Discussion in 'Alternate History Discussion: Before 1900' started by Schnozzberry, Jan 26, 2017.
May the Crown of Saint Stephen be born anew upon a Magyar king!
I hope so too, but I also want Republican Austria to be a great power. Though it could probably pull that off with just Bohemia and Austria Proper...
I just hope there’s no Austrian jacobins.
Spoiler: Whenever I say an update is coming soon:
But, the update is done, a day late. The biggest problem I had was that I kinda had to trim it down a bit, in its current form it is still the longest update yet, but it was even longer and it was to the point that I just had to cut it for time and send a good chunk of it to the next update. If that's why this update seems kinda choppy, that's the exact reason why.
But, first, I should respond to comments.
As much as I would love to make Ergot be responsible for the Austrian Revolution, that seems just a bit too much.
Hungary won't be willingly joining the Revolution with Austria, but an independent Kingdom on the border with a revolutionary state might be in a spot of danger.
Well, I don't think that could ever happen. As long as a Habsburg breathes, Hungary is doomed to be ruled by either them or no King at all.
Don't worry, we don't have Jacobins. We have something far worse: The Schottes.
“Little by little, the old world crumbled, and not once did the king imagine that some of the pieces might fall on him.”
Depending on the country you are born in, the meaning of colours in politics varies greatly. The colour red, for example, is associated with Rot politics here in the UWCR, but in France and Spain, red is the colour of the Rouge politics. Of course, the terms Rot and Rouge themselves also mean red, each term being lifted from their French and German origins respectively, so in some ways red represents the whole political spectrum in English. This is a direct result of turbulent end of the Eighteenth century…
--Professor Nathaniel Smit
As the Duc de Broglie and the Conseillères army beat their retreat back south, the Comte de Custine and the loyalist army hounded them every mile, rarely being drawn out into open battle. When the loyalists did wage proper battle with the Conseillères, it was a victory for the loyalists every time. However, even as the Conseillères suffered defeats in the second Battle of Troyes as well as at Montbard, Beaunne and Tournus, the Conseillères were able to slowly reinforce their army as they approached their de facto capital in Lyon, and on May 16th they were able to hold against the loyalists in the Battle of Saint-Oyen (which actually took place in the nearby town of Mercey), albeit with severe losses.
With both the Loyalist and Conseillères’ main assaults on each other stalling, the war on the western coast of France began to grow in prominence. France’s west coast was held less firmly by both Paris and Lyon than the center and, outside of the northwest where the Breton revolt was underway, had managed to stay relatively neutral in the civil war. This peace was not to last forever as the Conseillères fell back, the Pretender Louis Philippe managed to wrest total control over the Conseil and prepared to launch a new campaign on the western coast. In contrast to the Conseil’s plan to achieve total victory over the loyalists in a decisive military action, Louis Philippe planned to secure international support for his regime and planned to secure a decisive victory in the west to serve as a sign to the foreign powers that the Conseillères could see victory.
Unfortunately for both the loyalists and the Conseillères, the Catholic church’s public break with the Bourbon regime in Paris provoked the people of the western coast of France, particularly within the province of Poitou. While the province was ostensibly under the control of Paris, a number of Poitevin ultracatholics had risen in a petite-guerre uprising. The revolt was perceived by the loyalists to be a minor affair in comparison to the neighboring Breton revolt, the Conseillères intended to exploit this to the fullest as the largest number of petite-guerre rebels in the province had formed the pro-Conseillères Catholic and Royal Army of Poitou. Largely unknown to both the Conseillères and loyalists however, a section of the Poitevin petite-guerre rebels were even more ultracatholic and had formed a separate rebel group, the Most Catholic and Christian Army of the Poitou which rejected both Kings.
Throughout the remainder of May, June and July, Louis Philippe oversaw the formation of the army to take the west coast, a process that went relatively smoothly. However, as the army was on the verge of departing, the Conseil stuck its nose into the whole affair and forced Louis Philippe to accept André Boniface Louis Riqueti de Mirabeau as commander of the army. Mirabeau had some experience, having served as a colonel in the American Revolutionary War, but was a political choice as Mirabeau was an extreme conservative. This move by the Conseil didn’t doom the coastal campaign from the start but it was a certain hindrance to the campaign when it got underway on August 6th.
The coastal campaign saw tremendous success throughout August, driving up the French coast swiftly. During this time, Conseillères diplomats began to reach out to Europe, attempting to achieve recognition of Louis Philippe's Kingship and foreign allies to help in the fight. Furthermore, Conseillères went out to try to secure control in France’s colonies in the hopes of securing their economy. The Conseillères saw no success in their diplomatic effects, being met with cold, pragmatic neutrality from Prussia, overt hostility from Spain, Portugal and Austria, and total dismissal by Great Britain. While both Spain and Austria rejected the Conseillères due to dynastic affairs, the general sentiment towards the Conseillères was that they were legacies of Europe’s Medieval past.
...the reactionary diplomats were simply ignored by the Court of St. James, which led to the papers in London mocking the “Rogue Rouges of France.” The Morning Herald was the first known source of the term being used to describe non-French reactionaries when the Herald referred to the supporters of William Pitt the Younger as “Britain’s own Rouges...”
--Professor Nathaniel Smit
As the Conseillères Army approached province of Poitou, the Catholic and Royal Army rose up en masse, seizing the coastal city of La Rochelle (which wasn’t actually in Poitou) on September 9th. Two days later, a triumphant Mirabeau and his army paraded into the city amidst cheers of the townsfolk. Unfortunately for Mirabeau and the Conseillères, their entry into Poitou set scores upon scores of men flocking into the ranks of the Most Catholic and Christian Army (MCCA) as the Poitevin people sought to drive the war away from their lands. On September 16th, the MCCA attacked and seized the capital of the province, Poitiers. While the Poitevin people might have wanted the war away from their homes, this action plunged the formerly peaceful province into war.
In Paris, the news of the Conseillères advance up the coast prompted frustration from King Louis and the Estates-General. While the loyalists were in the process of raising their own army to counter the Mirabeau, Brigadier General Joseph Marie Servan de Gerbey proposed a plan to Premier Joseph Guillotin in the hopes of advancing his own military career. Servan’s Plan was to supply the MCCA in order to bog down the Conseillères in Poitou and instead of having the army that was being assembled fight in the west, they would instead reinforce Comte de Custine in the south. After the Battle of Saint-Oyen, Custine had advanced only slightly further, having been forced to lay siege to the Conseillères who were fortified in the city of Mâcon. Servan proposed that the extra troops, along with the extra supply and cannon would allow Custine to break the Conseillères and make the final push for Lyon to end the war. While the idea of supplying a petite-guerre group that was actively fighting against your government seems quite insane, the MCCA was poorly understood in Paris at the time. Servan proposed his plan before September 16th, and prior to the MCCA’s seizure of Poitiers, the MCCA had predominantly fought against the Conseillères and the Catholic and Royal Army, so the loyalists assumed the MCCA was an anti-Conseillères petite-guerre rebel group akin to the other similar groups in the south.
The Plan was approved by the Premier and King Louis. Servan was put in command of the reinforcements and departed the day before the MCCA’s seizure of Poitiers. Eleven days later, on September 26th, the news of the seizure of Poitiers reached Paris. Parisians and many in the Estates-General cried for blood, accusing Servan of being a traitor which ultimately led to Servan being recalled to Paris and sacked, but the reinforcements weren’t recalled; a quick capture of Lyon would allow for the full might of the French army to be used to suppress the rebellious Poitevin and Bretons.
On October 7th, the reinforced loyalists would attack Mâcon and successfully push the Conseillères out of the city which gave hope to the loyalists that the war could be over by Christmas. As the loyalists would soon find out however, despite Lyon lacking much in the way of defensive arrangements, Lyon was going to be an extremely tough nut to crack, and the Duc de Broglie wasn’t going to let the city fall easily. Retreating swiftly, the Duc managed to save the bulk of his army for what seemed to be the ultimate battle of the war.
The day before the Battle of Lyon, Custine addressed his troops, reminding them that this was the last hurdle before victory, commanding his troops to fight for their Country, their God, their King. Broglie too addressed his troops, commanding his soldiers to hold the city for their Country, their God, their Country. The battle itself became a tangle of street to street fighting even as the Lyonnais Provost of the Merchants (de facto Mayor) Louis Tolozan de Montfort attempted to surrender the city to the loyalists. For nine hours, the fighting would devastate the city as the Conseillères and quite a few Lyonnais citizens fought tooth and nail to hold back the loyalists. However, for as hard as the Conseillères fought, Lyon fell. King Louis Phillippe and the Conseil would flee south for Marseilles. Lyon itself was heavily damaged from the war, multiple fires broke out during the fighting which would rage for three days, eventually destroying sixty percent of the city.
Lyon’s fall didn’t mark the end of the Conseillères as the loyalists had hoped, and with the petite-guerre fighting in the northwest threatening to spread into Normandy, Anjou and Maine were the war to continue to drag on, King Louis began to make peace overtures with the Conseillères. Fortunately for him, King Louis Philippe was perfectly willing to consider a negotiated peace as it had become apparent that the Conseillères could no longer win the war. Thus, on February 14th, 1790, in the town of Vichy, an uneasy peace was established. The region still controlled by the Conseillères, sans the western coast, would be reorganized into the Grand Duchy of Septimania and would continue to be ruled by Louis Philippe who in turn had to swear allegiance to King Louis. It was generally understood by both the new Grand Duc and King Louis that this peace was little more than a glorified ceasefire as its conditions were unacceptable to either side. Indeed, it was less than a week after the Peace of Vichy when French diplomats were sent to Spain to attempt to secure support for when the war against the Conseillères resumed.
...ultimately, outside of producing a political term, the Conseillères didn’t have that large of an impact on the world outside of France. This is in contrast with the origin of the political usage of Rot, the most unlikely event of the 18th century: the Austrian Revolution. Now, the Revolution has its roots in the ideas of the Enlightenment and the general growing unrest in Europe during the late 1700s, but many of the direct events which triggered the Revolution lay at the feet of one man: Holy Roman Emperor, Joseph II.
Emperor Joseph’s policies provoked resentment and anger amongst both the people he governed, his armies and foreign powers. Austria’s entry into the Great Dutch War led to Austria failing to assist Russia in their war against the Turkish Empire, which prompted Russia to launch a retaliatory invasion over Austria’s “betrayal” after Russia lost to Turkey in 1789. Language reforms launched by Joseph stoked anger in the Austrian Netherlands and Hungary which prompted the Austrian Netherlands to revolt in 1787, and Hungary to revolt when Russia invaded in 1790. His military policies led to his armies to suffer terrible casualties as a result of disease, and military spending and shakedowns of the peasantry for foodstuffs for the army toppled the people’s faith in Joseph. Thus, it is hardly surprising that when the army mutinied against the Emperor on July 4th, 1790, Lieutenant Colonel Johann Freiherr von Hiller was able overthrow Emperor Joseph with little resistance and set into motion a chain of events that would reshape Europe forever.
Of course, this is a good review of the early Austrian Revolution and all, but how does it relate to how Rot became a political term? Well, once von Hiller showed the people that overthrowing the government wouldn’t end the world, the people decided to overthrow him. In the chaos, the Schotte Society seized power and the supporters of the Schottes wore red caps, or Rote Mützen which led to London papers lambasting them as “Rotten Mutts” or “Rot Mutts.” Eventually, just as the supporters of William Pitt were “Britain’s own Rogue Rouges,” supporters of Charles James Fox became known as “Britain’s own Rot Mutts...”
--Professor Nathaniel Smit
Great to see another update! How do the Americans react to the events happening in France? Considering their king and the details of the situation leading up to it, I’m willing to believe they have a greater interest in it.
Also, you forgot to threadmark the update.
1790 is before the 2nd or 3rd Partitions of Poland, so Russia must march through the PLC to reach Hungary. Repelling the Russians, meanwhile, would require the mass-conscript armies of Schottist Austria to make at least minimal incursions into Lublin or present-day Western Ukraine.
The Deluge is going to seem a drizzle indeed.
This timeline is getting dark and I am loving it. Is it just me or does anarchism seem like it will become bigger in this TL. Also will most countries still be monarchies by present day, or will some Republics form?
Separate names with a comma.