.
 
Just finished the whole thing and it's awesome!:)
But things aren't looking good for any of the Muslim powers
 
Maybe we can see an Hashemite Arabia?
Well, never say never. I don't think I'm cruel enough to inflict the Saudis onto the Hedjaz and the Gulf Coast in this timeline.
This has me hoping that this early yet gradual adoption of western technology will allow them to make gains in the future when facing against the declining Egyptians, Turks, and Arab tribes of the peninsula
Well, we are still talking about a pretty primitive state here. But any future Hashemite army will likely not quite be the organized bandits that the army of the Arab revolt was in OTL. As transportation improves across the Muslim world though, the Hajj may be an ever more important source of revenue for the Hashemites, giving them an advantage when compared to her foes.
Yet another great update! Top notch writing.
Thanks!
Hmm interesting

With players around arab world began to catching up thing will begin very interesting indeed.

Aside that i have quetion what is tunisia status ittl still nominally ottoman province or independent? Also what about libya? And egypt approach to blind westernization can become problem later if not careful. Speaking of egypt will they expand to sudan?

Also with ottoman lose much of her balkan holding what indentity the empire take in this timeline? Now the empire is very much majority muslim with turks and (syrian) arabs the biggest group in the empire. Like you said although great power status is now beyond reach the empire is more cohessive and with loss of balkan earlier than otl they will focus to develop syria and interior anatolia to make up for the loss also will arab make a larger role in the goverment in otl pretty much balkan muslim is the one. At very least i hope this tl syria have better future than ours

Edit: Almost forgot do the ottoman still hold crete, dodecanese, cyprus, and some aegean island closer to asia minor? With french navy i doubt any balkan nation can touch all the places i mention
All of the North African states have only the most tenuous of links to the Ottomans, recognising them as the Caliph but that's more or less it. The prestige of the Ottoman State has never quite recovered from the loss of Egypt and the defeat at the hands of the Persians in the eyes of most Muslims. The Egyptians do have ambitions to the South though are more likely to concentrate on modernization at home for the time being.

The rump Ottoman Empire still contains millions of Christians, notably the Greeks, Armenians and Maronites, so it isn't a monoreligious state quite yet. However, the population is now heavily Turkish/Arab, which may require some change in the upper echelons of power to recognize the new reality. Arabs may begin to take a more important role in the Empire. Interestingly enough, even without the Balkans, the Ottomans rank as a highly populous secondary power when compared to other European states, and to a large degree their future success will be based on how well they can integrate the Syrian population to their imperial structure.

The French were never quite officially at war with the Greeks, with their efforts mainly directed at the Russian/Bulgarian effort at taking Constantinople. While the Greeks had some success taking Aegean Islands, the Ottomans have held the smaller islands to the east, as well as Crete, Rhodes and Cyprus. Interestingly enough, the island closest to mainland Greece (Crete) had the lowest proportion of Greeks living there, making about 55% of the island's population, compared to around 80% for Cyprus' (at least according to some of the figures I have read). The Turkish population of Crete will not be ethnically cleansed as it was in OTL, though the status of the Greeks is ever more questionable now.
With Egypt's modernization, I hope they don't get any ideas on expanding into the Sub-Saharan south. If they do, here's hoping Cairo can wake itself up from Sub-Saharan discrimination, even amongst black Muslims.
Egypt has always had a very strange relationship with ethnic minorities. While facing discrimination and stereotyping, the Nubians have contributed a disproportionate amount of Egypt's leaders (both Sadat and Tantawi were Nubians), though Sudan was treated terribly by the Egyptians in OTL, which partially led to the revolt of the Mahdi. Unfortunately, despite the non-racism in the basics of Islam that many of us pride ourselves on, many Muslims around the world are quick to call sub-Saharan Africans "abeed" and treat them nothing short of terribly.
Loans, eh? Egypt had better be careful: that sort of thing was the camel's nose in the tent, so to speak, of European dominance in OTL Egypt.
But surely Cairo needed a new opera house. For the Sultan, the name of the game is being seen as a "Civilized" European above all else.
Just finished the whole thing and it's awesome!:)
But things aren't looking good for any of the Muslim powers
Unfortunately not, though one should keep in mind the great strides many Muslim powers are making economically or socially. The Ottoman Empire of 1860 in TTL has around the same literacy rate as our Ottoman Empire did in 1914! So there's progress in the less dramatic areas which will have their effects in the future.
 
Islamic South-East Asia - 1829 to 1862
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Enver Mehmetoglu; Perfumed Land: South East Asian History Reconsidered


The Development of the Kedahan State

In the first years of Sabri Naqiyuddin’s rule, Kedah was experiencing a golden age. The depredations of Siamese rule in the Kedah Plain were gradually being forgotten, and a mixture of immigration and natural population growth led to a swift repopulation of the country. In the period of 1828 to 1864, the Kedahan population increased from around 350,000 to 500,000, an increase enabled largely by the opening up of new agricultural land. This gave Kedah an enormous population in comparison to the rest of the Malay States, who had a population of perhaps 700,000 combined. Not only did the population increase, but it became a more urbanised population than had ever been seen on the Peninsula. The number of market towns in Kedah increased to around 57, including towns outside of the Kedah Plain such as Baling, Taiping and Gerik. The growth in Kedahan wealth and power did not go unnoticed by other Malay rulers, and throughout this period to pre-eminence of the Sultan of Johor was gradually supplanted by Kedah. The ability of Kedah to fight off the Siamese and the Bugis was admired by other Malays, though the example of aggressive expansion into Perak was feared by many. The other Sultans of the Malay Peninsula began to send gifts similar to those of the Bunga Mas to the Sultan of Kedah, partly as a show of submission but partly in the hopes that he would extend protection to them.


With an increase in population and influence throughout the Malay Peninsula, came a corresponding increase in trade. The export of traditional cash crops was joined increasingly by tin. Although it was the Kinta river valley in Perak which was to become the great tin mine of the Malay Peninsula, a good number of tin mines were to be found in Kedah as well, particularly around Taiping. Although a number of Malays settled in these mining villages, it was to be the refugees from Java who were to be the main settlers of the mining towns. By 1860, around two thirds of tin miners in Kedah were said to be Javanese or Sundanese, with much of the rest being Chinese. Kedah, relatively unthreatened by Europeans and seemingly capable of defending itself against the encroachment of the Siamese, became an increasingly popular destination for emigrants in the Malay world, as well as a community of Chinese traders keen to gain wealth from the growing economy. It was this as much as anything else which had contributed to the swift growth of Kedah’s population in the preceding century. With the increase of trade within Kedah, the Malay Peninsula and internationally, came an increasing monetisation of the economy. The labour obligation of Malay peasants was now replaced increasingly with cash taxes, pointing toward an increasing sophistication within the Kedahan economy and administration.


This enlarged administration also had the fortunate side effect of producing a number of jobs for the other men of the royal family. Whereas traditionally younger brothers had been a constant source of bother, or even a threat for Malay Sultans, Naqiyuddin made use of his brothers as provincial administrators, usually supervised closely by one of his own men. The growing sophistication of the Kedahan state not only raised the resources available to the Sultan, but also the esteem to which Kedah was held internationally. The Sardinian adventurer and colonial governor Luigi Capra gave the following description of Kedah to the government in Turin.

Kedah is one of the more advanced states of the East Indies not yet under European rule. At its heart is a plain extending some 50 miles lengthwise, extending around 13 miles inland. This is very much the agricultural heart of the Sultanate, though in recent decades I am told that the traditional agricultural basis of the economy has been replaced by tin, which is found in greater quantities than anywhere else in the world in Malaya. The Sultanate is almost completely free of banditry and privateering that seems to pervade in areas such as Perak and Selangor, and while small in stature and affected somewhat by malaria, there does not appear to be a great deal of malnourishment amongst the population as can be seen in other areas.


However, as the 1850s drew to a close, the golden age of Kedah seemed to be increasingly threatened. With the ascension of the ambitious Tribejrutama to the throne of Siam, Kedah’s position appeared ever more precarious. Kedah had not played any part in the great Siamese-Vietnamese War that had resulted in enormous gains for Siam, and Burma was in no condition to check Siamese ambitions. Following the conquest of the Mekong Valley, the Siamese signed a treaty of cooperation with France, bringing a French military mission to Thonburi. With the Siamese army numbering over a hundred thousand men, it was unclear as to how the tiny Kedahan army of 10,000 would be able to fend off Siamese aggression without outside help.


* * * * * *

Malayan Reactions to European Influence


The growing influence of European powers as the 19th century went on was now increasingly evident. In those states with flourishing plantation economies such as Johor and Aceh, merchants from Europe were now as common as those from China and Oman. The increasing demand for goods such as pepper and tropical woods further stimulated the economies of the regions, and as in Mainland South East Asia, most rulers in the region took some measures to encourage immigration from areas such as China and Java. In the first half of the 19th century, hundreds of thousands of Chinese emigrated from their home districts near Guangzhou and made new homes in the Sultanates of the islands. Most of these new arrivals worked on plantations, but others set up merchant networks, and cottage industries. While there had always been Chinese communities in these areas, the Chinese population began to increase by a large margin. In Johor, the Chinese population had reached some 35% of the total by 1860 and was quickly increasing with continued immigration in the wake of political turmoil at home.


As well as a growing commercialisation, the changing world around them presented challenges for the Sultanates of the region. The British had taken Malacca from the Dutch following the Franco-Dutch War to act as an observation post on a crucial shipping lane, and this enterprise soon began to grow with the annexation of Palembang and Jambi. Many of the remaining Sultans began to seek closer ties with European powers to preserve themselves from the depredations of others. Johor concluded a treaty with the Piedmontese in 1834, leasing the island of Singapura as a base for Italian merchants in exchange for military aid and a yearly payment for the island. Unlike many of the other Sultanates, Aceh began to revitalise its traditional links with the Ottoman Empire, especially following the Empire’s victories in the 1840s against her Middle Eastern opponents. The Ottomans were able to use their allies in Aceh to maintain a presence in the Indian Ocean, something which they had not been able to do since the loss of the port of Basrah to Nader Shah.


The social, economic and political fabric of the independent South East Asian Sultanates were all being greatly affected by the forces unleashed in the industrial revolution, even if the smoke stacks were absent from the still-small cities and towns of these Sultanates. The growing economies brought ethnic heterogenization to the Sultanates, while simultaneously boosting the power held by the Sultans as their increased revenues allowed them to undertake more effective action against pirates, recalcitrant chieftains and other bandits. Despite the fears that came with increased Western influence in the region, most states, and a good portion of the people in region actually benefitted from the changes which were wrought in the period.


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Java under the French Yolk

The French victory in the Javanese War not only secured French rule on the island, but fundamentally changed the nature of the rule. The war had been a costly one for France, leaving her with around 200 million livres in debt, an enormous figure for a colonial war. France was determined to make the Javanese pay for the costs of the war, and instituted a “Régime d'exploitation” in Java. The French instituted heavy taxes an almost all goods with the exception of rice, and developed a bureaucracy to ensure that these taxes were paid and that cash crops were grown. With the introduction of the steam ship, the travel time between the East Indies and France was cut, ensuring that it was more economical to transport goods from one place to the other, which further cemented France’s economic dominance on the island with French exports and imports undercutting those from elsewhere in South East Asia and China. Having paid a high price in blood for her Javanese colony, France was determined to wring as much worth as she could from it.


After the death of King Henri in 1831, the new French government that assumed power along his successor Louis saw the revenues of Java as an excellent way to pay for the conquest of a great overseas empire. More Javanese peasants were forced to grow cash crops for export, and these all met taxes on their way out of Java with much of the money finding its way back to France. This contributed to the general impoverishment of the Javanese peasant, and encouraged a large amount of emigration to areas of the East Indies outside of French rule such as Malaya, Sumatra and Borneo. The Javanese would become the second largest diaspora in South East Asia after the Chinese. Despite the emigration of hundreds of thousands of Javanese during the 19th century, the population of Java began to explode once the Javanese War had ended, increasing from 8 million after the war to around 13 million in 1860. This population growth boosted French revenues but also required the cultivation of ever more land. To achieve this, the French organized corvée labour to slash the jungles of Java, to be replaced by farmland.


Java in the mid-19th century was enjoying an economic boom, as its economy became ever more integrated into that of the world economy, and transportation links throughout the country were improved. However, despite the evident growth in GDP, there is much evidence to suggest that if anything, the condition of the Javanese themselves actually declined somewhat during the period. The Irish medical missionary Sir Charles Lewis noted that the inhabitants of Java seemed somewhat malnourished when compared to those on neighbouring islands. Much of the money made from the burgeoning trade in cash crops went to the French government, or to native land owners who had been co-opted into the colonial system. Inequality rose throughout the island, turning people not only against the French, but against those elites who were cooperating with the French. However, the inhabitants of Java, with the memories of the ferocious Java War still fresh in their minds, were sufficiently cowed for the time being.

* * * * * *

Author's Notes - European is now being felt ever more intensely in the archipelago regions of South East Asia. Java is suffering under French rule, and is becoming something of a cautionary tale to others in the region, who are now going down different avenues to preserve their independence. Kedah appears to be further ahead than most small Malay Sultanates, though her proximity to Siam may prove to be her undoing, and Johor seems to have the better strategic position. Aceh may prove to be an important player too as the British and Italians play a bigger role on the stage.
 
Like to see italian play a bigger role in asia ittl.

Well the french need to be careful not to poke too much otherwise they reach the point where the javanese in constant low intensity revolt. Also will there be ttl french equivalent of politik etis to the natives?

And how spanish and portugese asian colonies doing right now?
 
After the death of King Henri in 1831, the new French government that assumed power along his successor Louis saw the revenues of Java as an excellent way to pay for the conquest of a great overseas empire. More Javanese peasants were forced to grow cash crops for export, and these all met taxes on their way out of Java with much of the money finding its way back to France. This contributed to the general impoverishment of the Javanese peasant, and encouraged a large amount of emigration to areas of the East Indies outside of French rule such as Malaya, Sumatra and Borneo. The Javanese would become the second largest diaspora in South East Asia after the Chinese. Despite the emigration of hundreds of thousands of Javanese during the 19th century, the population of Java began to explode once the Javanese War had ended, increasing from 8 million after the war to around 13 million in 1860. This population growth boosted French revenues but also required the cultivation of ever more land. To achieve this, the French organized corvée labour to slash the jungles of Java, to be replaced by farmland.

Java in the mid-19th century was enjoying an economic boom, as its economy became ever more integrated into that of the world economy, and transportation links throughout the country were improved. However, despite the evident growth in GDP, there is much evidence to suggest that if anything, the condition of the Javanese themselves actually declined somewhat during the period. The Irish medical missionary Sir Charles Lewis noted that the inhabitants of Java seemed somewhat malnourished when compared to those on neighbouring islands. Much of the money made from the burgeoning trade in cash crops went to the French government, or to native land owners who had been co-opted into the colonial system. Inequality rose throughout the island, turning people not only against the French, but against those elites who were cooperating with the French. However, the inhabitants of Java, with the memories of the ferocious Java War still fresh in their minds, were sufficiently cowed for the time being.


This seems awfully similar to what happened in India when the British ruled the subcontinent here AND in OTL. Wonder if this will lead to a Javanese Equivalent to Mahatma Ghandi in the future of this time line.
 
This seems awfully similar to what happened in India when the British ruled the subcontinent here AND in OTL. Wonder if this will lead to a Javanese Equivalent to Mahatma Ghandi in the future of this time line.

Java actually is doing better than India in some ways. IOTL, under British rule, India's GDP saw a massive decline, from 25% in 1700 to around 10% in the mid-19th century. Here, Java's GDP is going up under Royal French rule.
 
Java actually is doing better than India in some ways. IOTL, under British rule, India's GDP saw a massive decline, from 25% in 1700 to around 10% in the mid-19th century. Here, Java's GDP is going up under Royal French rule.
This statistic has always been disputed and misinterpreted. India remained where it had before the Raj, the rest of the world took off.

So what were the factors in the GDP decline of the BEIC then?
 
This statistic has always been disputed and misinterpreted. India remained where it had before the Raj, the rest of the world took off.

No, that wasn't the case. The local textile industry was destroyed because Britain didn't want competition with its own, and same goes for a bunch of others.

The British enforcing economic stagnation played a role as well, but the destruction of Indian markets should not be underplayed.
 
Then what was the point of conquering the subcontinent if it was just a money sink that produced no revenue?

It wasn't. Local industry goes against the whole premise of mercantilism, and so was destroyed, but raw resources did not. The British mainly used India for its raw resources more than anything.
 
It wasn't. Local industry goes against the whole premise of mercantilism, and so was destroyed, but raw resources did not. The British mainly used India for its raw resources more than anything.

Well that explains why India had such a slow start in industrializing upon independence.
 

longsword14

Banned
Well that explains why India had such a slow start in industrializing upon independence.
Statistics related to de-industrialisation are rather vague, and as can be imagined prone to bias. The question is to just what extent the drop was because of loss of local producers(by force) and how much of the loss was because the share of the pie belonging to Europe increased. You cannot ignore the latter as the West industrialised, putting their lack of manpower well behind.
Have a look at this : http://www.nber.org/papers/w10586.pdf
 
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