Czechoslovakia: The Failure of Partition in Bohemia and the rise of Slovak nationalism Although many would argue that the German government's annexation of the Sudeten, as well as their claims on Austria, were the realization of long held and widely shared aspirations on the part of the German people, and hence were less than important when post-war reorganization of Europe would occur. However, this was not so. After the Regensburg Declaration, declared from the town where the National Socialist Republic had made it's final stand in 1934, it became abundantly clear that the Germans of the Sudeten, were well at home within their own nation. Although autonomy for the regions held by Germans was long sought, the failure of the German Revolt in 1932 had scarred the populace of it's nationalist identification, and between 1940 and the start of the Second World War, only 35% of self identifying Germans within Czechoslovakia supported Pan-German aspirations. There were still gripes with the singular nature of Czechoslovakian policy, on the racial identity of its citizens, but the stigma that had left both societies segregated had largely dissipated, leaving only a vocally abhorrent conservative minority, raging against the largely middle class and adapting Czechoslovakian German citizenry. Many in the Germanist faction would argue that this was achieved through indoctrination, however it is far more simple than that. Where as Germany, Italy, and the rest of Europe sought to carve out empires and deal with nationalist squabbling, Czechoslovakia remained an independent middleman handling trade between opposing sides, and producing arms and machines to sell to all parties. Czech and German businessmen became steadily allied over the years, and although Slovakia remained mired in backwater poverty, Bohemia became a rich and steady environment, producing large families and a better standard of living than most of it's neighbors, bar Germany. Until the Konigsberg Accords were signed by France, Germany and the Soviet Union, the Czechoslovak government had no cause to join the entanglements of political allies, having a large and well prepared enough army to last most entanglements. Although they would join the Rome Pact in 1969, it was known to be a reluctant move on the part of the government. When the war began in 1975, the Czechoslovaks assumed that their mountains and armor would keep them from facing certain doom, but were shocked, when the reformed German military launched across the border, lacking the clannish rivalries and tactical disagreements of the previous German wars. Under the complete command of Ehrhard Wulle, second only to the advisory role of President Holzknecht, the German air, army and mechanized cavalry were able to grind their way through the smaller Cezchoslovakian host, aided by a lack of Italian support, and terrorist subversion on the party of the German National Peoples Party, DNVP, based on the party of the old Deutschesstaat but a successor to both the German National Socialist Party and the German Workers Party, and their Volkssport militia, who engaged in brutal tactics against the Czechoslovakian police and war effort, by targeting industrial centers and government buildings. The war also saw a new front of extermination against the civilian populace, with jets bombing civilian centers into dust, leaving chaos in there wake. With the front in Austria rapidly deteriorating and the Germans on the march, the Czechoslovak government realized that they were losing the war because of an inability to strike at the German heartland. From the start of hostilities in April to the capture of Prague in September of 1975, the Czechoslovak Air Force was able to extend bombing raids into Germany only in the slightest, being largely sued to attack German positions in the Sudetenland, while German raids left Prague a rubbled mess by the time the invaders arrived fresh from their success in Austria, where the Imperial government had fled the capital for the relative safety of Klagenfurt. When Germans entered the city and fighting began in earnest, the battle was brutal, as the center collapsed forcing a battle plan that gave the Germans ample time to pacify a rather viciously fervent region. President Benes refused to leave his people, and sent the Czechoslovak high command to lead the resistance, although most were captured by German forces. With nowhere to turn, President signed the Treaty of Prague, giving Germany the Sudetenland and Silesia, dissipating the Czechslovak Republic and founding the Bohemian Federation and the Slovak Republic. In Prague, the new Bohemian government was a fraud, completely under the whim of German occupation forces, wherein mass murders were committed as social justice for crimes against the German people, even though this included hundreds of thousands of Sudeten Germans who supported the government, and who would later go on to aid the government in it's return to power. However, in Bratislava, the news was received gladly. The Slovaks had long been disenfranchised and in the view of the Slovak people, the yoke of the Czech was over, if only to be replaced by that of Germany, but independence was a satisfactory compromise in most eyes. As October began, the Germans still had to fight remaining loyalists in Moravia, as well as the active resistance of Bohemia, allowing for a Slovak government to be formed. However, before any session of parliament could be held, they faced an invasion from Hungary. Hungary had recently sacrificed hard fought gains in Romania to Iancu Serban, to both guarantee neutrality, and focus on a small scale annexation of territory in Slovakia, claiming it as the Feldviek. With the armed forces in disarray, Hungary was able to swarm over the Slovak border, ostensibly to guard against German occupation of Slovakia, but also to achieve their nationalist ideals. The Slovak government and people were enraged, and began a large scale guerrilla conflict against their occupiers, aiding German forces upon their entry into Slovakia in 1976.