Probably the freest national elections in Chinese history were the first parliamentary elections of the Chinese Republic in the winter of 1912-13. True, only property-holding literate males could vote. But "Despite the restrictions that limited the vote, these elections truly did constitute a national consultation. More than three hundred political parties and organizations took part in it. There were 40 million registered electors, twenty times as many as for the elections to the provincial assemblies in 1909. The political debate was open and free and was recorded by the press. In many respects, this poll seems to have been more democratic and more meaningful than any that followed." Marie-Claire Bergere,
Sun Yat-sen (translated from the French by Janet Lloyd), Stanford University Press, 1998, p. 226.
http://books.google.com/books?id=vh7M1u4IGFkC&pg=PA226
The clear winner of the elections was the Guomindang, a party organized by Song Jiaoren (Sung Chiao-jen)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Song_Jiaoren in August 1912 out of Sun Yat-sen's old Revolutionary Alliance and some minor parties. Song felt that only a party with a powerful, united majority in Parliament could check the ambitions of Yuan Shikai. The elections seemed to give him what he wanted: 269 GMD deputies out of a total of 423. Given the number of parties, and given how recently the GMD had been organized, this was a remarkable triumph, and Song deserves credit for it. Song kept the first two of Sun's "three principles of the people"--nationalism and democracy--but dropped the third, the "people's livelihood," which sounded too much like socialism to the merchants and gentry. (He also dropped another "radical" idea of Sun--equality of the sexes.) Song not only used the Guomindang to rally the local elites, but campaigned tirelessly himself, in his own province of Hunan and elsewhere. He attacked the policies of Yuan Shikai, whom he said was incapable either of solving China's financial problems or of preventing Russia from detaching Outer Mongolia from China. "He argued for a system of ministerial responsibility, for the election of provincial governors, and for regional autonomy. His message was well received by the elites, whose political awareness was rooted in their commitment to community interests." Bergere, p. 227.
http://books.google.com/books?id=vh7M1u4IGFkC&pg=PA227
To Song Jiaoren's demand for an all-GMD cabinet led by Song (which would in effect restrict Yuan Shikai to a figurehead role), Yuan gave his answer on March 19 1913: assassins sent by Yuan shot and killed Song at the Shanghai railroad station. (At least it seems generally assumed that Yuan was behind the assassination: the assassins were linked to his premier. It is just barely possible, however, that Yuan himself did not want Song killed.) Yuan was soon to establish a dictatorship and to attempt unsuccessfully to restore the monarchy. His death in 1916 was followed by an era when China was torn between rival warlords, with no real central government.
So the first step toward allowing democracy to establish itself in China would be to allow Song Jiaoren's experiment in parliamentary government to proceed. Unfortunately, for Yuan to accept a parliamentary democracy that would reduce him to figurehead status would be totally out of character for this veteran of the Qing court. But maybe if Yuan suddenly dies of a heart attack before he can kill Song...