Hey it's back. Very excited to see it.

Hope you and your baby and wife are well, obviously and I understand that as new mum, updates here will be slower. But it's an excellent timeline and every new update is a treat!
 
Update 64 - the Magdalene Letters
Update 64 – The Magdalene Letters: the Revolutionary Writings of Madeleine Avatreskvati

An excerpt from Kanatian Women’s Words: the writings of seven visionaries[1]

Madeleine Avatreskvati of the Porcupine Clan was the most prominent woman of the 17th-century Kanatian Revolution. While the male leaders of the revolution, including Andray Ehundayga and Chief Tonsahoten, are more well-known outside of Kanata, for the Kanatians themselves it was the words of Porcupine Mother Madeleine Avatreskvati which inspired them to rise up in revolt against the Arkevujay. While the men of the Kanatian Revolution led the fighters that ultimately defeated the Arkevujay Warriors in battle, it was the women who led the civil disobedience actions which began the revolution, and it was often Clan Mothers who recruited their young men of their Clan to join the fight.

Madeleine Avatreskvati’s early life is unclear. She wrote little of her childhood and youth, although there are records of her attending the Jesuit school in Tannesaga in the 1620s, which is likely where she learned to read and write. The first record of her adult life was in 1654 when she was appointed Clan Mother of a newly-established village in the Amekwista Valley. By this time, she had five grown children (the youngest was in her mid-teens) although her husband had died some years earlier.

Porcupine Mother Madeleine’s [2] first decade in her village of Adewato was largely uneventful. The village struggled for a number of years and then thrived. It was only in 1670, as the Arkevujay went from village to village demanding the surrender of manure supplies for use in the manufacture of gunpowder that Mother Madeleine became notable for refusing the Arkevujay’s request. Due to her refusal to surrender the required manure supplies, the Arkevujay looted Adewato and burned it to the ground. However, unlike many other Clan Mothers in her position, Porcupine Mother Madeleine survived the destruction of her village.

For the next few years, Porcupine Mother Madeleine would take refuge amongst the Order of Mary Magdalene. As the Magdalene Convents [3] were off-limits to men, they were effectively sanctuaries where persecuted Clan Mothers like Avatreskvati could take refuge from the Arkevujay. While taking refuge amongst the Magdalene Priestesses, Porcupine Mother Madeleine would correspond with the outside world via letters. The letters written by Madeleine Avatreskvati during her time in hiding are known, collectively, as the ‘Magdalene Letters’.

While many of the ‘Magdalene Letters’ studied by historians consisted of Porcupine Mother Madeleine’s personal correspondence with friends and family, other letters were written with a more general audience in mind. These letters would be printed in large quantities by the Magdalene Priestesses themselves, and, once the Magdalene presses were shut down by the Arkevujay, would be copied by Huguenot presses in the various Petite Rochelle settlements of Kanata.

It is important to note that, at the time of the Kanatian Revolution, Kanata was not a literate society in the way that, say, Austria was at the time of the Austrian Revolution. [4] Fewer than 10% of the Kanatian population were able to read and write. However, unlike contemporary European societies, literacy was much more evenly spread throughout Kanatian society. Every Kanatian was part of a Clan segment, and each Clan segment had its own Clan Mother. By the 1660s, almost all Clan Mothers were literate, as literacy had become an important skill for the managing the economic aspects of clan business. This meant that every Kanatian had someone in their extended family [5] who could read the Magdalene letters and share their contents with the rest of the clan segment. It was thus to the Clan Mothers of Kanata that Mother Avatreskvati addressed her letters.

The Adewato Letter

The first letter that Porcupine Mother Madeleine wrote to her fellow Clan Mothers was the ‘Adewato Letter’, describing Mother Madeleine’s account of the events at Adewato which had led to her flight to hiding. It was the first of the Magdalene Letters written with a general audience in mind, and the first to be mass-produced on the Magdalene presses. It was largely the dissemination of the Adewato Letter that led to the spread of Revolutionary ideas beyond the Amekwista valley, and led to Madeleine’s ascension to her position as the voice of the revolt. The translated text of the Adewato Letter is included below.

To all my sisters,

You have no doubt already heard of the destruction of my village, Adewato, at the hands of the Arkevujay The Arkevujay have made a point of spreading word of Adewato’s fate, in the hopes that it will serve as a warning to any others who choose to defy them. I have heard the lies spread by the Arkevujay: that we were sheltering English soldiers; that we commanded our sons to take up arms against the Arkevujay; that we stole food or furs or gunpowder from them.

However, none of those stories are true. We did not steal from the Arkevujay, but instead they attempted to steal from us! Our cattle herd has not been doing well the past few years, and the fertility of our fields has been declining. Our corn is not as plentiful as it once was. In order to return fertility to our soil, we made a point of purchasing extra manure from our neighbours to spread on the fields in the spring. We knew that, without that manure, our crops would not grow, and we would be forced to abandon our village.

In early spring, only a week before we would spread our manure, the Arkevujay soldiers came by our village, looking for manure to use in the production of gunpowder. They saw that we had more in our stockpile than our neighbours had in theirs, and demanded that we sell it to them. They offered us tokens in exchange, but the price they offered us was less than what we paid to purchase the extra manure in the first place! We needed the manure to feed our village, so, of course we refused.

It was then that the Arkevujay decided to burn our homes, kill our sons and daughters, and take our herds for themselves. We did not betray them, or take up arms against them, or steal from them. We simply asked to keep what was ours. We asked to fertilize our fields, to grow our corn, to feed our families. The Arkevujay destroyed Adewato for refusing to abandon our livelihoods.

When I was a girl, my grandmother told me stories of the way that things were before the rise of the Arkevujay. Back then, our sons couldn’t go off to war without their Clan Mother’s permission. While the men would often want to go to war for their own glory, we, as Clan Mothers, had the ability to say “no” to any war which would result in pointless death without benefit for our Clan.

Then, when the Arkevujay came along, we lost that right. At first, in my grandmother’s time, it was just a loss of the right to say no to war. The Arkevujay would come to our villages, would speak of the spoils that could be won from our neighbours, and would recruit our sons to fight alongside them. Some Clan Mothers tried to command their sons to stay behind, but the Arkevujay of the time didn’t respect their refusal.

Then, in my mother’s time, the Arkevujay began to demand tribute. Not only would they lead our sons off to war, but they would demand payment for doing so. Clan Mothers would be expected to turn over food to feed the warriors or furs to trade to the French when the Arkevujay came to visit. Those Clan Mothers who refused to give tribute to the Arkevujay were killed, and their villages burnt! Soon, no one refused the Arkevujay requests, and the payments made to them were no longer seen as tribute extorted from us but taxes which were naturally owed to them.

Most of us alive today grew up with the expectation that the Arkevujay would make demands of us and that we would give in to those demands. After all, many of us live on land which was conquered by the Arkevujay, our numbers are swelled by the many adoptees the Arkevujay bring to our Clans, and the Arkevujay have succeeded at driving away the enemies that our mothers and grandmothers knew. These benefits the Arkevujay bring us come with a price, and we are all prepared to pay that price when it is demanded of us.

However, sometimes that price is too high. What is the point of having land if it is deprived of its fertility? What is the point of having new adoptees if there is no food to feed them? What is the point of having protection from our enemies outside Kanata if our villages are burnt to the ground by the Arkevujay themselves?

There is a point where we must stand up and tell the Arkevujay that enough is enough! Just as our mothers and grandmothers accepted the protection of the Arkevujay, we have the ability to reject that same protection. We can refuse to let the Arkevujay enter our villages, we can refuse to give food to their warriors, and we can refuse to let our sons go off to fight under them. After all, land, food, and family have always been part of the women’s domain: anything part of the women’s domain should be beyond the reach of the Arkevujay.


I know that standing up to the Arkevujay is not an easy thing to do. We have no weapons capable of matching theirs, we have no training in fighting, and we do not have the ability to mobilize thousands to fight together as one. However, what we do have is numbers. Every Kanatian is part of a Clan, and every Clan has a Clan Mother. For every village they burn, ten more will rise up in defiance of their demands! For every woman they kill, one hundred more will refuse to serve them! They only way that the death and destruction can end is if we all join together to refused to give in!


- Porcupine Mother Madeleine Avatreskvati


Madeleine’s Manifesto



If any one of the Magdalene Letters could be said to have had the most influence on Kanatian political discourse, it would be ‘Madeleine’s Manifesto’. The name ‘Manifesto’ was applied to this letter by later historians, as Porcupine Mother Madeleine herself had little knowledge of a term that was only just becoming current in European political discourse. However, the format that Mother Madeleine used to enumerate her demands likely did draw inspiration from a number of politico-religious publications distributed by the Jesuits to circulate the ideas of the counter-reformation, and these same pamphlets drew their inspiration from the great manifestos of the Reformation, including Luther’s ’95 theses’.



It is important to note that ‘Madeleine’s Manifesto’ was circulated before the meeting of the Amekwista Clan Mother’s Council of 1671. [6] Porcupine Mother Madeleine herself was asked not to attend the council, as many feared that her presence would provoke the Arkevujay into attacking the town of Astikona, where the council was held. However, Mother Madeleine’s writings were popular enough by the time of the Council of 1671 that many of the demands put forward in ‘Madeleine’s Manifesto’ would later be adopted as the political agenda of the Council of 1671 in the resulting ‘Amekwista Manifesto’. In some sense, ‘Madeleine’s Manifesto’ would form the first draft of the eventual Kanatian Consistution as it inspired the ‘Amekwista Manifesto’ which went on to inspire large parts of the Kanatian Constitution.



It is important to note that the ‘Avatreskvati Manifesto’ was written just after the first great victory of the Amekwista Revolts, as the town of Astikona [OTL Ottawa] [7] had obtained a guarantee that the Arkevujay would not attempt to enter their walls in exchange for a large payment of furs, foodstuffs, and manure. [8] This first victory had shown the Clan Mothers that negotiation with the Arkevujay was possible, and ‘Madeleine’s Manifesto’ came at a moment when many of the leaders of the Amekwista Revolts had begun to consider what specific demands they needed to have satisfied before they’d be willing to return to Arkevujay protection.



To all my sisters,


I’m sure that, by the time this letter reaches you, you will have heard the news of our victory at Astikona. The Arkevujay have finally been forced to realize that they cannot impose their will on the women of the Amekwista Valley. While the establishment of Astikona as a town free from the Arkevujay is certainly a victory to be celebrated, we must remember that this is just the first victory in a larger struggle. It is not enough for the Arkevujay to refrain from burning our villages if the only way we can escape their wrath is to continue to support their tyranny!


While establishing the safety of our daughters and sons from Arkevujay attacks is certainly one of the goals of our struggle, it is not the only one. The accomplishment of this goal has put my mind to thinking of the other goals which I have for our struggle. I have decided to put these goals down on paper in order to communicate them to you, my sisters. I know that not all of the goals that I have will be shared by all of my sisters out there, but I encourage each and every one of you to read through this list and determine for yourselves which of my goals you support and which ones you feel are unnecessary. From there, we can perhaps establish a unified set of demands for our movement as a whole.


I will not accept Arkevujay rule over me and my daughters and sons until:


(1) All Clan Mothers are granted the right to retain the basic necessities to grow food, and feed, clothe and house their Clan. Refusing to surrender any of these basic necessities to the Arkevujay must not be a crime punishable by death or destruction. While I understand that the Arkevujay also have need of food, manure, etc., they must obtain these supplies only through voluntary trade and gifting. [9] Taxes and tribute collected in the form of furs or fur tokens are acceptable, but only because depriving a village of its furs will not result in death or destruction.

(2) The Arkevujay agree to keep levels of taxation and tribute constant from year to year. If they Arkevujay are to increase the level of taxation or tribute required from a certain Clan segment, they must give the Clan segment at least one year’s notice of the increase. The Clan Mother must be able to decline the tribute or taxation increase without fear of Arkevujay attack.

(3) All Clan Mothers are granted the right to refuse to pay tribute or taxes without punishment by death or destruction. Every Clan segment will retain the right to terminate its relationship with the Arkevujay and thus decline to pay tribute or taxes. While the Arkevujay are justified in withdrawing their protection or refusing to trade with a Clan segment terminating this relationship, they are not justified in killing Clan members or destroying their village.

(4) The Arkevujay agree to consult Clan Mothers before they make a decision to make war on our enemies or neighbours. This decision as to whether or not to engage in warfare has been within the authority of Clan Mothers for generations; the replacement of Clan-based war chiefs with the Arkevujay hierarchy has changed who leads war parties, but not who has the authority to grant the war parties permission to make war.

(5) The Amekwista Valley, and all other ‘Arekvujay marches’ are not taxed at higher rates than the National Districts of the Arekvujay Empire. The lack of National Councils for the marches has allowed the Arkevujay to demand higher taxes of us than of our cousins who reside in the National Districts. This disparity is unfair, and must be ended. [10]

(6) The Amekwista Valley, and all other ‘Arkevujay marches’, are allowed to have our own District Councils to fulfill the role that the National Councils fill in the National Districts. [11] In the Amekwista Districts, where many Clan segments do not have Peace Chiefs, the Clan Mothers must be permitted to attend council meetings and make decisions about the administration of their Districts.

(7) The Arkevujay – the ‘third Kanata’ – accepts that it is on the same level as the other two Kanatas. Balance can only be achieved within our society if all three Kanatas know their place and stick to it. The Arkevujay, the third Kanata, has not done this but has instead interfered in the affairs of the other two Kanatas. They have interfered in the second Kanata by aiding the Jesuits in their persecution of the Magdalene Church, and have interfered in the first Kanata by governing the marches themselves rather than letting the Clans form their own District Councils.

(8) The Arkevujay ceases the persecution of the Magdalene Church and allows the Magdalene Priestesses to be afforded the same privilege as the Jesuit Priests. [12] The Arkevujay, as a male organization, has come to devalue the female side of things and has thus made an alliance with the male Jesuits against the female Magdalenes. This war between men and women must stop so we can return to a state of balance within the second Kanata.

(9) The Arkevujay acknowledges the importance of balance to the maintenance of a healthy society, and takes real steps toward the restoration of that balance. Rather than attempting to maintain the balance in our society, the Arkevujay has instead embraced the European idea of ‘dominance’, [13] attempting to increase its own power at expense of all others. Not only has the Arekvujay’s power as a male-only organization created a gender imbalance in our society, but the power of the Arkevujay as the third Kanata has created an imbalance between the three Kanatas where the third Kanata holds vastly more power at the expense of the other two. We must remember the wisdom of our grandmothers, and must return our society to a state of balance. This means that we must recommit ourselves not only to the idea of male and female domains resulting in balance between the sexes, but also to the idea of three equally powerful Kanatas each with their own domain, creating a new type of balance.

I hope that all of you reading my demands will be inspired to come up with a list of your own demands for the Arkevujay. We are stronger when we fight together, and we can best fight together when we know what we can agree on. By making our demands known to each other, we can find greater agreement. By working together, we can ensure that we do not give up the fight until all that we’re fighting for has been achieved.

- Porcupine Mother Madeleine Avatreskvati


The Ehundayga Letter

The ‘Ehundayga Letter’ is the first of a number of letters written by Porcupine Mother Madeleine to Andray Ehundayga, head of the Trader branch of the Arkevujay. It was written during the time in the last months of 1671 between the death of Konta Sinoh Hatoretsi’ and the appointment of Konta Tawinday. The sudden death of Konta Hatoretsi’ from the ongoing measles epidemic had resulted in a frantic search by the Arkevujay administration in Hochelaga to find a new leader. Andray Ehundayga, who had the support of much of the Trader branch of the Arkevujay, and who had a reputation as a visionary leader, put his name forward, but was rejected by his colleagues in Hochelaga, who mostly came from the Warrior branch of the Arkevujay.

At the time of the writing of the ‘Ehundayga Letter’, it had already become clear that Ehundayga was unlikely to be named the next Konta. Tawinday, a hero of the Second Wabanaki War, who was currently leading the garrison at Fort Dekektare [near OTL Plattsburg, NY], was the clear favourite. However, he could not be appointed Konta until he could be summoned from Fort Dekektare to Hochelaga, and thus Ehundayga still had a window of opportunity to change the minds of his colleagues in the Arkevujay administration.

This window of opportunity for Ehundayga would be seen as an opportunity for Porcupine Mother Madeleine and her allied Clan Mothers as well. Mother Madeleine saw Ehundayga as a potential ally against the leadership of the Arkevujay. The current Arkevujay leadership was determined to crush the Amekwista revolts while Andray Ehundayga had displayed willingness to reach a negotiated end to the conflict. In the ‘Ehundayga Letter’, Mother Madeleine began the building of an alliance with Ehundayga which would provide the backbone of the successful coalition that would eventually achieve victory with the Kanatian Revolution.

While the ‘Ehundayga Letter’ would succeed at its goal of arranging a face-to-face meeting between Porcupine Mother Madeleine and Andray Ehundayga, this meeting would not occur until after Tawinday had been named the new Konta. While Ehundayga proved willing to negotiate with the revolting Clan Mothers, one of Ehundayga’s guards would betray him to Tawinday. As Mother Madeleine arrived at the arranged meeting spot, she would be captured and executed by Tawinday’s warriors, and Ehundayga would be forced to flee Hochelaga to his own power base in the West. Thus, while the Madeleine-Ehundayga correspondance marks the beginning of the end of Mother Madeleine’s writings, it at the same time represents the growth of the Amekwista Revolts into the Kanatian Revolution.

To the great Trader Andray Ehundayga,

You may wonder why I, as a condemned woman and fugitive from the Arkevujay, am writing a letter to you, one of the leaders of the Arkevujay itself. The truth is that I am not opposed to everything the Arkevujay stands for. I have certainly benefitted from the Arkevujay campaigns of the past; after all, I was Clan Mother of a village which only existed because of the Arkevujay conquest of the Amekwista Valley. I am not opposed to the existence of the Arkevujay as an institution, I am simply opposed to a number of the recent actions of the Arkevujay, including the destruction of my home village of Adewato.

I know there are some in the Arkevujay who see me and my sisters as their mortal enemies. They see the Amekwista revolts as an existential struggle in which only two outcomes are possible: either me and my sisters are locked in chains or the Arkevujay are forever expelled from the Amekwista valley. However, this view of the ongoing struggle is based upon the European idea of Dominance: where victory is only achieved by establishing Dominance over one’s enemy and where a failure to do so results instead in one’s enemy establishing this Dominance instead. While this idea has been fully embraced by many Europeans, is present in many of the Christian holy texts, and has been adopted by the Arkevujay in your quest to European-ize your war-waging skills, it is not supported by my and my sisters.

Turning to the stories told to me by my grandmother, and told to her by her grandmother, I see not the ideology of Dominance, but instead the ideology of Balance. In my grandmother’s time, Kanatian society consisted of a delicate balance between Male and Female, between War and Peace, between Hunting and Farming, and between Flint and Sapling. [14] While there is much to be gained from adopting European ways, it is my opinion that the adoption of European ways has destroyed our society’s sense of Balance. The goal of me and my sisters is not to overthrown the Arkevujay, but instead simply to reestablish Balance so that the power of the Arkevujay does not exert Dominance over the other two Kanatas.

While you may not have thought about things this way before, I believe that you are also a believer in Balance. Some of my sisters in my current struggle have sons who have served under you in the Trader branch of the Arkevujay. They have heard you express frustration about the Dominance of the Warrior branch within the Arkevujay, and have heard you speak of how much better things would be if the Trader branch had greater authority. They have heard you speak of the pointlessness of the war just fought in the East against the English, and have heard you say that those same resources would be much better spent expanding our trade routes to the West. They have heard you speak of how the future of our people lies not in the East, where the French, English, and Dutch continue to expand their colonies, but in the West where new supplies of furs lie unexploited.

However, if all members of the Warrior branch suddenly dropped dead from measles, and if the Arkevujay abandoned all of your forts in the East to focus solely on the West, I doubt that you would celebrate. You are intelligent enough to recognize that while the Arkevujay currently gives too much power to the Warrior branch and focuses too much on the East over the West, Dominance of the Trader branch in the West would not be any better. The problem in the Arkevujay is a problem of imbalance where the Dominance of the Warrior branch has caused an overemphasis on Eastern affairs. To correct this imbalance, we must not overthrow the Warrior branch but instead must return the Arkevujay to a state of Balance where both branches can coexist.

I do not need to enumerate for you the ways in which the Dominance of the Warrior branch has brought misfortune upon us. However, I may need to convince you that the Domaninance of the Arkevujay over the other two Kanatas, and the Dominance of men over women cause just as many problems. In order to return to a healthy society, we must strive for Balance in all aspects of societal governance: balance between the sexes, balance between the Three Kanatas, but also balance between the Warrior and Trader branches of the Arkevujay. In order to achieve this Balance, we need a new Konta that believes in Balance rather than Dominance. We need the next Konta to come not from the Warrior branch, but from the Trader branch, and I think there is no better candidate for Konta than you.

However, as popular as you are amongst the Trader branch, I know that the administration in Hochelaga is made up mainly of Warriors, and you stand little chance of being chosen as Konta unless something changes to make you the obvious choice. I think that there is something I can do to increase your chances of being chosen. With my help, you can bring an end to the Amekwista Revolts, and achieve a victory that neither Konta Hatoretsi’ nor the aspiring Konta Tawinday could achieve.

I am probably the only person respected by all leaders of the Amekwista Revolts enough to convince all of them to lay down their arms and make peace with the Arkevujay. If I tell my sisters in this struggle that it is time for them to make a truce with the Arkevujay, they will likely do so. I would like to see our struggle end with a negotiated peace. However, I have heard enough of Tawinday to know that, if he becomes the new Konta, he will keep on fighting and trying to achieve Dominance until the whole Amekwista Valley is in ruins. I need someone in charge in Hochelaga who will see the need for a negotiated peace and will engage in negotiations with me.

So, I have an offer to make you. Let’s meet immediately to begin truce negotiations. If you are able to secure a truce with me and my sisters, you can present it to the Arkevujay administration as a victory. We can make it clear to all concerned that, as the next Konta, you would continue with these negotiations to bring the Amekwista Valley back under Arkevujay protection, while if Tawinday is chosen, the revolts will begin anew. Hopefully, enough of the leaders in Hochelaga will see the promise of a negotiated peace that they will throw their support behind you as Konta.

If you are interested in a truce, please write me a letter in reply, and send it to the Magdalene Sisters in Astikona. [15] They will convey the letter to me in hiding. Once we have established a correspondence, we can arrange a meeting point for negotiations. Until then, I hope that you will see the promise of Balance, and will work towards achieving it just as much as I have.

- Porcupine Mother Madeleine Avatreskvati

Footnotes:

[1] This publication is the same one from which the earlier update on Sainte Helene Grignon was taken. I’ll have to figure out who the other five of the “seven visionaries” will be later.

[2] Powerful women in Kanatian society are known by their clan name and first name rather than by their last name. In some sense, women in Kanatian society don’t really “have” last names, as they rarely use them, although Jesuit and Arkevujay records do refer to women by their father’s last names, and foreign-language (i.e. European-language) writing about Kanatian women often times refers to them by either their father’s or husband’s last name. “Avatreskvati” is Porcupine Mother Madeleine’s father’s name.

[3] “Convent” is the closest European-language term for the compounds where the Magdalene Sisters live and hold women-only worship services. Of course, the Magdalene Sisters refer to themselves as “Priestesses” rather than “Nuns”, and they engage with the wider world, performing baptisms and marriages in public churches which adjoin their convents. In some sense, you can think of the “convent” as a women-only rectory.

[4] Yes, there will be an “Austrian Revolution” at some point. My plan is for Austria to be the first major Western European power to have its monarchy overthrown.

[5] Really, by this point in time, referring to Kantian Clan segments as “extended families” is a bit of a stretch as many of them number in the thousands. However, there is a certain extent to which the structure of Kanatian society is still “tribal” enough that Clan identity is more important than Class identity, so that Clan Mothers still see all of their Clan segment members as ‘family’ in some sense. The Clan Mothers will eventually become clearly separate as an upper class, but that hasn’t happened yet.

[6] The “Amekwista Clan Mother’s Council of 1671” or “Council of 1671” for short is a historic moment in the ongoing Kanatian Revolution. It represents the first time where the Clan Mothers of the Amekwista Valley meet in one place to discuss their ongoing struggle against the Arkevujay. The “Council of 1671” will go on to become the prototype for the post-revolutionary Clan Mother’s Councils which will be held annually all over the Kanatian Republic.

[7] The name “Astikona” is derived from the Algonquin place-name “Astikou” for the rapids between OTL Ottawa, ON and Gatineau, QC.

[8] The status quo before the Kanatian revolution was that Arkevujay soldiers always had the right to enter any village or town without first asking permission. While villages and towns still do have palisades capable of keeping the Arkevujay out in the short term, refusal to welcome the Arkevujay into a village or town as so far been treated as a crime punishable by the destruction of the village or town in question. This is why the establishment of Astikona as an Arkevujay-free-zone is seen as such a victory.

[9] Remember, that the Kanatian economy was, until very recently, a nominal gift economy where trade would take place through the exchange of gifts. However, the Arkevujay regime, and its system of tribute and taxes has created scarcity and thus pushed the Kanatian economy into more of a barter system. The ‘fur tokens’ circulated by the Arkevujay are also starting to form a sort of proto-currency, but barter is still the main medium of trade.

[10] By ‘National Districts’, Mother Madeleine is referring to the districts governed by the Tarentohronon, Wendohronon, Damedohronon, Wendat, Tionontati, and Oneyote nations. All these nations are under Arkevujay protection, but have reasonable degrees of internal autonomy. The ‘Arkevujay Marches’ consist of the territory under direct Arkevujay rule laying outside of the ‘National Districts’.

[11] Before the rise of the Arkevujay, each nation had its own National Council. While the creation of the Arkevujay Empire has reduced the importance of the National Councils, these National Councils still exist in the National Districts, but not in the Arkevujay Marches.

[12] The Jesuits have long condemned the Order of Mary Magdalene as heretical, but have not been powerful enough themselves to drive them fully underground. However, with the outbreak of the Amekwista Revolts, the decision of the Magdalene Priestesses to protect Porcupine Mother Madeleine has resulted in a decision by the Arkevujay to crack down on the Magalene Order. Magdalene churches and convents have been destroyed in cities and towns with an Arkevujay garrison, although Madgalene churches and convents in smaller towns and villages have gone without notice so far.


[13] Kanatian culture, like other Iroquoian culture, was less hierarchical than Early Modern Western culture. The political institutions that did exist had complementary roles, and were arranged in parallel rather than having one political institution dominate another. Even the Chiefs were little more than spokespeople for their Clans, and had no power without their Clan standing behind them.

[14] Flint and Sapling are two twins from Iroquoian creation myths. Sapling traveled the world creating trees, rivers, and many animals, while Flint set the trees on fire, put rocks in the rivers, and created wolves and bears to pretty on the animals created by Sapling. In some sense, Sapling represents a creative force while Flint represents a destructive force. However, in pre-Christian Iroquoian mythology, there was no sense in which Sapling was ‘good’ and Flint was ‘evil’, as Flint’s role was just as necessary as Sapling’s. In contemporary OTL Iroquoian culture, Sapling is often described as the ‘good twin’ and Flint the ‘bad twil’, but that ascription of good and evil is likely due to Western cultural influence.

[15] Astikona, as a town off-limits to the Arkevujay, is one of the few large settlements where the Order of Mary Magdalene still publicly maintains a church and convent.
 
It looks like one update a month is about all I can handle right now. I'll try to get the next one done by the end of June.
 
So is Astikona on the Ottawa side of the river or the Gatineau side?
I know the Ottawa side has some high bluffs where the rideau river meets the Ottawa so I was wondering where the town was exactly situated
 
So is Astikona on the Ottawa side of the river or the Gatineau side?
I know the Ottawa side has some high bluffs where the rideau river meets the Ottawa so I was wondering where the town was exactly situated

I hadn't actually decided until you asked. I took a look at a terrain map on google maps (I've been to both Ottawa and Gatineau in person, although it's hard to picture what Ottawa would be like without the canal cutting through it). Originally, I thought that a town on top of the bluffs would form a good defensible position, and so would be advantageous, but then I remembered that the Amekwista Valley is fairly peaceful at this point - no formidable enemies who would require such a defensible position. After all, the reason for the founding of the town was because the necessary portage around the rapids made it a logical stopping point on the trade route to Lake *Huron.

Then, I realized that the traditional portage route around the rapids used Brewery Creek in Gatineau, and then I realized that Brewery Creek cuts off the Isle of Hull from the Gatineau mainland, and that, in OTL, Hull was settled before Ottawa was. So, I'm thinking that Astikona is actually located on the Isle of Hull, with some sort of bridge connecting it to the Gatineau mainland. Thus, in times of conflict, Brewery Creek forms a natural outer defensive perimeter. There might even be another bridge over the Ottawa River to the Ottawa side, although I'm not sure if the Kanatians have that degree of architectural ability yet (I have no idea what it takes to construct wooden bridges, and generally how bridges were built before industrialization - another area I guess I should research at some point).
 
Update 65 - The Kanatian Revolution: The Gathering Storm
Update 65 – The Kanatian Revolution: the Gathering Storm



an excerpt from The History of Old Kanata 1500-1700 by Georges Hantero (Turtle)


I will conclude this history [1] with an account of the Kanatian Revolution which transformed the loosely-bound Arkevujay Empire into the more cohesive Kanatian Republic. This decisive event, which took place from 1670 to 1676, marked the final destruction of the old Kanatian Confederacy, which had long been nearly irrelevant in the face of the more powerful Arkevujay. The last few chapters will cover the Revolution and its immediate aftermath, ending with the performance of the newly-founded Republic in the First Intercolonial War.


Before the Kanatian Revolution, the Arkevujay Warriors were at the peak of their power. There were no existing institutions in Old Kanata which could muster nearly as much power as the Arkevujay regime. The overthrow of the Arkevujay was only possible because of the alliance between a number of previously unaffiliated groups which became united in their effort to overthrow the Arkevujay. This chapter will detail each of these groups, describing each group’s motivation for joining the revolution along with the initial contribution each group had to the revolutionary effort. It was really the coming together of these separate groups in opposition to the Arkevujay regime which gave birth to the cohesive nature of the subsequent Kanatian Republic. Subsequent chapters will cover the remaining events of the revolution itself.


The Amekwista Clan Mothers



The Amekwista Valley [OTL *Ottawa Valley] had always been the most matriarchal part of the Arkevujay Empire; the Clan Mothers of the Amekwista Valley had always held relatively more power than their sisters elsewhere. Like the other Arkevujay Marches, [2] the Amekwista Valley had no National Council to govern inter-municipal affairs. While the larger towns had Municipal Councils made up of the Peace Chiefs of each Clan, most of the population of the Amekwista Valley lived in small single-Clan villages with a single Clan Mother. The lack of a National Council meant that Peace Chiefs in these small villages had little to do outside of ceremonial activities, and many villages had abandoned the practice of appointing Peace Chiefs altogether.


Even compared to the other Arkevujay Marches, the Amekwista Valley had a greater proportion of villages without Peace Chiefs. It is not clear what exactly the reason was for this. It could be because, as one of the first-settled of the Arkevujay Marches, the villages of the Amekwista Valley, had had more time to lose the vestiges of Old Kanatian chiefly traditions. It could be that, as an area isolated from the Arkevujay’s main enemies, the Amekwista Valley had developed a culture which devalued military defense and thus devalued male power in general. Others argue that the popularity of the Magdalene Church in the Amekwista Valley led to the empowerment of women, although there is also evidence that the abundance of powerful women is what led to the Magadalene Church becoming so strongly rooted in the Amekwista Valley. Whatever the reason, the Amekwista Valley conferred most political power in only two insitutions: the Clan Mothers who ran the villages and the Arkevujay administration who ran the District-level government.


Of the Arkevujay Marches, the Amekwista Valley was not only the region with the greatest number of powerful Clan Mothers, but also the region with the greatest degree of resentment towards the Arkevujay. This was largely because the other Arkevujay Marches lay in regions adjacent to feared enemies: the Deketare [near OTL Lake *Champlain] and the newly-created Jenev and Josev [in the OTL Eastern Townships of Quebec] Districts lay under threat of attack by England, the Netherlands, and their Native allies, while the Untareo, Kaenota, and Taresara Districts [OTL Southeastern Ontario] lay near enough to be threatened by the Atirhagenrat and their Haudenosaunee allies. The only enemy near enough to threaten the Amekwista Valley were the Omamiwinini, and they both numbered less than the Kanatian settlements in the Amekwista Valley and had a stable trading relationship with the Arkevujay. Thus, the settlers in the Amekwista Valley had little need of Arkevujay protection while still having to pay tribute to the Arkevujay even in times of peace.


This resentment boiled over into full-scale revolt in 1670, when the Arkevujay began travelling up the Amekwista from village to village requisitioning manure to be used in gunpowder production. When the village of Adewato refused to turn over its manure stores, the Arkevujay proceeded to round up and execute the family of Porcupine Mother Madeleine Avatreskvati. While all accounts of the events that followed are biased one way or the other [3] it is clear that the village of Adewato would be destroyed by a fire, and much of the population would subsequently perish. Mother Avatreskvati herself would escape and take refuge with the Magdalene Priestesses. From hiding, Mother Avatreskavati would write her own account of her villages’ destruction, which would condemn the Arkevujay, and inspire many of her fellow Clan Mothers to rise up in revolt.


The forms of revolt undertaken by the Amekwista Clan Mothers were varied. Some would simply refuse to pay their owed tribute to the Arkevujay, forcing the Arkevujay to march on the village in force in order to extort the tribute. While most Clan Mothers would begrudgingly pay the tribute when the Arkevujay showed up with an army, they would still tie down Arkevujay resources which could be used elsewhere. Other Clan Mothers would bar the Arkevujay from their villages altogether, although this action would usually result in a full-scale Arkevujay assault on the village, often leading to the villages’ destruction. While this stage of the Kanatian Revolution is often times referred to as the ‘Amekwista Revolts’, the ongoing revolts did spread outside the Amekwista Valley as Clan Mothers in all of the Arkevujay Marches used the opportunity to voice their objections to Arkevujay rule.


The first major victory of the Amekwista Revolts came in November of 1670, when the town of Astikona, [in OTL *Hull, Quebec, across the river from OTL Ottawa] on the border of the Upper Amekwista and Lower Amekwista districts, succeeded in expelling the Arkevujay garrison from their town. The citizens of the town had surrounded the Arkevujay compound, and had denied food and water to the garrison troops until they were forced to surrender. The siege had gone unnoticed by the Arkevujay hierarchy through an elaborate deception involving the defection of the second and third in command of the garrison, who both happened to be related to revolting Clan Mothers.


Upon his surrender, the Arkevujay commander had made a deal with Astikona’s Clan Mothers. In exchange for a one-time payment of fur, foodstuffs, and manure, and regular annual payment of Astikona’s regular tribute, the commander agreed to withdraw his garrison from Astikona and not to attempt to retake the town by force. By this agreement, Astikona would reserve the right to refuse the Arkevujay entry to their town without fear of punishment. While this agreement was made under duress with a garrison commander rather than with the central Arkevujay administration, it was adhered to by the Arkevujay, as the weapons and ammunition captured in Astikona could allow its citizens to hold out against an Arkevujay siege for quite some time.


The ‘liberation’ of Astikona allowed the town to play host to the Amekwista Clan Mothers’ Council in the summer of 1671. This meeting would draw together revolting Clan Mothers from across the Amekwista Valley and beyond to organize coordinated resistance against the Arkevujay, and to discuss the political questions around the desired outcome for the ongoing revolts. Out of this council would come a document: the ‘Amekwsita Manifesto’ which enumerated the Clan Mothers’ Council’s demands from the Arkevujay. Most notably, the Clan Mothers’ Council demanded political equality to the National Councils of the National Districts: they wanted an end to direct Arkevujay rule of the Arkevujay Marches and the creation of a Clan Mothers’ hierarchy to govern the Marches the way the Peace Chiefs’ hierarchy governed the National Districts.


While the Clan Mothers’ Council of 1671 would provide much of the ideological underpinning of the Kanatian Revolution, and the revolting Clan Mothers would serve as a basis of popular support for Revolutionary efforts elsewhere, the Amekwista Revolts would not be militarily important. Most revolting villages would either submit to the Arkevujay once attacked, or would be destroyed once the Arkevujay gathered a large enough force. Astikona was the exception rather than the rule, as it had been a district capital with defenses built by the Arkevujay themselves. Outside of Astikona itself, the Amekwista Revolts would accomplish little more than denying the Arkevujay resources and tying down troops which could be needed elsewhere. However, they would go on to inspire more militarily successful revolts in other parts of the Arkevujay Empire.


The Magdalene and Calvinist Churches



For decades the Magdalene and Calvinist Churches [4] had worked as unlikely allies throughout the Arkevujay Empire. Both Churches had a common enemy in the Jesuit Order, and the two Churches served complementary demographics: while the Magdalene Church served Kanatian Women, the Calvinist congregations were made up mostly of skilled Huguenot immigrants from France or Nouvelle Genève. There was a certain degree of competition for converts between the two Churches, especially when Huguenot men married Kanatian women, and official Calvinist policy condemned the Magdalene Church as heretical. However, pragmatism often won out, and neither Church explicitly forbade its congregants from attending the other’s services.


The Magdalene Church was the first religious organization to join the Revolutionary alliance when its Priestesses chose to shelter Porcupine Mother Madeleine Avatreskvati from the Arkevujay. While, until that point, the Magdalene Church had never officially opposed the Arkevujay regime, they had always spoken out in favour of women’s power, and had opposed any attempt to reduce the power of Clan Mothers. The Magdalene Church had published many books and pamphlets opposing male authority over the decades, but the Arkevujay had always had better things to do than censor a fringe religious organization. [5]


However, when the writings of Mother Madeleine, published by the Magdalene Church, began to spark revolts, the Arkevujay leadership began to take notice. At first they forbade the printing of Madeleine’s writings, but the Magdalene Sisters, knowing that giving in to censorship once could set a dangerous precedent, refused to comply. Then, in the summer of 1671, the Arkevujay proceeded to locate and destroy the Magdalene presses. They outlawed the Magdalene Church, using the Jesuit condemnation of the Magdalene Order as heretics to justify their persecution. Hundreds of Magdalene Priestesses were burned as witches and hundreds more were forced into hiding. Magdalene compounds were destroyed and their property was confiscated by the Arkevujay. Astikona soon became the headquarters of the Magdalene Order, as it was the only large town considered safe from the Arkevujay, although many Magdalene congregations still met in secret in smaller towns and villages.


It was largely the persecution of their Magdalene sisters that sparked a response from the Calvinist preachers. Before 1671, the Arkevujay had had a policy of non-interference in religious affairs. While the Jesuit Order had always been in some sense the Established Church of the Arkevujay Empire, the Arkevujay themselves had refused to police religious matters, and the Jesuits had never had the resources to crack down on religious minorities on their own. Thus the Calvinist and Magdalene Churches had been officially condemned as heretics, but still allowed to exist. The persecution of the Magdalene Church by the Arkevujay had led the Calvinists to worry than they might be next, and so soon a number of Calvinist ministers began openly speaking out against the Arkevujay, and Calvinist presses [6] began publishing Porcupine Mother Madeleine’s writings.


The Arkevujay soon came to recognize that they couldn’t crack down on the Calvinists they way that they had on the Magdalene Order. This was largely because, for the past fifty years, the craftspeople who had taken on Arkevujay trainees as apprentices, and had taught ironworking and gunsmithing to the Arkevujay had been Huguenots. These Huguenots had succeeded at converting a number of key members of the Arkevujay to the Calvinist faith, and still controlled a number of industries on which the Arkevujay depended. Thus, while the Arkevujay sought out and punished a number of individual Calvinist preachers who spoke out against them, they were unable to punish the Calvinists as a whole, and were unable to shut down the Calvinist presses. It was largely due to these Calvinist presses that Revolutionary literature continued to circulate throughout the Revolution.


Andray Ehundayga and the Arkevujay Traders



Tension had been building for decades between the Trader and Warrior branches of the Arkeuvjay. While the Warrior branch had always been the more prestigious of the two, and had always controlled the reins to political power, the Trader branch had been growing in economic power since the recovery of European fur prices in the mid-1650s. Over the late 1660s, the Warriors had begun to make points of stationing garrisons at interior trade posts in order to ensure their loyalty, and these efforts had further angered the Traders. It was only the outbreak of the Second Wabanaki War and the ensuing measles epidemic which had temporarily allowed the Warriors and Traders to forget their differences and come together in the face of common adversity.


Andray Ehundayga was a prominent Trader who had made his reputation as the founding commander of Fort Chikakua at the head of Lake Michigami. He had been called to advise the Head Trader in Hochelaga in 1669, and had soon become more popular than the Head Trader himself. When the measles epidemic swept through Hochelaga in 1570 and 1571, many members of the Arkevujay administration would be killed, including Konta Sinoh Hatoretsi’ and the incumbent Head Trader. Ehundayga soon became a favourite amongst the rank and file to succeed Hatoretsi’ as Konta, although the Warrior domination of the upper administration refused to appoint a Trader to the highest position in the Arkevujay, instead appointing Tawinday, the Warrior commander of Fort Dekektare, as the new Konta.


Before the appointment of Konta Tawinday, Ehundayga had already been involved in negotiations with Porcupine Mother Madeleine Avatreskvati in order to bring a peaceful end to the Amekwista Revolts. These negotiations were being conducted behind Konta Tawinday’s back, and in March of 1672 one of Ehundayga’s men betrayed him to Tawinday. Tawinday’s men raided one of the negotiation sessions, and arrested Mother Madeleine (who would later be executed), although Ehundayga himself got away.


Andray Ehundayga would at first flee to Astikona, where he knew he would be at least temporarily safe from Tawinday’s men. However, he would not stay at Astikona long, as he had Traders loyal to him scattered throughout the West, and would soon depart for Fort Matawang. [OTL *Mattawa, ON] Fort Matawang, at the midpoint of the Hochelaga-Lake Wendake trade route, had been Ehundayga’s first posting when he joined the Arkevujay, and Ehundayga was still friends with the Fort’s commander, Nark Cronetsé’cray. [7] However, Fort Matawang also contained a garrison of Arkevujay Warriors loyal to Tawinday. In order to eliminate the threat of this garrison, Ehundayga sent a messenger ahead to notify Cronetsé’cray. Shortly before Ehundayga’s arrival, the Warrior garrison found themselves ambushed one by one and imprisoned by Traders loyal to Cronetsé’cray, allowing Ehundayga to publicly enter the fort and take command.


From Fort Matawang, Ehundayga would send out messengers to the other Trader-dominated forts of the West. One by one the Trader commanders would pledge their allegiance to Ehundayga, and would imprison or expel their Warrior garrisons. While some of these garrisons would put up a fight, none would succeed at establishing a lasting defense against Ehundayga’s supporters. While the Warriors stationed at Fort Kitségami did succeed at temporarily taking control of the fort, they would be expelled by a fleet of Trader lakeboats after retaining control for only two months. By the end of 1672 all Arkevujay forts and trade posts from Chikakua [OTL *Chicago] to Fort Ouentironk [OTL *Port Severn, Ontario] were under control by Ehundayga’s Traders.


Note that not all Traders were Ehundayga supporters, and not all Ehundayga supporters were Traders. However, Ehundayga enjoyed the greatest degree of support amongst the Traders of the West, and thus it was those Traders who succeeded at taking control of forts in Ehundayga’s name. There were a large number of Traders and Warriors stationed in Hochelaga itself who would have preferred Ehundayga over Tawinday, but they formed a minority, and few of them were willing to disobey their immediate commanders. While there were a number of uprisings in favour of Ehundayga amongst the Traders stationed in Old Kanata, none of them succeeded. By the end of 1672, Konta Tawinday had made a point of relieving all Traders from positions of command, and the divide between those forts loyal to Tawinday and those loyal to Ehundayga was a clear East-West divide.


For the remainder of the Kanatian Revolution, the main military conflict would be a sort of civil war between the two branches of the Arekvujay. The Traders loyal to Ehundayga would do battle with the Warriors loyal to Tawinday. While Tawinday controlled all of Old Kanata and had most of the Arkevujay under his command, Ehundayga controlled the trade routes to the fur-producing regions of the interior. While Ehundayga could no longer count on the granaries of Old Kanata to feed his troops, his Traders had strong allies amongst the Menomini and Inoka who they could count on for supplies. Additionally, while Tawinday had removed anyone with questionable loyalty from positions of command, many of the lower ranks of Tawinday’s Arkevujay would prove in the end to be loyal to Ehundayga.


The Wendat and Tionontati Nations


While Ehundayga enjoyed the support of the Inoka and Menomini, both Nations were located far from Old Kanata. They could fill the Trader lakeboats with supplies, and could provide a few warriors to aid in the defence of the various forts on the Great Lakes, but could provide little aid in case Ehundayga would want to go on the offensive. Ehundayga knew that his best hope of victory lay in an eventual attack on Hochelaga itself, and thus needed allies closer to Old Kanata. The revolting Clan Mothers of the Amekwista Valley were ready allies, although the fact that Tawinday’s supporters still held forts in the Amekwista Valley meant that they were not that useful for the time being.


Instead, Ehundayga set about courting the Wendat and Tionontati Nations, whose lands lay a short distance away from the Trader-controlled Fort Outironk on the shores of Lake Wendake. The Arkevujay had always favoured the three Old Kanatian Nations over the Wendat, Tionontati, and Oneyote, demanding higher tax rates while providing less protection. Ehundayga hoped to be able to win over the Wendat and Tionontati with promises of an equalization of tax and tribute rates throughout the Arkevujay Empire (a measure initially proposed by the Amekwista Clan Mothers’ Council). To a certain extent, the Wendat and Tionontati were dissatisfied with their treatment by the Arkevujay, and were sympathetic to Ehundayga’s cause. However, in late 1672, when Ehundagya started negotiating with them, they were not yet ready to rise in open revolt.


The original reason why both the Wendat and Tionontati had come under the Arkevujay umbrella was for protection against the Atirhagenrat to their South and West. While, by 1670, the Wendat easily outnumbered the Atirhagenrat two-to-one, they had grown accustomed to peace, and feared war even with a weaker neighbour. The Wendat and Tionontati counted on the Arkevujay for protection, and were unwilling to join a revolt which threatened to undermine that protection.


There were three main warpaths from the Atirhagenrat lands to Wendake. The most direct route led overland through the Southern edge of the Tionantati district, and was a rough trail suitable for small parties of raiders, but not for large armies. A second route involved travel by boat from Lake Atirhagenrat to Lake Wendake, and could transport large armies, but involved a lengthy journey. The most common route that had been used before the Wendat had come under Arkevujay protection involved travelling from Lake Untareo to Lake Ouentironk via the Kaenota portage. [from OTL *Toronto to OTL Lake *Simcoe] This last route was defended by the formidable Fort Kaenota [OTL *Toronto] at the shores of Lake Untareo.


It was largely because of Fort Kaenota that Grand Chief Tonsahoten of the Wendat initially refused to back Andray Ehundayga. The measles plague which had reached the Atirhagenrat in the winter of 1671-1672 had made the Atirhagenrat hungry for war, and, in 1672, they had attempted a number of raids on the Wendat and Tionontati via the overland route. While the Wendat and Tionontati had adequate defenses along this route, the Wendat settlements on the shores of Lake Ouentironk [OTL Lake *Simcoe] were nearly defenseless. These settlements had been protected by Fort Kaenota for generations, and had felt little need to invest in their defence. The commander of Fort Kaenota was still fiercely loyal to Konta Tawinday, and Chief Tonsahoten felt that a declaration of support for Ehundayga could lead to an attack on Lake Ouentironk either by an Atirhagenrat army allowed to pass by the commander of Fort Kaenota, or by the garrison of Fort Kaenota itself.


The Arkevujay also maintained small garrisons in a number of Wendat and Tionontati towns. These garrisons were ostensibly provided for the sake of defense against the Atirhagenrat, but also served as insurance that the Wendat and Tionontati chiefs would stay loyal to Konta Tawinday. While these garrisons were no match for the large Trader army gathered at nearby Fort Ouentironk, they were enough to keep Grand Chief Tonsahoten afraid of making any declaration in support of Ehundayga.


Thus Chief Tonsahoten faced a dilemma. On the one hand he could stay loyal to Tawinday, and hope that the Konta would continue to protect him against the Atirhagenrat. Or, he could declare his support for Ehundayga, and hope that he could win a better deal for his Nation by defeating Tawinday. In the end, a decision would have to be made out of necessity, as, in the spring of 1673, an Atirhagenrat army lay poised to strike at Wendake.


Footnotes:


[1] Just to make it extra clear, this part about ‘concluding this history is by the in-TL author who I have been using for a long time. I’ve realized that the original title of the book said it went up to 1700, so we’re reaching the end of the in-TL book. I’ll have to come up with another in-TL book to cover the 1700-18xx part of this TL, and then another one for the 18xx-20xx part. Hey, maybe it will be different books by the same author cause I’m lazy…


[2] Remember that the Arkevujay Empire is divided into two types of districts: ‘National Districts’ comprise the traditional territory of the various Nations under the Arkevujay Empire (Tarentohronon, Wendohronon, Damedohronon, Wendat, Tionontati, and Oneyote) and are governed by National Councils, while the ‘Arkeuvjay Marches’ consist of land captured by the Arkevujay in warfare and are administered directly by the Arkevujay.


[3] In particular, Mother Madeleine’s account given in the last update is not the only primary source, and disagrees with other primary sources. What is clear is that the Arkevujay attempted to round up Mother Madeleine and her family, but Madeleine herself was already in the process of fleeing the village. Mother Madeleine claims the Arkevujay set fire to the village in retaliation for the village’s complicity in getting Mother Madeleine away to safety while the Arkevujay claim that the fire was set by accident in the chaos cause by the villager’s resistance. Much of the population was killed, but it is not clear how many were killed by the Arkevujay and how many were killed by the fire and subsequent chaos. While Mother Madeleine believes that the Arkevujay slaughtered her village, it is not clear how true this is.


[4] Just to be clear, this author’s use of the term “Calvinist Church” is a little inaccurate. There is no one unitary “Kanatian Calvinist Church” but simply a number of individual congregations which are united by their shared belief in Calvinist teachings. Magdalene Church, on the other hand, sees itself as mirroring the Catholic Church, and thus does have a hierarchy of Bishops, etc., and a central organization, although this central organization is strictly limited by the resources available to the Magdalene Order; the Magdalene ‘Bishopesses’ still do the work of Priestesses as well as their larger administrative role.


[5] While the Magdalene Church has featured prominently in this TL (mostly because a number of the POV characters I’ve used have been followers of the Magdalene Order), I want to re-iterate the fact that they are still fairly marginal in the big picture. Even in the Amekwista Valley, where they’re at their most popular, only 10% of women attend Magdalene churches, and most of this 10% also attend Catholic or Calvinist services from time to time.


[6] Again, since there is no central ‘Calvinist Church’, these presses are not controlled by the Calvinist Church, but are simply owned by individual Huguenots who are in the printing business. So, while the printing of revolutionary pamphlets is often paid for by Calvinist congregations, the presses themselves are controlled by private individuals living in the Kanatian cities (Maisouna, Hochelaga, Fort Untareo, and, to a lesser extent, Tannesaga). These cities have been greatly influenced culturally by European immigrants, and pride themselves on their own capacity for self-government (think of the Free Cities of the HRE). This means that, while the Arkevujay often do business in the cities, they do not have the power of law enforcement within city walls, and thus are largely unable to punish the printers of revolutionary literature.


[7] The Kanatians have no ‘m’ sound in their language, so they pronounce ‘Marc’ as ‘Nark’. At first, the only Kanatians who were literate were also those who spoke French, so Kanatian spelling followed French spelling pretty closely. However, now that a majority of literate Kanatians do not speak French, Kanatian spelling is more closely reflecting pronunciation. The apostrophe that is now appearing in certain people’s names is a symbol for ‘glottal stop’, which is a common consonant sound in the Kanatian language. Until now, glottal stops were often just ignored entirely in orthography.
 
Good stuff! I am a little confused: where are the Atirhagenrat located? (EDIT: never mind, found the old map and their location. Kanata must march west: southern Ontario must be Kanatian!)

As the European settlement with the most direct geographic access to Kanata, what do the French think of all this ruckus to their west?
 
Last edited:
Good stuff! I am a little confused: where are the Atirhagenrat located? (EDIT: never mind, found the old map and their location. Kanata must march west: southern Ontario must be Kanatian!)

Don't worry, Southern Ontario will be Kanatian. It just might take another war or two and a government in Hochelaga willing to undertake a military occupation of the Atirhagenrat lands.

As the European settlement with the most direct geographic access to Kanata, what do the French think of all this ruckus to their west?

The French are NOT HAPPY. Their fur supply had just been cut off. As both sides of the civil war control forts and the French control the only nearby Artillery, the French have a chance to play a Kingmaker role of sorts....
 
Fort Matawang

[7] The Kanatians have no ‘m’ sound in their language, so they pronounce ‘Marc’ as ‘Nark’. At first, the only Kanatians who were literate were also those who spoke French, so Kanatian spelling followed French spelling pretty closely. However, now that a majority of literate Kanatians do not speak French, Kanatian spelling is more closely reflecting pronunciation. The apostrophe that is now appearing in certain people’s names is a symbol for ‘glottal stop’, which is a common consonant sound in the Kanatian language. Until now, glottal stops were often just ignored entirely in orthography.
While the name "Matawang" is Ojibwa in origin, would the majority Kanatians rename it to fit their phonology?

---
Continues to be a great story. Thanks!

Congrats on the baby, and RL takes precedence.
 
While the name "Matawang" is Ojibwa in origin, would the majority Kanatians rename it to fit their phonology?

Wow, this question opened up a lot more of a can of worms than I'd expect...
Initially, I was going to answer with a ret-con about how the fact that it is used as a trade post with the Ojibwa/other Anishinaabe peoples means that it is still pronounced according to the Ojibwa pronunciation.

However, then I realized that I'd already used 'Maisouna' as a place-name, which is an 'M' place-name of Kanatian origin attested by Cartier in OTL.
So, this made me realize that my phonology notes must have been missing something.

By the way, the Kanatian language I'm using is basically Wyandot (i.e. modern Huron) with a few superficial changes. The phonology notes I took were based upon the phonology of Wyandot, which does have an 'M' sound but uses it as an allophone for 'W'. Somehow this was missing from my notes, but is crucially important because it means that European and non-Kanatian words with an 'M' sound might instead be pronounced with a 'W' (and spelled with a 'V'). However, the 'M' vs 'W' vs 'V' spelling distinction might remain amongst folks who are competent in other languages. In particular, place names are likely to be conservative and retain the 'M' spelling since place names are more important to be the same accross different languages while personal names for example, are more likely to switch from an 'M' to a 'V' spelling more quickly.

Anyways, what it means is that I clearly need to revise my phonology notes, and then edit at least the last two updates to remain consistent.
 
Wow, this question opened up a lot more of a can of worms than I'd expect...
Initially, I was going to answer with a ret-con about how the fact that it is used as a trade post with the Ojibwa/other Anishinaabe peoples means that it is still pronounced according to the Ojibwa pronunciation.

Anyways, what it means is that I clearly need to revise my phonology notes, and then edit at least the last two updates to remain consistent.

These sort of hyper-detailed TLs where every jot and tittle are carefully considered fill me with awe.
 
Anyways, what it means is that I clearly need to revise my phonology notes, and then edit at least the last two updates to remain consistent.

Still working on the phonology? :)

Just wanted to let you know the imugr link to the most recent map of North America is down.
 
Still working on the phonology? :)

Just wanted to let you know the imugr link to the most recent map of North America is down.

Thanks. I'll look at the link tomorrow. The lack of updates for months has more to do with parenthood than anything else. My baby is now able to reach my laptop when i'm on the couch and she's playing on the floor. It's much harder to get typing sone at home.
 
Update 66 - the Red Years (1672)
An excerpt from The Red Years: a history of the Red Sisterhood


Introduction to the School Edition



In 1996, in honour of the 400th anniversary of the Red Sisterhood, Sister Marie Dukka of the Wolf Clan was commissioned to write a play describing the history of the Red Sisterhood. The original commission requested that the play be simple and easy to stage so that Red Sisters throughout North America could perform the play in their local communities. The end result was a play consisting of eight scenes, each set in a different time and place at pivotal moments in the history of the Red Sisterhood. Each scene would be performed by the same six women, dressed in the timeless black robe and red sash worn by Red Sisters since their founding. Together the eight scenes tell the story of the founding, growth, and maturity of the Red Sisterhood as an organization and the life-saving acts of individual Red Sisters themselves.



While none of the scenes presented in ‘the Red Years’ is supposed to be an accurate re-enactment of historical events, the ideas and issues discussed are those that were historically relevant to the historical Red Sisterhood. Thus, ‘the Red Years’ has found its way into history classes in many schools, and its all-female cast and simplicity of staging has made it a natural choice for girls’ schools wanting to put on a school play. Whether it is used simply for classroom reading or is performed in front of a live audience, ‘the Red Years’ has been found to be both educational and entertaining to students across North America.



* * * * * * *



Scene 2: 1672 - Hochelaga

[Sister Agathe, Sister Marguerite, Sister Francine, and Sister Hélène are seated around a table.]

Agathe: Well, it’s probably time that we get started. We’ve got a lot to talk about.

Francine: Shouldn’t we wait for Sister Jeanne? Or Sister Isabelle?

Marguerite: How do we know either of them are still planning on making it? The Amekwista valley is in a state of open revolt, as are many of the other Arkevujay Marches. Maybe they decided that travel to Hochelaga was unsafe.

Hélène: Or maybe they’re sick? Red sash or no red sash, this new plague seems to be making everyone sick. [coughs]

Agathe: [turns to Hélène, angrily] Hélene! Didn’t I tell you not to come here if you had any indication that you might be sick? Yet, you’re here, coughing, and putting all of our lives in danger!

Hélène: [sheepishly] I’m not sick! I’m not sick! It’s the smoke from the fire. I just breathed some in by accident.

Francine: [to Agathe] Relax, Sister. This new plague has sparked fear in all of us. We need not give in to that fear. I’m sure that Hélène is wise enough not to come here if she is sick.

[A loud commotion is heard offstage. Sister Jeanne enters, her robe and hair in a state of disarray, holding her untied sash in her hand]

Maguerite: [to Jeanne] What happened to you?

Jeanne: Well, some over-zealous young Warrior trainee seemed to not know the difference between a Magdalene Sister and a Red Sister. He arrested me and searched me to ensure I wasn’t carrying any secret letter from Porcupine Mother Madeleine. Luckily for me, when he tried to turn me over to his superior, he was reprimanded for arresting the wrong type of Sister!

Hélène: Why would he mistake you for a Magdalene? They don’t even wear black!

Jeanne: [in a thick Amekwista accent] I have no idea. [1]

Francine: What business do they have arresting Magdalenes anyways? They can’t all be rebel sympathizers.

Marguerite: But they are all heretics.

Francine: [glaring at Marguerite] Yeah, and so are many of our own order. Some of the Red Sisters West of Fort Matawang don’t even consider themselves Christian. [2] But that doesn’t give us reason not to call them Sisters. After all, our duty is to heal the sick and protect the healthy, not to deal with heresy. The Arkevujay’s duty is to protect us from our enemies. It’s only the Jesuits who have concerned themselves with heresy in the past, and it should only be them who concern themselves with it now. After all, we’ve got bigger problems to deal with.

Agathe: Like this new plague. That’s what we’re here to discuss, isn’t it?

Jeanne: [sitting down] Yes, let’s get started.

Agathe: Let’s start by summarizing what we know about this new plague.

Francine: [interrupting] The Yellow Plague.

Agathe: Well, that’s what some people are calling it.

Francine: Well, first off, it spreads a lot faster than Red Plague.

Marguerite: By the time we bring one family member into the hospital, they’ve already had a chance to spread the disease to the rest of their family.

Jeanne: And it spreads even to those who have already had the Red Plague. Our fellow Sisters get sick.

Hélène: But they don’t die! Most of my patients with the Yellow Plague eventually recovered and left the hospital.

Francine: Maybe most of them don’t die, but some of them do. And, since the Yellow Plague spreads faster the total number of dead has actually been incredibly high! When I was young, there was an outbreak of the Red Plague in Maisouna. 94 people reported to the hospital before the outbreak was contained, and 78 of them died, leaving only 6 survivors. With this most recent outbreak of the Yellow Plague, over five hundred reported to the hospital before we had to close our doors. Of those 500 sick, almost 400 survived the plague. So, certainly a greater proportion of those who got sick survived, but since the number getting sick is higher, the absolute number dying may actually be higher.

Agathe: So the problem with the Yellow Plague is stopping the spread. If we can reduce the number of people catching the disease, we can probably contain it. Do we know if confinement in hospital is a sufficient measure to prevent its spread?

Hélène: Well, I didn’t experience this first-hand, but I heard from another Sister that she was able to adequately contain the outbreak in her town by forbidding travelers from entering the town once the outbreak began. One family was already sick when the town gates were closed, but they were quickly confined to hospital, and all of them survived. No one else got sick. So, it seems that the Yellow Plague can only be spread by contact with someone who’s already sick.

Marguerite: But, there were many other towns that also closed their gates. Many of them wound up with the whole town sick.

Francine: That could have just been because there were already people inside the town who were sick when the gate was shut. Maybe those towns just weren’t fast enough at identifying the sick and admitting them to hospital. The Yellow Plague often spreads too fast for us to admit the sick to hospital before they can spread the disease. [3]

Jeanne: I think Francine is right. We need to do more than just admit the sick to hospital. Could we also confine anyone who has been in contact with someone who is sick with the Yellow Plague? Admit whole households to hospitals rather than just individuals?

Marguerite: But our hospitals have already been full to the brim as it is. We don’t have space to accommodate anyone more.

Francine: Well, actually, if we can successfully stop the spread of the Yellow Plague by admitting whole households, then we might need less hospital space rather than more. 10 households still take up less space than 500 individuals.

Agathe: How about this? For the first ten cases of the Yellow Plague in a town, we confine the whole household to the hospital to attempt to stop the spread. However, once we have more than ten cases, we stop confining whole households and just confine individuals. That way we have a better chance to stop the plague before it spreads, but we don’t need to worry about filling up the hospital with healthy people.

Francine: Speaking of full hospitals, there was a point at which my hospital had to shut its doors due to lack of space. But, it caused quite a problem in the rest of the town. At that point the sick had nowhere to go, and many of the other townspeople were unwilling to share a town with the sick and risk catching the plague themselves. At first, the sick were forced out to die in the forest, but then those transporting the sick to the forest began to get sick themselves, and the remaining heathy population fled the village. By the time the sick in the hospital began to recover, there were very few left alive in the village outside.

Hélène: Could we just build bigger hospitals?

Jeanne: Size isn’t the issue. We found in our town, that once enough people were sick, Clan Mothers were happy to turn their longhouses over to us in order to expand the hospital. Many of them were even willing to turn over their food stores to feed the sick. The issue was not lack of space or lack of food, but lack of Sisters. The Sisters all got sick themselves, and we had to turn over the duty of caring for the sick to the most recently-recovered patients.

Francine: Is the Yellow Plague like the Red Plague in that once you’ve had it once, you cannot get in again? Do we know of anyone who has had the Yellow Plague twice?

[Francine looks around the room as all Sisters shake their head “no”]

Francine: Then why don’t we start issuing yellow sashes to all those who have survived the Yellow Plague. Not just Sisters, but anyone at all. And we can keep records of those who have been issued yellow sashes, so that we can call on them in times of need.

Marguerite: But, back to the space issue. Some of our hospitals are not in large towns with lots of longhouses to take over, but in tiny villages. They often serve a large network of nearby villages. For example, the village in which my hospital is located swelled to ten times its ordinary population due to the incoming patients from nearby villages.

Hélène: Well, then we just need to ensure that we build extra buildings so that those hospitals can expand in times of plague.

Marguerite: But what about food? My village doesn’t have the population to stockpile enough food to feed that many sick.

Francine: We could require that patients arriving from nearby villages bring enough food with them to last their stay in hospital.

Agathe: What? Turn sick people away if they don’t bring enough food? Francine, that’s exactly what you did when you closed your hospital’s doors, and look what happened! Our first priority must be to ensure that all the sick are welcome in hospital. Otherwise, we have no hope of stopping the spread of the plague.

Hélène: Well, what if we require those surrounding villages to turn over a portion of their harvests to the hospital to supplement its stockpile?

Jeanne: What? Like the tribute the Arkevujay collects! Isn’t that exactly what we’re fighting against??

Agathe: We aren’t fighting against anything. We are healers of the sick. Our mission is to save lives, not to end them. As Red Sisters we must stay out of politics. Our mission of universal healing can only be universal if we stay neutral. [4]

Jeanne: But still, doesn’t our mission also depend also upon us being a purely charitable organization? Isn’t it one of our principles to accept gifts but never to demand payment? By requiring villages to contribute to our food stockpiles, we’d be demanding something that should only be given voluntarily. [5]

[A loud banging sounds at the door. Marguerite gets up to open the door, and in walks Sister Isabelle wearing an Arkevujay officer’s sash over her black robe.]

Marguerite: Isabelle? What is this? Is the Arkevujay now so desperate to fight this rebellion that they’re accepting women into their ranks?

Isabelle: No. I have been tasked with delivering a message from Konta Tawinday. He originally sent a young officer to deliver the message, but of course, as a man, he was barred from entering our meeting room. So, the officer gave me a message to read and his sash as a symbol of where the message comes from.

[Isabelle takes out a letter and begins reading it]

Isabelle: To the most charitable Red Sisterhood, [Jeanne gives a smug look]

I first want to thank all of you for your dedication in fighting off this plague that has been sweeping through our lands. I want to honour those of your order who have died from the plague, and wish long life to those who are still alive. However, at the same time as you have been fighting this plague of illness, I have been fighting a different sort of plague – a plague of rebellion. Many lands over which the Arkevujay have held dominion for decades are now up in arms against us. Many have died in battles against these rebels, and even more have perished because food has been unable to reach the hungry and the sick have been unable to reach hospital.

Jeanne: [rolling her eyes] What they don’t mention is that it’s the Arkevujay who have been preventing the sick from reaching hospital by detaining travels.

Isabelle: Jeanne, please let me read. [continues reading]

While you may be thinking that this rebellion is none of your business, I would beg to differ. Our people have always had a tradition of ‘mourning wars’. When family members perish due to illness or other causes, the survivors would traditionally mark their memory by fighting wars against neighbouring villages in order to take captives and repopulate the village. While the public peace enforced by the Arkevujay means wars are no longer fought by the immediate family members of the deceased, we still believe that many individuals feel called to avenge this plague through warfare. We believe that it is this desire for vengeance that has sparked the ongoing revolts against the Arkevujay. No longer able to take out their grief on their neighbours, our people are now taking it out on the Arkevujay.

As our two struggles – your fight against the plague and our fight against the rebels – are connected, we think the solutions to the struggles may be connected as well. We could help you with your struggle as your help us with ours. Accompanying this letter is a wagon full of fur tokens, to be used to purchase supplies for the upkeep of your hospitals and the care of the sick. However, in exchange for this donation, we would ask you to publicly condemn the ‘mourning rebellions’ sparked by the plague. We would ask all of you present at the meeting today to sign the enclosed letter, and would ask you to command each and every Red Sister in each and every hospital to encourage the families of patients not to take out their grief on the Arkevujay.

Hélène: Oh my! That does make sense. This rebellion is nothing more than an expression of grief in the form of anger! Why do our people have to follow up death with killing? More death isn’t going to solve anything.

Jeanne: It’s not the rebels doing the killing! It was the Arkevujay who burned down Adewato!

Isabelle: The burning of Adewato was an accident – the Arkevujay were just trying to bring a rebellious Clan Mother to justice!

Agathe: What did we say earlier about political neutrality? Our Sisterhood is not a political organization. Please keep discussions of what happened at Adewato outside.

Francine: I’m not sure remaining apolitical is going to be easy. If we refuse the Konta’s request, they may persecute us just as they have the Magdalenes. If we accept it, we are siding with the Arkevujay.

Marguerite: Then why don’t we just accept? At least that way, we’ll get some fur tokens out of the deal. A wagon full of fur tokens must be enough to replenish our food stockpiles.

Francine: A year ago, a wagon full of fur tokens would have been enough to replenish our stockpiles. But, ever since the start of this rebellion, the Arkevujay seems to be giving out more tokens than they’re taking back in. The Arkevujay marches haven’t been paying their tribute, and there are just too many tokens floating around. Few are still accepting them as payment, and those who are asking for twice as many as they were just a few months ago. [6]

Hélène: So, maybe we could send the wagon back and ask for actual food and supplies rather than just tokens. Explain to them how worthless the tokens are these days.

Agathe: That actually sounds like a reasonably good idea. We can put together a list of which supplies need to be delivered to which hospital, and ask that all supplies are delivered before we make any public statement on their behalf. The delivery of all those supplies will take quite some time, and hopefully, by the time it’s completed, the rebellion will be over. This way we can maintain neutrality for as long as possible. [7]

Isabelle: And what if the Arkevujay refuses to give anything other than the fur tokens?

Agathe: Then they would be forcing us to take the side of the rebels. We can’t accept worthless payment.

Francine: But there’s still the issue of our people’s tendency to go to war in time of plague. I think there is a grain of truth to the Arkevujay’s statement that this rebellion has been sparked at least partly out of anger due to the deaths from the Yellow Plague…

Jeanne: I wonder how many of the Arkevujay soldiers who burned down Adewato had family members who died from the plague?

Francine: …and of course it’s not only the rebels who are experiencing this anger. Death leads to anger which leads to war which leads to more death. It’s a vicious cycle, and we need to find some way of stopping it.

Marguerite: But is that really our job?

Agathe: Our job is to prevent deaths due to the plague. Whether these deaths are due to illness, starvation, or war, anything having to do with the plague is still within our authority.

Hélène: What if we encouraged people to find some other outlet for their anger. Maybe instead of waging war, they could head out on a grand hunt instead? Rather than coming home with captives to repopulate the village, they could come home with meat to feed the sick.

Isabelle: That is a wonderful idea! Mourning hunts! But, how would we make this happen? It’s not like we have control over our patients’ families.

Francine: No, but we do have a friendly relationship with the Priests who perform the funeral services. Maybe we could convince some of them to speak out in favour of a mourning hunt? Of course we could always spread this idea ourselves within the hospital so that those who survive the plague think about it the next time they have a sick family member. [8]

Agathe: I’m sure we’ll find a number of ways to get the word out.

Marguerite: Look at the fire. It’s almost out. Should I fetch some more wood from outside?

Agathe: Actually, it’s getting quite late. Let’s retire for the night and continue tomorrow.

Footnotes:

[1] This is supposed to be a joke for the reader who is familiar with Kanatian regional stereotypes. The Amekwista Valley has always been the region where the Magdalene Church has had the strongest following, and there is a ‘Amekwista Magdalene’ stereotype that goes along with it.

[2] The Red Sisterhood, while it started out as a Christian order sponsored by the Jesuits, has attracted many non-Christians to it. Within the Arkevujay Empire, these non-Christians are required to convert before becoming members of the order. However, father West, individual Red Sisters setting up hospitals are often forced to take any help they can get, and religious matters end up taking a back seat to health care. The Jesuits were not happy about this at first but, by now, the Red Sisterhood sees itself as a sort of interfaith organization.

[3] One of the key differences between smallpox and measles is that smallpox isn’t usually contagious until after the “pimples” appear on the skin, making it clear that the patient has smallpox and not some other disease. Thus a practice of quarantine following diagnosis has worked for containing the spread of smallpox. However, measles is much more contagious, and is contagious before it is obvious than an infection is measles and not some other disease, and is thus much harder to contain.

[4] This comment is an anachronism by the playwright. The Red Sisterhood’s policy of strict political neutrality was a much later development.

[5] Another anachronism. At this point in Kanatian economic development, many trappings of the pre-Arkevujay gift economy still remain, so the distinction between a voluntary gift and a required fee (or tax) is still quite fuzzy. Once the money economy becomes more entrenched, the Red Sisterhood will adopt a policy of being a purely charitable organization, but that is still in the future at this point.

[6] As mentioned in previous updates, the fur tokens are a sort of proto-currency that the Arkevujay use to purchase food etc. Each token is stipulated as carrying the same value as a single beaver pelt, and they have value because the Arkevujay accept these tokens as a form of tribute in place of pelts. The Arkevujay has funded their war efforts by producing more and more tokens, which is starting to lead to inflation.

[7] This is a little bit of revisionism by the playwright. Historically, the Red Sisterhood did ask for supplies instead of tokens, but there is little primary evidence that this was any sort of delaying tactic. The ‘delaying tactic’ story was one spread after the Kanatian Revolution to play down the fact that the Red Sisterhood did make deals with the Arkevujay.


[8] ‘Mourning Hunts’ will become a tradition amongst the 18th and 19th-century Kanatians. However, while this idea will be promoted by the Red Sisters, there is no evidence that it originated with them.
 
This last update was to celebrate the fact that someone (@TheBatafour ) nominated this TL for a Turtledove. If anyone wants to second, I'll make the shameless plug here.

Just to let everyone know, I think it's highly unlikely that Donnacona's Dream will win this year. Last time it was nominated, it came in last place (4th out of 4 in the category). And I've done much less work on it this year than I had that last time. However, I do appreciate the nomination.

Also, I should let everyone know that even though I don't have a lot of time these days, I have been working on writing, and I do have another update and a half sitting on my hard drive waiting for a good time to update. I would like to try to get back to the one-update-a-month schedule, and I know that will be easier to manage if I always keep 1 or 2 spare updates on my hard drive ready to go.
 
Top