Italy Enters The Twentieth Century
By 1901, Crispi had been one of the most influential leaders in Italian history. Ruling the nation for decades, the strongman forcibly industrialized large swaths of the country, stemmed the tide of mass emigration from his homeland in Southern Italy, and centralized power in the once infamously decentralized peninsula. Moreover, he had forged something resembling a genuine foreign colonial empire, namely Albania, Macedonia, Libya, and Tunisia - the crown jewel of the Italian Empire. However, this came at a cost. Italian "democracy" had very little legitimacy with the actual populace. He had totally alienated the Catholic Church into being an implacable enemy of the Italian state, with peasants regularly spitting on small portraits of the King. And his brutal suppression of socialists and leftists in both Sicily (the Fasci Siciliani) and the North created a pandemic of anarchist and socialist terrorism in Italy.
Blind and dying, the leader still gave regular speeches - and it was during one speech when Gaetano Bresci, an Italian-American anarchist, shot at the Italian Prime Minister and King Umberto I - managing to wound Umberto and kill the already sickly Italian Prime Minister. The political struggle to regain control would immediately break out. Celebrations broke out among leftists in the street, further radicalizing a furious right, who saw that as a direct slander against the monarchy. Leftists and radicals in the streets of Milan broke out in protests, calling for universal suffrage. Alongside them were conservatives, who demanded rapprochement with the Catholic Church and an end to state support to the Union of Rome.
In parliamentary intrigues, Giovanni Giolitti climbed up on top and announced that widespread voting reforms had to be made. Namely, to grant at the very least the demands of universal suffrage and to return the Italian state to a position of neutrality between the Avignon Papacy and the Union of Rome. King Umberto I, still furious at the Avignon Papacy for denying his father last rites, dismissed Giolitti immediately. Giolitti refused to step down - and Italian troops under Luigi Pelloux gained the King's support when they launched a military takeover of Rome, gunning down protestors who clamored in the streets to oppose their "coup." With order restored, the King lauded Luigi Pelloux as a hero. The remaining MPs, at gunpoint, were forced to nominate Pelloux's choice as Prime Minister (it could not be himself since he did not want to appear like he was taking over in a coup). Reluctantly, the Parliament selected Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino, who was well-known in international circles and well-regarded.
However, Sonnino's responsibility would remain dominated by foreign affairs and now to a large extent economic policy. Sonnino threw himself into dramatically industrializing the underdeveloped Italian South, as massive factories popped up in Naples, Palermo, and other cities, employing thousands upon thousands of workers. Railroads in Southern Italy became as advanced as those in the North. In contrast, Pelloux's men would monopolize internal security, justice, and other domestic matters, where they continued a hard line against both conservatives and leftists. In many ways, these goals coincided, because the Italian Army forcibly broke up strikes across Italy, keeping industrial labor cheap. Literacy rates scored even as the wealth gap remained as large as ever (having massively spiked during the Crispi era).
The Sonnino-Pelloux ministry became increasingly concerned about Italy's military preparedness. For one, Italy was surrounded by enemies - namely both France (Enemy #1 due to the Avignon Papacy) and Austria-Hungary who sat on Italian lands). Although friends were located in the United Kingdom (Sonnino was both Protestant and perfectly fluent in English) and the Ottoman Empire, they were not seen as particularly reliable. Italian war strategy would naturally assume British aid. Significant expenditures were spent on fortifications in both the Alpine borders with Austria and France. Instead, the initial thrust of any Italian battle would be in North Africa.
Italian administration of North Africa contrasted remarkably in France. Whereas in France, under the cosmopolitan-traditional policies of the Bonapartist monarchy, the French had gained the support and loyalty of many of Algeria's indigenous leaders, the Italians were modernist and secular in a way that repulsed most of indigenous Muslim Berbers. As in the mainland, the Italian Army crushed all dissent with force, Moreover, Italian restrictions on Southern Italian emigration (as part of Crispi's Southern strategy), meant that many Italians needed somewhere else to go. In general, the easiest place to go was North Africa - where the Italian Army engaged in widespread land theft and expulsion against indigenous Berbers. This meant intense violence in Tunisia and Libya as Berber leaders effectively resisted Italian government and often launched devastating raids against the Italian Army. However, the violence also sparked many locals to flee to French Algeria - allowing their lands to be taken over by (not entirely willing) Italian settlers. These policies were continued under Pelloux - who considered the resulting violence actually pretty good training for his army in war.
The Italian strategy for any possible was to swarm Egypt - and try to crush the French from both sides with Ottoman aid. Luckily for the Ottomans, the Italians still recognized Egypt as Ottoman territory. Perhaps even the Ethiopians could be enticed into the war. Then with the British in Gibraltar and the Ottomans in the Suez, the Italians would be able to prevent the French from unifying their naval forces - and could crush the French Navy in the Mediterranean. What happened after wasn't that well-planned out - but the Italians presumed there would be assaults and blockades across Dalmatia and France, with a special eye towards Corsica.