UrbanRedneck
Banned
How about economic issues like the Enron scandal and the fall of the dotcom boom?
Decision Points: The Presidency of Al Gore
- Thread starter hcallega
- Start date
Chapter 3
"As our nation moves into the 21st Century, we embark on an era of peace, progress, and prosperity. We still face challenges at home and abroad. But we have never been better equipped to take them on than we are today."
President Al Gore stood on the rostrum atop the west steps of the United States Capitol. He gazed over a packed Washington Mall; a mix of loyal supporters and excited tourists. It was a chilly and rainy day in the nation's capital. Clouds covered the sky as the President-elect took the Oath of Office. He was flanked by his wife, a vibrant smile across her face. The expression on Chief Justice William Rehnquist was much more sober. He had voted to end the Florida recount just over a month earlier, and understood the new President would not look to the Court as a strong ally. But any awkwardness between two of the nation's most powerful men was quickly put aside. After taking the Oath, Gore patted Rehnquist on the back and shared a smile with the man who would have rather elevated George Bush to the Oval Office. Speaking of Bush, the Texas Governor had taken his defeat in stride. He returned to his home state and announced he would proudly serve out the last two years of his term before retiring to his ranch. Bush's father acted as the family's emissary to the new President, though he spent most of his time at the inauguration speaking with his former rival, Bill Clinton.
Gore's inaugural address was a safe appeal for bipartisanship and national unity in the aftermath of one of the closest elections in American history. He spoke of meeting tomorrow's challenges head on and urged cooperation between both parties. The speech was short on specifics and was laden with the sort of platitudes many voters were sick of. A noteworthy omission from the address was any specific mention of the past administration. Gore briefly thanked "those that came before me in this office" but failed to ever address Bill Clinton by name. The tension between the two was well known in Washington circles. While they saw eye to eye on ideological grounds, they could not be less alike in terms of personality. Clinton was gregarious and affable; the sort of person who made friends with everyone in the room. Gore was more reserved and stiff. Critics viewed him as an arrogant know-it-all who took every opportunity to give a policy lecture. But Gore's real anger towards Clinton was came over the ex-Presidents marital indiscretions. Had the Monica Lewinsky scandal never occurred, or even if Clinton had simply told his Vice-President and the nation the truth, than Gore was confident he would have easily won the White House. Instead, he had to fight tooth and nail for every last vote. Clinton's last-minute pardon of wealthy tax-evader Mark Rich has further alienated the two men. The outgoing President managed to further alienate Gore by delivering an impromptu and self-appreciating speech before boarding the plane that would take Clinton to his New York home.
But there were bigger problems for the new President than personal squabbles with his old boss. Conservative anger over the controversial electoral results followed Gore to Washington. He was forced to remain in the Presidential limo rather than walk down Pennsylvania Avenue due to angry protestors. Congressional Republicans also remained angry. They were in no rush to approve Gore's cabinet choices, conducting long and drawn-out committee hearings for each major official. The most contentious confirmation surrounded the President's nominee for Secretary of Health and Human Services, Oregon Governor John Kitzhaber. A supporter of assisted-suicide, Kitzhaber was grilled by social conservatives who sought strict assurances that his department would not act in a way that would "radically alter society's definition of human life." (Michael Enzi) While the Senate would eventually confirm all of Gore's nominees, the early partisan warfare made it clear that there would be no era of compromise anytime soon.
As President Gore settled into the Oval Office, he faced a daunting first hundred days. He was stuck between a rock and a hard place. On the one hand, Republicans controlled both houses of Congress and would block anything resembling progressive legislation. But if Gore did not act decisively and propose a clear agenda, the media would deem his first several months in office a failure. Taken along with the lingering controversy surrounding the Florida recount, the odds of a strong start for the President were slim. Nonetheless, Gore pressed on with his legislative agenda. Even if he failed to sign any major bills into law, at least he would try.
Gore's first major initiative was a $500 million tax cut targeted at the middle class. This proposal had far and away the most bipartisan support of any item on Gore's legislative agenda. The proposal did not lower rates on any tax bracket, instead providing "targeted" tax relief in the form of tax credits for daycare, childcare, after-school care, long-term care, higher education, an expansion of the earned-income tax credit, the elimination of the so-called marriage penalty, and the creation of 401(j) accounts to incentivize saving for college. These cuts were overwhelmingly popular with voters, and the President hoped to gain support from Republican members of Congress. However, it was not that easy. House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Bill Thomas was adamant in opposing any tax cut that did not also lower rates on higher earners. He moved ahead with legislation largely mirroring the tax cuts proposed by George Bush during the Presidential election. Gore responded by threatening to veto any tax cut that would "eliminate the budget surplus we have worked so hard to create while providing millions of dollars in cuts for those who don't need it." In the Senate, Finance Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley worked with Max Baucus to craft a more favorable bill that included Gore's proposals along with an expansion in the charitable deduction, the phasing-out of the estate tax, and an expansion of the research & development tax credit.
In the end of February, President Gore made his first address to a Joint Session of Congress. The focus of the speech was the tax battle. Gore’s speech went through several drafts and was largely influenced by the advice of pollster Stan Greenberg. The final version was a liberal call to arms in the face of a determined Republican opposition. Gore embraced many of the populist platitudes he had run on in the 2000 election. He opened the speech by calling on Congress to pass “bipartisan, fiscally responsible tax relief that will help millions of hard working Americans.” After making the case for his version of the bill (which received little Republican support), the President turned to the focus of his speech: attacking the Republican bill. Using strongly partisan language, Gore called the Thomas bill a “billion dollar giveaway to the wealthiest Americans. We celebrate success in America, but we must not sacrifice the prosperity of millions by erasing our budget surplus.” Gore’s vitriolic rhetoric was backed up by a call to arms: “I ask the American people: call your legislators. Tell them to oppose this irresponsible giveaway. Tell them to support common-sense tax reform.” At the end of his speech, the President threw down the gauntlet, promising to “veto any bill that busts the budget for the sake of millionaires and billionaires.” His speech drew applause from liberals, many of whom were frustrated that Gore’s first major legislative goal was a tax-cut. But conservatives used the speech as political ammunition, calling the President a “class warrior” and “populist demagogue.”
The tax debate in Congress dominated the national focus throughout the winter. House Democrats vociferously opposed Thomas's bill in committee and on the floor. The effort was led by Minority Leader Dick Gephardt, a staunch opponent of “trickle-down economics.” Gephardt characterized the Republican tax cut as “an unprecedented budget-buster of a bill.” Despite liberal opposition, the Thomas bill cleared the House by a vote of 228-199. Eleven Democrats, mostly from the South, joined a unanimous Republican Party in passing the legislation. Efforts to pass the Democratic alternative were easily defeated by House Rules Committee, who effectively prevented any debate on the matter. It was abundantly clear that any notion of a bipartisan 21st Century where ideological divisions were healed was gone.
In the Senate, Chuck Grassley and Max Baucus attempted to craft a bipartisan compromise tax cut that could pass both Houses of Congress. But after the House passed the more extensive tax cut, Majority Leader Trent Lott applied significant pressure to Grassley to include elements of the Thomas bill to his plan. Upon reluctantly doing so, most Democratic support for the bill evaporated. The Senate Finance Committee narrowly approved the proposal by an 12-10 vote, with John Breaux joining the Republican in support. The legislation then proceeded to the full Senate. Despite liberal threats at a filibuster, Minority Leader Tom Daschle agreed to let the tax cut receive an open-or-down vote. Daschle was reluctant to be seen as opposing tax relief to middle class Americans, and offered much less partisan rhetoric than Gore had. This may have been in part due to Daschle’s hope that Democrats would recapture the Senate in 2002, and sensing that the tax cut was a politically popular issue. The final vote was 55-45, with four Democrats joining every Republican besides Vermont Senator Jim Jeffords in support. The conference version, containing more of the provisions found in the House bill, passed by a smaller margin of 53-47 before reaching the President’s desk.
President Gore was faced with a difficult choice when the tax reached his desk at the end of May. The battle over the bill had been the dominant focus of his first three months in office. His budget proposal and education reform package both stalled in committee as both parties put most of their resources towards the battle to define the tax cut. Gore had attempted to shift the focus towards foreign policy, visiting Mexico, Canada, South Korea and Japan before scheduling a trip to Europe in April. Gore had also authorized the bombing of targets in Iraq as part of an effort to limit that countries military capability. Other small victories including authorizing the Treasury Department to bail-out California’s coffers after its energy crisis and authorizing the EPA to impose mandatory CO2 emission reductions on power plants. But the tax battle was the focus of the public, and Gore could not escape the issue. He had hoped his veto threat would force Congress to reach a compromise agreement. Instead, Republicans had dug in and forced the President to either veto a popular tax agreement or sign it into law, jeopardizing the solvency of the budget and the possibility of further domestic programs. After conferring with his closest advisers and Congressional Democrats, Gore announced that he would fulfill his promise and veto the Tax Relief Act of 2001. With one stroke of the pen, Al Gore knowingly unleashed a new era of partisan warfare in Washington. He only hoped that his presidency would not be a casualty.
Great Expectations
"As our nation moves into the 21st Century, we embark on an era of peace, progress, and prosperity. We still face challenges at home and abroad. But we have never been better equipped to take them on than we are today."
President Al Gore stood on the rostrum atop the west steps of the United States Capitol. He gazed over a packed Washington Mall; a mix of loyal supporters and excited tourists. It was a chilly and rainy day in the nation's capital. Clouds covered the sky as the President-elect took the Oath of Office. He was flanked by his wife, a vibrant smile across her face. The expression on Chief Justice William Rehnquist was much more sober. He had voted to end the Florida recount just over a month earlier, and understood the new President would not look to the Court as a strong ally. But any awkwardness between two of the nation's most powerful men was quickly put aside. After taking the Oath, Gore patted Rehnquist on the back and shared a smile with the man who would have rather elevated George Bush to the Oval Office. Speaking of Bush, the Texas Governor had taken his defeat in stride. He returned to his home state and announced he would proudly serve out the last two years of his term before retiring to his ranch. Bush's father acted as the family's emissary to the new President, though he spent most of his time at the inauguration speaking with his former rival, Bill Clinton.
Gore's inaugural address was a safe appeal for bipartisanship and national unity in the aftermath of one of the closest elections in American history. He spoke of meeting tomorrow's challenges head on and urged cooperation between both parties. The speech was short on specifics and was laden with the sort of platitudes many voters were sick of. A noteworthy omission from the address was any specific mention of the past administration. Gore briefly thanked "those that came before me in this office" but failed to ever address Bill Clinton by name. The tension between the two was well known in Washington circles. While they saw eye to eye on ideological grounds, they could not be less alike in terms of personality. Clinton was gregarious and affable; the sort of person who made friends with everyone in the room. Gore was more reserved and stiff. Critics viewed him as an arrogant know-it-all who took every opportunity to give a policy lecture. But Gore's real anger towards Clinton was came over the ex-Presidents marital indiscretions. Had the Monica Lewinsky scandal never occurred, or even if Clinton had simply told his Vice-President and the nation the truth, than Gore was confident he would have easily won the White House. Instead, he had to fight tooth and nail for every last vote. Clinton's last-minute pardon of wealthy tax-evader Mark Rich has further alienated the two men. The outgoing President managed to further alienate Gore by delivering an impromptu and self-appreciating speech before boarding the plane that would take Clinton to his New York home.
But there were bigger problems for the new President than personal squabbles with his old boss. Conservative anger over the controversial electoral results followed Gore to Washington. He was forced to remain in the Presidential limo rather than walk down Pennsylvania Avenue due to angry protestors. Congressional Republicans also remained angry. They were in no rush to approve Gore's cabinet choices, conducting long and drawn-out committee hearings for each major official. The most contentious confirmation surrounded the President's nominee for Secretary of Health and Human Services, Oregon Governor John Kitzhaber. A supporter of assisted-suicide, Kitzhaber was grilled by social conservatives who sought strict assurances that his department would not act in a way that would "radically alter society's definition of human life." (Michael Enzi) While the Senate would eventually confirm all of Gore's nominees, the early partisan warfare made it clear that there would be no era of compromise anytime soon.
As President Gore settled into the Oval Office, he faced a daunting first hundred days. He was stuck between a rock and a hard place. On the one hand, Republicans controlled both houses of Congress and would block anything resembling progressive legislation. But if Gore did not act decisively and propose a clear agenda, the media would deem his first several months in office a failure. Taken along with the lingering controversy surrounding the Florida recount, the odds of a strong start for the President were slim. Nonetheless, Gore pressed on with his legislative agenda. Even if he failed to sign any major bills into law, at least he would try.
Gore's first major initiative was a $500 million tax cut targeted at the middle class. This proposal had far and away the most bipartisan support of any item on Gore's legislative agenda. The proposal did not lower rates on any tax bracket, instead providing "targeted" tax relief in the form of tax credits for daycare, childcare, after-school care, long-term care, higher education, an expansion of the earned-income tax credit, the elimination of the so-called marriage penalty, and the creation of 401(j) accounts to incentivize saving for college. These cuts were overwhelmingly popular with voters, and the President hoped to gain support from Republican members of Congress. However, it was not that easy. House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Bill Thomas was adamant in opposing any tax cut that did not also lower rates on higher earners. He moved ahead with legislation largely mirroring the tax cuts proposed by George Bush during the Presidential election. Gore responded by threatening to veto any tax cut that would "eliminate the budget surplus we have worked so hard to create while providing millions of dollars in cuts for those who don't need it." In the Senate, Finance Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley worked with Max Baucus to craft a more favorable bill that included Gore's proposals along with an expansion in the charitable deduction, the phasing-out of the estate tax, and an expansion of the research & development tax credit.
In the end of February, President Gore made his first address to a Joint Session of Congress. The focus of the speech was the tax battle. Gore’s speech went through several drafts and was largely influenced by the advice of pollster Stan Greenberg. The final version was a liberal call to arms in the face of a determined Republican opposition. Gore embraced many of the populist platitudes he had run on in the 2000 election. He opened the speech by calling on Congress to pass “bipartisan, fiscally responsible tax relief that will help millions of hard working Americans.” After making the case for his version of the bill (which received little Republican support), the President turned to the focus of his speech: attacking the Republican bill. Using strongly partisan language, Gore called the Thomas bill a “billion dollar giveaway to the wealthiest Americans. We celebrate success in America, but we must not sacrifice the prosperity of millions by erasing our budget surplus.” Gore’s vitriolic rhetoric was backed up by a call to arms: “I ask the American people: call your legislators. Tell them to oppose this irresponsible giveaway. Tell them to support common-sense tax reform.” At the end of his speech, the President threw down the gauntlet, promising to “veto any bill that busts the budget for the sake of millionaires and billionaires.” His speech drew applause from liberals, many of whom were frustrated that Gore’s first major legislative goal was a tax-cut. But conservatives used the speech as political ammunition, calling the President a “class warrior” and “populist demagogue.”
The tax debate in Congress dominated the national focus throughout the winter. House Democrats vociferously opposed Thomas's bill in committee and on the floor. The effort was led by Minority Leader Dick Gephardt, a staunch opponent of “trickle-down economics.” Gephardt characterized the Republican tax cut as “an unprecedented budget-buster of a bill.” Despite liberal opposition, the Thomas bill cleared the House by a vote of 228-199. Eleven Democrats, mostly from the South, joined a unanimous Republican Party in passing the legislation. Efforts to pass the Democratic alternative were easily defeated by House Rules Committee, who effectively prevented any debate on the matter. It was abundantly clear that any notion of a bipartisan 21st Century where ideological divisions were healed was gone.
In the Senate, Chuck Grassley and Max Baucus attempted to craft a bipartisan compromise tax cut that could pass both Houses of Congress. But after the House passed the more extensive tax cut, Majority Leader Trent Lott applied significant pressure to Grassley to include elements of the Thomas bill to his plan. Upon reluctantly doing so, most Democratic support for the bill evaporated. The Senate Finance Committee narrowly approved the proposal by an 12-10 vote, with John Breaux joining the Republican in support. The legislation then proceeded to the full Senate. Despite liberal threats at a filibuster, Minority Leader Tom Daschle agreed to let the tax cut receive an open-or-down vote. Daschle was reluctant to be seen as opposing tax relief to middle class Americans, and offered much less partisan rhetoric than Gore had. This may have been in part due to Daschle’s hope that Democrats would recapture the Senate in 2002, and sensing that the tax cut was a politically popular issue. The final vote was 55-45, with four Democrats joining every Republican besides Vermont Senator Jim Jeffords in support. The conference version, containing more of the provisions found in the House bill, passed by a smaller margin of 53-47 before reaching the President’s desk.
President Gore was faced with a difficult choice when the tax reached his desk at the end of May. The battle over the bill had been the dominant focus of his first three months in office. His budget proposal and education reform package both stalled in committee as both parties put most of their resources towards the battle to define the tax cut. Gore had attempted to shift the focus towards foreign policy, visiting Mexico, Canada, South Korea and Japan before scheduling a trip to Europe in April. Gore had also authorized the bombing of targets in Iraq as part of an effort to limit that countries military capability. Other small victories including authorizing the Treasury Department to bail-out California’s coffers after its energy crisis and authorizing the EPA to impose mandatory CO2 emission reductions on power plants. But the tax battle was the focus of the public, and Gore could not escape the issue. He had hoped his veto threat would force Congress to reach a compromise agreement. Instead, Republicans had dug in and forced the President to either veto a popular tax agreement or sign it into law, jeopardizing the solvency of the budget and the possibility of further domestic programs. After conferring with his closest advisers and Congressional Democrats, Gore announced that he would fulfill his promise and veto the Tax Relief Act of 2001. With one stroke of the pen, Al Gore knowingly unleashed a new era of partisan warfare in Washington. He only hoped that his presidency would not be a casualty.
Last edited:
1) I don't think a bill of that magnitude could be ready for the president by March, probably late-April at the earliest
2) I think it's really interesting that in less than 100 days in office Gore has already used his power to veto
3) I particularly like your timeline's because you focus on a policy initiative and go into great detail - I admire the style
2) I think it's really interesting that in less than 100 days in office Gore has already used his power to veto
3) I particularly like your timeline's because you focus on a policy initiative and go into great detail - I admire the style
John Farson
Banned
I like the update. It's clear that the GOP will do all they can to make Gore a one-term president. At least they can't question his citizenship.
I think the rhetoric Gore used is bit unrealistic in it's emotional nature (rather then numbers, facts, Gore..) and a bit left for him as well, but that said, I'm really enjoying the timeline. I can't wait for September (that sounds bad but you know what I mean). I think this is coming off as very detailed and realistic and I'm liking it a great deal.
Sure. It's not a big part of the bigger narrative, so I didn't chose to include it
President: Al Gore
Vice-President: Joe Lieberman
Secretary of State: Richard Holbroke
Secretary of the Treasury: Lawrence Summers
Secretary of Defense: John Hamre
Attorney General: Jamie Gorelick
Secretary of the Interior: Gary Locke
Secretary of Agriculture: Charlie Stenholm
Secretary of Commerce: Norman Mineta
Secretary of Labor: Alexis Herman
Secretary of Health and Human Services: John Kitzhaber
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Dennis Archer
Secretary of Transportation: Steven LaTourette
Secretary of Education: Jim Hunt
Secretary of Energy: Bill Richardson
Secretary of Veterans' Affairs: Togo D. West, Jr.
Understandable. Gore is actually a pretty emotional guy in private, and I think he would take a similar rhetorical tact that Obama and Clinton have on the tax cuts.
Fair point.
John Fredrick Parker
Donor
"$500 million tax break"? "$1 billion tax giveaway to the wealthy?" I had no idea the budget would be so small potatoes...
DTanza
Banned
What matters is that it's a big sounding number you can beat the voters over the head with.
Interesting. Any ideas as to his Senior Staff (Chief of Staff, Press Secretary, NSA, Counsel, etc.) might be? If you want to do a closer look at the Gore Presidency, it might be interesting to see who his closest advisors are, and what their policies/views would be.
I do have to say that some of the rhetoric seems a bit more like 2012 than 2000, but I suppose that the verbiage/sentiment of the 2% could have been introduced into the political sphere earlier. I do like where this is going so far, and I'm looking forward to seeing what will happen in the future.
Last edited:
usertron2020
Donor
According to Alan Dershowitz, the private commission that did a nonpartisan recount of Florida's votes, in the early spring of 2001, according to the strictest standards (the standards demanded by the Republicans), Gore won by three votes.
Until Rowland heads for the pokey for his actions as governor.
Would Jodi Rell appoint herself?IIRC, Jeffords' defection was based on the GOP trying to wreck New England diary price supports. Unless Gore tries the same, he wouldn't defect.
1) It isn't. Rowland could name anyone, including himself. You have the right to remain silent...
2) See above, Gore has no reason to piss off rock solid Democratic New England.
3) Butterflies
4) Or any other era prior
5) They did. Coleen Rowley.
6) Uh, how does that help your argument?
7) Before or after he is arrested?
1) Richard Clarke, prior to 2001, was a registered Republican. (I don't know if he's since changed his party affiliation.) He was an intern for Richard Nixon, and was appointed to his first job in the Defense Department by Ronald Reagan. He then served under Reagan and the first President Bush before being kept on by Bill Clinton. Not exactly the resume of a wild-eyed lefty. (8)
2) It's a documented fact that Clarke was obsessed with Al-Qaeda as a potential threat under both Presidents Clinton and Bush. Now you might have argued that Clarke was so vociferous in his warnings about Al Qaeda that he would have been tuned out by President Gore as well -- I don't think that's true, mind you, but it's at least an argument that one might have made. (9)
Well, IOTL, none because Clarke's memo -- you know, the one entitled "Bin Laden Determined to Strike in US" -- was dismissed by Bush's national security team. (10) I think we all know how well that turned out. My argument is that Clarke wouldn't have been marginalized by a President Gore, (11) so, you know, more intel might have actually made it to the executive branch. I might suggest reading the 9/11 Commission Report as a starting point.
Well, one measurable way would be that Clarke wouldn't have been marginalized....
It's also an incredibly unlikely operation to pull off. Note that IOTL, one-fourth of 9/11 was essentially stopped by one dude in the men's room, so, you know, it's not particularly far-fetched to think that the entire U.S. Government might have stopped the other three-fourths. (12)
Oooh, fat! That's a good one.
8) I am not so sure of that. Don't forget that all it took was making a ruling that did NOT totally destroy Obamacare/Romneycare, to get John Roberts, the author of Citizens United v. FEC, on shirts declaring him to be a RINO! So, if the Right see JOHN ROBERTS as a RINO, what does that say for everyone to his left?
9) You are not being Chicken Little if the sky actually falls.
10) The W Administration had Saddam on the brain. If it wasn't about Saddam, W wasn't interested.
11) Well, since Saddam didn't try to kill Gore's daddy...
12) When you have the whole of the national security apparatus of the United States NOT focused on trying to make your own immediate family feel safer...
13) Hint: It has already started. The announcement was made on Fox & Friends by Chris Christie to Steve Doucy. During Hurricane Sandy, Doucy asked a very exhausted Governor Christie if, since President Obama might make visits to the affected areas of the storm, and could gain political advantage from such visits, whether he (Christie) was going to be having Mitt Romney make some visits in his state.
I think Doucy was lucky that Christie was elsewhere (in a disaster relief/communications center IIRC), so the good governor couldn't reach over and throttle that [obscene gerund][anatomically explicit epithet]. His response was simple. He was concerned for his own people in this terrible disaster where so many hundreds of thousands of people had suffered flooding and power outages. He had absolutely no concern for political matters at a time like this. If looks could kill... I'd never seen him look so statesman like.
If a Republican is ready to say all that to Fixed News, and so soon to Election Day... Yeah, I take that as an announcement of an intention to run.14) As long as it is directed at Saddam.
15) Better proof. Gary Trudeau has hated him forever.
16) No. Too much $$$ in the GOP from polluters. The only reason they are not worse is because of $$$ from the tourist industry.
Great ExpectationsClouds covered the sky as the President-elect took the Oath of Office. He was flanked by his wife, a vibrant smile across her face. The expression on Chief Justice William Rehnquist was much more sober. (17) He had voted to end the Florida recount just over a month earlier, and understood the new President would not look to the Court as a strong ally. (18)
17) Shouldn't that be somber?
18) Well, OTL O'Connor stayed on the Court due to the stigma of her vote on Bush v. Gore. So I suspect as OTL she will do the same, and Rehnquist will die in office in 2005. No SCOTUS pickups for Gore. In fact, he'd need to be re-elected just to replace Rehnquist, and O'Connor will probably hang on (she's still alive at 82) for a Republican replacement.
But if Gore WERE re-elected (by the grace of Usama Bin Laden and no Iraq War?), with Rehnquist's death (by natural causes) it would mean the critical Fifth Vote for the Liberal Wing of SCOTUS would finally be back in their hands again since the early days of the Nixon Administration.
Ta-Ta Citizens United?IDK what the OP has in store, but what an explosion in the Senate that confirmation process would be.
Last edited:
Until Rowland heads for the pokey for his actions as governor.
We're about five years off from any inappropriate conduct by Rowland so Rowland would definitely be the one filling the seat. The highest possibilities are Rell, Nancy Johnson, and Chris Shays with Rowland himself and Rob Simmons also having a chance. I'd say Shays or Johnson are the best chances as they're both incumbent Congressmen and could easily win reelection on a statewide level if given the advantage of incumbency.
I was briefing myself on some of Gore's policy positions and opinions after reading the back and forth between updates (so as to be an informed contributor myself ) and came upon this from On The Issues (the info provided is both pre-2000 and post 2000): http://www.ontheissues.org/celeb/Al_Gore_Government_Reform.htm I hope you find a few tidbits of useful information there.
Also, even though this is a story about Al Gore's presidency, please over time include updates on Tipper Gore's work on mental & physical health issues (depression, homelessness, AIDS, violence, fitness and etc.)
) and came upon this from On The Issues (the info provided is both pre-2000 and post 2000): http://www.ontheissues.org/celeb/Al_Gore_Government_Reform.htm I hope you find a few tidbits of useful information there.Also, even though this is a story about Al Gore's presidency, please over time include updates on Tipper Gore's work on mental & physical health issues (depression, homelessness, AIDS, violence, fitness and etc.)
Great feedback. I edited the most recent post in reflection of what I agreed was too short a debate over the tax cut, and toned down Gore's rhetoric (focusing it on fiscal responsibility, not fairness.) For those debating Gov. Rowland's appointment, he chose Waterbury Mayor and Lieberman's 2000 challenger, Philip Giordano. However, Giordano was forced to step down in May due to an FBI investigation about prostitution. He was then replaced by Lieutenant Governor M. Jodi Rell. This isn't crucial at all to the narrative, but I think it adds some degree of plausible controversy to the timeline.
Here are Gore's top White House staff:
-Chief of Staff: Ron Klain
-Domestic Policy Adviser: Elaine Kamarck
-National Security Adviser: Leon Furth
-White House Press Secretary: Chris Lehane
Finally, the debate over 9/11 is just gonna have to wait.
Here are Gore's top White House staff:
-Chief of Staff: Ron Klain
-Domestic Policy Adviser: Elaine Kamarck
-National Security Adviser: Leon Furth
-White House Press Secretary: Chris Lehane
Finally, the debate over 9/11 is just gonna have to wait.
usertron2020
Donor
Outstanding choice. She was a VERY popular governor in her two terms as governor, and would have been one of the last surviving progressive Republicans left in DC. Whether she would have survived the 2000s, IDK. Up to you, Good Luck!